L’objectif de ce mémoire est double : mesurer et expliquer l’éloignement apparent entre les associations de lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles et l’État français, et participer au débat, plus large, sur le concept d’institutionnalisation des mouvements sociaux. Depuis une dizaine d’années, en France, les prises de position gouvernementales vont dans le sens d’une plus grande importance donnée à la lutte contre les violences de genre, à travers, entre autres, le développement d’un arsenal législatif conséquent, la mise en place de stratégies et de plans interministériels, ou encore l’attribution du label « grande cause nationale » à cet enjeu. Pour autant, le manque de transparence et l’insuffisance des moyens déployés sont inlassablement décriés par une pluralité d’actrices et d’acteurs, à la fois au sein et en dehors des institutions. En mobilisant des données budgétaires et financières couplées à des entrevues auprès de représentantes associatives et institutionnelles, il s’agit donc d’analyser les liens contemporains entre les différents paliers de l’administration et deux associations historiques, le Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol et la Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes. / The aim of this thesis is twofold. First, to measure and explain the apparent distance between associations fighting against sexist and sexual violence and the French state. Second, to participate in the wider debate on the concept of institutionalisation of social movements. For the past ten years or so, government positions have been moving in the direction of a greater importance given to the fight against gender based violence, mainly through the development of a substantial legislative arsenal, the implementation of interministerial strategies and plans, and the awarding of the label 'major national cause' to the issue. However, the lack of transparency and the inadequacy of the resources used are constantly being criticized by several actors, both within and outside institutions. By mobilizing budgetary and financial data combined with interviews with associative and institutional representatives, the objective is to analyse the contemporary links between the different levels of the French administration and two historical associations, namely the Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol and the Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes.

Thesis (M.A. (Clinical Psychology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Gender-based violence (GBV) has become a global epidemic and it affects those who are most vulnerable in society, predominantly women and children. Several causal factors have been identified, which include gender norms, socioeconomic inequalities, and South Africa’s violent history. There are many organisations (governmental and non-governmental) that are committed to reducing GBV. However, even with many interventions in place, the prevalence of GBV in South Africa keeps on rising. A qualitative approach was adopted to explore the perceptions of 3rd year psychology students at the University of Limpopo regarding the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. The study used two theoretical frameworks, namely, Social Learning Theory and Feminist Theory. Purposive sampling was used to draw a sample of 16 students (10 females, and 6 males), and the data was analysed using a Thematic Analysis (TA) approach. Three major themes and five subthemes emerged from the analysis, which was supported by existing findings. The themes were identified as GBV prevention campaigns, GBV and government interventions, and GBV knowledge and perceptions. The results of the study found that students had an adequate understanding of GBV prevention campaigns. Their understanding informed their perceptions, which leaned towards supporting the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. Their perceptions were geared towards a multi-gender approach aimed at increasing awareness, protecting the rights of GBV victims and demanding justice for them. Furthermore, a multi-gender approach was seen as a silver bullet to championing the fight against GBV and stressing the impact that the inclusion of men will have in lowering GBV cases. The current GBV prevention campaigns (both at government and non-governmental levels) were seen as not effective enough in the eradication of GBV. Therefore, a call for a multi-gender approach to GBV prevention campaigns at all societal levels was emphasised. Community-based initiatives (i.e., social organisations) in GBV prevention campaigns were also seen as crucial in the eradication of GBV. / HWSETA ( Health and welfare Sector for Education and Training Authority)

L’image positive du sugar dating sur les médias sociaux suscite des inquiétudes : plusieurs femmes pourraient y adhérer avec des attentes qui ne reflètent pas la réalité. Néanmoins, la stigmatisation associée à cette pratique les incite ensuite à cacher leurs activités, augmentant leur vulnérabilité face à la victimisation et compliquant l’étude de cette population. Devant ce défi, des chercheurs se sont penchés sur l’analyse des sites de rencontre. Or, leurs approches restent souvent superficielles, se limitant à l’étude de profil ou la classification des arrangements. En dépit de quelques recherches exploratoires, l’expérience des sugar babies reste peu étudiée et plusieurs aspects demeurent méconnus. Dans ce contexte, ce mémoire vise approfondir la compréhension de l’expérience des sugar babies dans le monde du sugar dating. Guidée par une perspective de criminologie féministe, cette étude présuppose l’influence du système de genre sur le choix de partenaire et sur la dynamique de ces relations. Par une approche qualitative, nous cherchons à comprendre leurs motivations, le déroulement de leurs relations et leurs victimisations. Afin de pallier les difficultés de recrutement, une analyse de contenu de 381 fils de discussion et leurs 3 978 commentaires issus d’un forum populaire a été menée avec la méthode systématique de Krippendorff. En effet, face à la stigmatisation, les forums en ligne sont devenus des espaces où les sugar babies échangent sur leurs expériences, partagent des conseils et trouvent du soutien. Ainsi, nous avons pu accéder à leurs expériences subjectives, offrant ainsi une exploration approfondie et nuancée de leurs réalités. Leurs témoignages révèlent des motivations variées : financières, mentorales, relationnelles, et la quête de sensations fortes. Elles décrivent également la progression de leurs relations, qui débute par une recherche de partenaires en ligne, suivi d’une première rencontre où l’arrangement est négocié. Le deuxième rendez-vous est consacré à vérifier leur compatibilité sexuelle. Si celle-ci est concluante, l’arrangement se poursuit. Leur expérience est ponctuée de divers risques de victimisation : sexuels, économiques, psychologiques, physiques et secondaires. Afin de mieux cerner la complexité du sugar dating, nous proposons une réflexion qui s’articule autour de quatre axes : interdépendances, dynamique de pouvoir, normes et authenticité. / The positive portrayal of sugar dating on social media raises concerns: many women might be drawn to it with expectations that don’t align with reality. Nonetheless, the stigma attached to this practice often prompts them to conceal their activities, heightening their vulnerability to victimization and making the study of this population challenging. Faced with this challenge, researchers have delved into the analysis of dating websites. Yet, their approaches are frequently superficial, limited to profiling or categorizing arrangements. Despite a few exploratory studies, the experience of sugar babies remains under-researched, and many facets are still unknown. In this context, this thesis seeks to deepen the understanding of sugar babies’ experiences in the world of sugar dating. Guided by a feminist criminology perspective, this study assumes that the gender system influences partner choice and the dynamics of these relationships. Employing a qualitative approach, we aim to understand their motivations, the evolution of their relationships, and their experiences with victimization. To circumvent recruitment challenges, we conducted a content analysis of 381 discussion threads and their 3,978 comments from a popular forum using Krippendorff’s systematic method. Indeed, given the stigma, online forums have emerged as spaces where sugar babies discuss their experiences, share advice, and seek support. This allowed us to tap into their subjective experiences, offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of their realities. Their testimonies reveal a range of motivations: financial, mentoring, relational, and thrills. They also describe the progression of their relationships, starting with an online partner search, followed by an initial meeting where the arrangement is negotiated. The second meeting is dedicated to verifying sexual compatibility. If so, the arrangement continues. Their experience is marked by various victimization risks: sexual, economic, psychological, physical, and secondary. To better grasp the subtleties of sugar dating, we propose a reflection centred around four axes: interdependencies, power dynamics, norms, and authenticity.

Conflicts have been present in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for many decades. The demand for the country's natural resources in combination with unstable state power and the presence of armed groups are the reasons why sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has continued to petrify the local communities. It is used as a systematic weapon to terrorize, humiliate, and intimidate civilians and to destroy communities and families. The aim of this study is thus to investigate the conditions for reproduction of SGBV in DRC as well as its individual and structural consequences. The results of this literature study are analyzed based on the following theoretical approaches: doing gender, toxic masculinity and “the established and the outsiders”. The study, with an integrative approach, shows that there are numerous consequences both for the women and the society, including for example fistulas, gunshot wounds, death, anxiety, depression, rejection, and stigmatization. The results also show that the efficiency depends, among other things, on how culturally integrated the sexual violence is and that it is allowed to reproduce due to gender norms. The violence has unifying effects on members of the armed groups where hypermasculine characteristics are rewarded. Overall, it can be stated that the situation is complex and SGBV is a destructive element in the conflict. The violence is a consequence of prevailing structures while contributing to their maintenance. The study therefore contributes with knowledge about the driving factors behind sexual violence in war and shows the importance of gender norms in its reproduction. / I östra Demokratiska republiken Kongo (DRK) har konflikter varit närvarande i många decennier. Konflikten om landets naturresurser, i kombination med en instabil statsmakt och närvaron av beväpnade grupper är anledningen till att användandet av sexuellt våld fortsatt lamslå lokalsamhällen. Det används som ett systematiskt vapen för att terrorisera, förödmjuka och skrämma civila och för att splittra samhällen och familjer. Syftet med studien är att förstå och förklara vilka faktorer som reproducerar brukandet av sexuellt våld som ett vapen i krig samt dess individuella och strukturella konsekvenser. Detta görs genom en litteraturstudie och resultaten analyseras utifrån följande teoretiska begrepp: att göra kön, toxisk maskulinitet samt etablerade och outsiders. Litteraturstudien, som har ett integrativt förhållningssätt, visar att det finns många konsekvenser både för kvinnor och samhället: fistlar, skottskador, död, ångest, depression, exkludering och stigmatisering är några exempel. Resultaten visar också att effektiviteten bland annat beror på att det sexuella våldet är djupt rotat i kulturen i DRK och reproduceras av rådande könsnormer. Våldet har förenande effekter på medlemmar av de beväpnade grupperna där hypermaskulina egenskaper premieras. Sammantaget kan det konstateras att situationen är komplex och det sexuella våldet är ett mycket destruktivt inslag i konflikten. Våldet är en konsekvens av rådande strukturer samtidigt som det bidrar till upprätthållandet av dem. Studien bidrar därför med kunskap om de drivande faktorerna bakom sexuellt våld i krig samt visar på könsnormers betydelse för reproduktionen av det.

This thesis examines how women's participation in peace negotiations impacts the gender inclusivity of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, and Colombia. It explores whether higher degrees of women's involvement led to more gender-inclusive TRCs, hypothesising that increased participation results in better integration of gender considerations. Using secondary data and primary interviews from Colombia, the study highlights political pressure as a key causal mechanism. Findings reveal that in Côte d'Ivoire, significant grassroots activism by women without formal negotiation roles led to moderate gender inclusivity in the TRC. In Liberia, limited formal participation in peace negotiations, combined with strong grassroots advocacy and post-conflict decision-making roles for women, resulted in a highly gender-inclusive TRC. In Colombia, women's formal involvement in peace negotiations, alongside continuous advocacy by women’s organisations, led to over 100 gender-specific provisions in the peace agreement, fostering a robust gender-inclusive TRC. These results partially support the hypothesis, showing that higher women's participation generally leads to more gender-inclusive TRCs. The research underscores the importance of institutionalising gender perspectives, leveraging political pressure, and ensuring international support to achieve inclusive and sustainable peace processes. It offers practical insights for enhancing gender inclusivity in transitional justice mechanisms like TRCs.

No description available.

Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The human security concept challenges the traditional view of state security. The very essence of human security means to respect human rights. The Commission on Human Security did not focus on women as a special area of concern in the 1994 Human Development Report. The report does not recognise that being subject to gender hierarchies increases women’s insecurity and that women experience human security differently from men and shows that the human security concept does not include gender based violence (GBV) because there is no specific attention paid to issues that predominantly pertain to women. This study is conducted from a feminist perspective. It is reflexive research and based on standpoint theory. The data is gathered through analysis of secondary data and primary data, collected through interviews. GBV in South Africa tends to be continuous and the perpetrator is most likely to be a spouse or partner. Studies show that women are seen as being dependent on and weaker than men. Many men view women’s rights legislation as a challenge to the legitimacy of men’s authority over women. Women who try to be more independent in their relationships are regarded as threats and violence against them becomes a way for men to show control. The criminal justice system in South Africa has made progress in protecting women from GBV but myths, stereotypes and social conventions still prevent women from receiving justice. Traditionally, the state regards what happens in the private sphere as outside its responsibility. The public/private dichotomy challenges state regulations and norms which is evident in the case of domestic violence. It is often argued that GBV has remained imperceptible because it takes place in the private sphere. However, this research indicates that due to the socio-economic situation in South Africa, the abuse is often publicly known by those in the immediate environment as people live in informal housing. This research shows that a human security framework that targets GBV has to be developed for those who bear its consequences. When women are not viewed as subjects, issues that mainly affect them remain invisible. It is necessary that analysis of human insecurity starts from the conditions of women’s lives. Many women in South Africa live highly traumatic lives. Fighting GBV requires that we know the victims of GBV and let them decide what they need to feel secure. Creating human security requires that other threats which contribute to GBV, such as poverty, gender stereotypes and prejudice are also addressed. GBV has become an epidemic in South Africa and is a permanent constraint in women’s lives and impacts society as a whole. The security of the state rest on the security of women and as long as the state fails to treat GBV as a serious crime and protect women the state is more likely to use violence on a larger scale against its citizens. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Menslike Veiligheidskonsept daag die tradisionele siening van staatsveiligheid uit: die kerbetekenis van Menslike Veiligheid is om menseregte te respekteer. Die Kommissie op Menslike Veiligheid het nie op vroue as ‘n spesiale area van kommer gefokus in die Menslike Ontwikkelingsverslag van 1994 nie. Die verslag het daarin gefaal om te erken dat die realiteit van geslags-hiërargieë vroue se insekuriteit verhoog, en dat die ervaring van menslike sekuriteit van mans en vroue verskil. Hierdie navorsing sal toon dat die menslike veiligheidsbegrip nie in staat is om geslags-gebaseerde geweld (GGG) in ag te neem nie, aangesien daar geen spesifieke aandag verleen is aan vraagstukke wat hoofsaaklik op vroue betrekking het nie. Hierdie studie is vanuit 'n feministiese perspektief gedoen. Die navorsing is reflektief en op standpunt-teorie gebaseer. Die data is deur die analise van sekondêre data, asook die gebruik van primêre data i deur middel van onderhoude ingesamel . GGG in Suid-Afrika is geneig om oor ‘n uitgerekte tydperk plaas te vind en die mees waarskynlike oortreders is ‘n eggenoot of lewensmaat. Navorsing toon dat gemeenskappe geneig is om vroue as swakker en afhanlik van mans te sien. Wetgewing op die regte van vroue word deur vele mans as ‘n uidaging van hul legitieme superioriteit, ten op sigte van vroue, gesien. Vroue wat dus onafhanklikheid in hul verhoudings probeer uitoefen, word as bedreigings gesien en geweld word gebruik om hulle “in hul plek te hou”. Die Suid-Afrikaanse kriminele regstelsel het al vordering gemaak in terme van die beskerming van vroue teen GGG, maar mites, stereotipes en sosiale konvensies belemmer steeds die volle gang van die gereg. Die staat het in die verlede die private sfeer as buite sy jurisdiksie gesien. Die openbare/private sfeer digotomie bied uitdagings vir staatsregulering en vir die implementering van regulasies , en dit word veral duidelik in die geval van huishoudelike geweld. Daar word aangevoer dat aangesien GGG in die private sfeer plaasvind, dit onsigbaar bly. Hierdie navorsing het egter bevind dat GGG in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks dikwels in die openbare gemeenskapsfeer (deur diegene in die onmiddelike omgewing) opgemerk word, omdat baie mense in Suid-Afrika informele nedersettings woon.Hierdie navorsing het verder bevind dat ‘n GGG raamwerk vir menslike veiligheid ontwikkel moet word wat diegene wat die gevolge van GGG dra insluit. Indien vroue nie spesifiek as navorsingssubjekte geag word nie, bly faktore wat hulle spesifiek beïnvloed onsigbaar. Dit is belangrik dat analise van menslike insekuriteit begin om die omstandighede van vrouens se lewens in ag te neem. Vroue in Suid-Afrika leef in hoogs traumatiese omstandighede. In die bestryding van GGG is dit belangrik dat die slagoffers van GGG in ag geneem word en dat dit hulle toelaat om dit duidelik te maak wat hulle onveilig laat voel. Die skep van menslike veiligheid vereis dat bedreigings wat bydra tot GGG, naamlik armoede, geslagstereotipes en vooroordeel , ook aangespreek word. GGG in Suid-Afrika het ‘n epidemie geword, en plaas ‘n permanente beperking op vroue se lewens. Dit het ook ‘n blywende impak op die samelewing as ‘n geheel. Die veiligheid van die staat rus op die veiligheid van vroue. Solank as wat die staat versuim om GGG te bekamp en as ‘n ernstigge misdaad te erken, en vroue nie die beskerming van die staat geniet nie, is daar ‘n hoër moontlikheid vir die gebruik van geweld deur die staat teen sy eie burgers op ‘n groter skaal.

Le chapitre 1 évalue l'impact d'une politique publique au Pérou visant à améliorer l'accès à la justice et à réduire la violence contre les femmes. Ce chapitre utilise des données sur les centres de justice pour femmes (CJF) au Pérou, des institutions spécialisées qui emploient principalement des femmes et fournissent des services de police et des services juridiques pour réduire la violence fondée sur le genre. En examinant le déploiement progressif des CJF dans les districts, nous constatons que l'ouverture d'un centre augmente de 40 % le nombre de signalements de crimes spécifiques au genre et réduit d'environ 10 % l'incidence de la violence fondée sur le genre, mesurée par la violence domestique, les féminicides et les hospitalisations pour cause de santé mentale. Nous constatons en outre qu'une diminution de l'exposition des femmes à la violence domestique a des effets intergénérationnels : les CJF augmentent considérablement les investissements en capital humain pour les enfants, ce qui augmente la scolarisation, la présence scolaire et les résultats aux examens. Le chapitre 2 examine l'effet de la fécondité sur les décisions des parents albanais en matière d'offre de travail. Afin d'aborder la question de l'endogénéité potentielle de la décision de fécondité, j'exploite la préférence des parents albanais pour avoir des garçons combinés avec l'instrument de composition du genre des frères et sœurs comme source exogène de variation. En utilisant un échantillon représentatif de parents ayant au moins deux enfants, je constate un effet positif et significatif de la fécondité sur l'offre de travail pour les parents plus jeunes, moins scolarisés ou vivant dans une famille élargie. Les estimations pour les mères montrent qu'elles augmentent l'offre de travail en termes d'heures travaillées et de probabilité de travailler hors secteur rural. De même, la probabilité pour le père de travailler hors secteur rural et d'avoir un deuxième emploi augmente à la suite d'autres naissances. L'analyse de l'hétérogénéité suggère deux mécanismes plausibles : les services de garde offerts par des adultes non-parentaux (grands-parents) dans les familles élargies et les coûts financiers plus élevés liés au maintien d'un plus grand nombre d'enfants. Le chapitre 3 analyse l'effet du déplacement forcé de populations sur l'offre de travail des adultes et la scolarisation des enfants dans le contexte de l'après-guerre au Kosovo. Ce chapitre utilise la guerre du Kosovo de 1998-1999 et les déplacements massifs de population comme une expérimentation naturelle afin d'estimer l'impact du déplacement forcé dû au conflit sur les Kosovars qui sont partis et qui ont décidé de revenir par rapport à ceux qui sont restés pendant la guerre. J'exploite l'intéraction de la variation spatiale de l'intensité du conflit - mesurée par le nombre de victimes et de bombardements - et de la distance à la frontière albanaise comme source de variation exogène dans le statut de déplacement. Les résultats indiquent que les hommes kosovars déplacés sont moins susceptibles d'être employés dans le secteur agricole et de travailler pour leur propre compte, tandis que les femmes kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inactives. La perte d'actifs (terres, bétail, etc.) dans une économie agraire fondée sur les compétences et la perte de réseaux sociaux dans un marché du travail informel pourraient avoir réduit davantage la probabilité de trouver un emploi par rapport aux personnes qui sont restées. Toutefois, peu après le retour au pays, les résultats indiquent également que les hommes et les femmes kosovars déplacés sont plus susceptibles de travailler hors secteur rural, en particulier dans les secteurs de la construction et de l'administration publique, ce qui indique une reprise relativement rapide. En outre, les filles kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inscrites à l'école primaire, mais je ne constate aucun effet sur la scolarisation des garçons. / Chapter 1 evaluates the impact of a policy intervention in Peru aimed at improving access to justice and reducing violence against women. In many developing countries, access to justice remains unequal, especially for women. What are the implications of this inequality for gender-based violence, intra-household bargaining, and investment in children? This paper provides evidence from Peru on all-women's justice centers (WJCs), specialized institutions that mostly employ female officers and provide police and legal services to reduce gender-based violence. Examining the gradual rollout of WJCs across districts/ villages, we find that the opening of a center increases reporting of gender-specific crimes by 40% and reduces the incidence of gender-based violence measured by domestic violence, femicides and hospitalizations due to mental health by about 10%. We find, moreover, that a decrease in the exposure of women to violence has intergenerational effects: WJCs substantially increase human capital investments in children, raising enrollment, attendance, and test scores. These results are consistent with a bargaining model in which women's access to justice determines the threat point. Chapter 2 examines the effect of fertility on labor supply decisions of Albanian parents, with particular attention to the intervening role of childcare provided by grandparents in extended families. In order to address the potential endogeneity in the fertility decision, I exploit Albanian parental preference for having sons combined with the sibling’s sex-composition instrument as an exogenous source of variation. Using a repeated cross-section of parents with at least two children, I find a positive and statistically significant effect of fertility on parental labor supply for those parents who are more likely to be younger, less educated or live in extended families. In particular, IV estimates for mothers show that they increase labor supply, especially in terms of hours worked per week and the likelihood of working off-farm. Similarly, father’s likelihood of working off-farm and having a second occupation increase as a consequence of further childbearing. The heterogeneity analysis suggests that this positive effect might be the result of two plausible mechanisms: childcare provided by non-parental adults in extended families and greater financial costs of maintaining more children. Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of forced displacement on adult’s labor market outcomes and children’s schooling in the context of the post-war Kosovo. This chapter uses the 1998-1999 Kosovo war and the following massive displacement of people as a natural experiment in order to estimate the impact of conflict displacement on Kosovars that left and decided to come back relative to those who stayed in the province. I exploit the interaction of the spatial variation in conflict intensity -as measured by casualties and bombings- and distance to the Albanian border as a source of exogenous variation in the displacement status. Results indicate that displaced Kosovar men are less likely to be employed in the agricultural sector and to work on their own account, while displaced Kosovar women are more likely to be inactive. Loss of assets (e.g. land, livestock) in an agrarian skill-based economy and also loss of social networks in an informal labor market might have further decreased the probability to find employment relative to stayers. However, shortly after the return home, the results also indicate that displaced Kosovar men and women are more likely to be working off-farm, especially in the construction and public administration sectors, which indicates a relatively quick recovery. In addition, displaced Kosovar girls are more likely to be enrolled in primary school, but I find no effect on education for boys. The refugee camp experience might have provided better conditions to young Kosovar girls compared to the precarious pre-war “parallel" education system.

No description available.

Worldwide, the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) pandemic has proven to be a health care challenge from the perspective of testing and treatment, including how to create sustainable positive prevention, prevention after becoming HIV positive, that is culturally relevant and gender sensitive. South Africa has been severely affected by the HIV and AIDS epidemic and the agricultural sector is no exception. This statement is supported by the findings of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) study. According to an IOM study, the HIV prevalence rate among farm workers in the country is about 40%, the highest ever recorded in Southern Africa. A study conducted in Limpopo and Mpumalanga farms revealed that the prevalence of the twenty-three farms was 39, 5% which is twice the UNAIDS (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV and AIDS) national prevalence percentage of 18, 1% in South Africa. The researchers of this study could not pin-point a single factor causing this high rate of HIV infection on these farms. A multitude of factors, such as multiple and concurrent partnerships, transactional sex, irregular condom use, presence of sexually transmitted infections and sexual violence. The research also showed that almost half of the women working on farms around these provinces are HIV positive, compared to only a third of the male workforce. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to explore and describe the role of culture and gender in the spread of HIV and AIDS among farm workers in South Africa; with the view of developing culture and gender sensitive HIV and AIDS prevention strategies. descriptive and explorative qualitative approach was adopted. In depth individual semi-structured interviews were used to explore and describe the role of culture and gender in the spread of HIV and AIDS among farm workers. Purposive and convenient sampling methods were used to select participants who met the inclusion criteria in the Tshitwani and Barota farming community in the Vhembe District, Limpopo Province, South Africa. Religious and cultural beliefs were believed to be fuelling the spread of HIV among farm workers. Multiple sexual partners and inconsistent condom usage was common among participants. It was evident that stigma and social isolation leading to non- disclosure had adverse repercussions as some participants stated that they would spread HIV intentionally. Powerlessness and lack of decision-making by female farm workers was common as they were dependent on their male partners to make decisions regarding sexual matters in their relationship. Conclusion: More HIV prevention programmes tailored to dispel fears about stigma and correct myths about HIV-transmission should reach ordinary men and women in order to curb the spread of HIV among farm workers. The researcher believes that the strategies that emanate from this study would be applied in other settings other than the farming community. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)