No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:13:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6506.pdf: 1594372 bytes, checksum: 00ace2c340542fb54365a7bd6f5b0c90 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-11 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The goal of this dissertation is to discuss the two main theoretical sources that Jürgen Habermas uses in his essay "Work and Interaction": the Hegel s philosophy of Spirit of Jena period (1804-1806) and the Marx s theory, especially the labor category. In this sense, beyond criticism resumption of primary sources, the study also presents alternative perspectives to those assumed by Habermas in his youth period, mainly in the 1960s. Therefore, a critique of young Habermas' theory becomes possible, from the central concept of the public sphere to the reasoning of cultural formation in the private sphere, this being the focal point of the essay in question. / O objetivo da presente dissertação é discutir as duas principais fontes teóricas que Jürgen Habermas utiliza em seu ensaio Trabalho e Interação : a filosofia do Espírito hegeliana do período de Iena (1804-1806) e a teoria marxiana, especialmente a categoria trabalho. Nesse sentido, além da retomada crítica das fontes primárias, o estudo também apresenta perspectivas alternativas em relação àquelas assumidas por Habermas em seu período de juventude, principalmente na década de 1960. Assim, viabiliza-se uma crítica à teoria habermasiana de juventude, desde o conceito central de esfera pública à fundamentação da formação cultural na esfera privada, esta sendo fundamentada no ensaio em questão.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:13:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRFC.pdf: 2011180 bytes, checksum: 61c7f3194a9fcfd0de4ff44748fc2269 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-02-07 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This dissertation aims to discuss the theoretical sources taken by Jürgen Habermas to legitimate his concept of public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The study also presents alternative interpretive perspectives to the one assumed by Habermas in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit). / Esta dissertação objetiva discutir as fontes teóricas tomadas por Jürgen Habermas para legitimar seu conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit). O estudo também apresenta perspectivas interpretativas alternativas àquela assumida por Habermas em Mudança Estrutural da Esfera Pública (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit).

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 906802 bytes, checksum: 2bcaa63940462e5bcfe8c5c42dec541b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-04-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The object of this study is the institutional interlocution that could turn viable a Collaboration Regime among the Spheres or Levels of Government − a constitutional clause aiming at organizing and developing all Brazilian educational systems: Municipal, State, Federal District and Federal Union, in a country with deep regional inequalities. The macro-structural aspects that constraint the definition of public policies are not underestimated, but we chose an approach that focuses on the contradictory and conflicting performances of a restricted number of people that take part in the proposition and management of educational public policies. The indefinite character of the Collaboration Regime is treated in the perspective of a possible construction and enlargement of the Public Sphere of Rights, as an interface of educational policy in its indissoluble relation to political life. Our subject-matter is situated in a field of tensions delineated by, and based on, the state of the art. What is the meaning of that Collaboration Regime for the proposition of democratic management of educational policies? How does it relate to the contents of democratic management thought in the light of the State/Society relation? We argue that one of the innovative institutional facts generated in the process of democratization of the Brazilian society is the performance of people striving to construct and enlarge the public spaces for proposing and managing public policies. The methodology is based on interpretative ethnography, using ideas of Geertz, Ricoeur, and Lakoff, and moves towards Habermasian tradition on the configurations of the public sphere, which is understood in the spirit of Habermas endeavour to widen the idea of rationality by constructing a discursive theory of rationality for politics and rights. The empirical target of our ethnographic investigation is Prof. Dr. Neroaldo Pontes de Azevedo s professional itinerary as an educational manager. His professional route from 1992 to 1996 as a Rector of the UFPB, and then as a Municipal Secretary of Education of João Pessoa (from 1996 to 2001) made it possible for him to earn a national projection through the presidency of Undime during a period of educational reform. The results of this investigation highlight the Collaboration Regime as a mechanism of reciprocal regulation of the performances of common and concurrent competences among the spheres of Government, supported by institutional interlocution. The silence on the Collaboration Regime points to the interlocution as something to which we should pay attention when we think about the contents of democratic management, in spite of the conceptual and empirical indefinite character of the constitutional clause under discussion. / O objeto deste estudo é a interlocução institucional para viabilizar o Regime de Colaboração entre as esferas de governo − dispositivo constitucional visado para organizar e desenvolver os Sistemas Federal, Distrital, Estaduais e Municipais de Ensino, em um país com profundas desigualdades regionais. Os aspectos macro-estruturais que pesam sobre a definição das políticas públicas não são subestimados, mas o recorte da abordagem incide sobre a atuação contraditória e conflituosa de um número restrito de pessoas que intervêm na proposição e na gestão das políticas públicas educacionais. A indefinição do Regime de Colaboração é tratada sob a temática da construção e da ampliação do espaço público de direitos, como uma interface da política educacional em sua relação indissociável com a vida política. A problematização está situada em um campo de tensão delineado a partir do estado do conhecimento. Qual é o significado do Regime de Colaboração para a proposição da gestão democrática das políticas educacionais? Como se relaciona com os conteúdos da gestão democrática pensados a partir da relação Estado/sociedade? Argumenta-se em favor da tese segundo a qual um dos fatos institucionais inovadores gerados no processo de democratização da sociedade brasileira é a atuação que visa construir e ampliar os espaços de proposição e de gestão das políticas públicas. A metodologia está apoiada em uma etnografia interpretativista, baseada nas idéias de Geertz, Ricoeur, Lakoff e converge para a tradição habermasiana sobre as configurações do espaço público, interpretada no esforço de Habermas para ampliar a idéia de racionalidade, ao investir na construção de uma teoria discursiva da política e do direito. A investigação etnográfica auxilia a construção da referência empírica com o foco sobre a atuação do Prof. Dr. Neroaldo Pontes de Azevedo, como o interlocutor central. Sua passagem na gestão da UFPB e na gestão da Educação Municipal de João Pessoa (1996/1997-2001) possibilitou o protagonismo em uma interlocução nacional, por meio do exercício da presidência da Undime durante a reforma da educação. Os resultados da investigação apontam o Regime de Colaboração como um mecanismo de regulação recíproca do desempenho das competências comuns e concorrentes entre as esferas de governo, sustentado pela interlocução institucional. O silêncio sobre o Regime de Colaboração remete a interlocução para o centro das atenções lembrando os conteúdos da gestão democrática, apesar da indefinição conceitual e empírica do dispositivo constitucional visado.

This essay studies the implicit and explicit perspectives of Bruce Lincoln, Jürgen Habermas, Talal Asad, Saba Mahmood, Charles Taylor, José Casanova and their approach to secularism as a phenomenon. This is done by categorizing them into three categories. The categories,enlightenment-centered theorists, critical theorists and implicit-theological theorists, all have explicit accounts and implicit forms of reasoning that shape and contextualize their respective approach. The Enlightenment-centered theorists tend to regard secularism as a neutral and peace-keeping statecraft. This approach implicitly contains the idea of a clear division between secular and religious. This implicit form of reasoning I argue is problematically non-reflexive to the theorist’s own standpoint and risks becoming a form of secular ideology. The theorists categorized as critical theorists view secularism more as a type of discourse where what is seen as religious and the secular is inherently fluid. This is then analyzed by them as a special strategy for Western sovereignty. The perspective of the implicit-theological theorists is similar both to the Enlightenment-centered and the criticaltheorists' perspective in that secularism is primarily peace-keeping and that the categories are often fluid. I show that their approach contains theological assumptions that religion responds to a realm which challenges the immanent world. In the last chapter of the essay, I give a normative evaluation of the three approaches to secularism where I argue that while the enlightenment-centered theorists have useful explanatory models, the critical and to a lesser extent implicit-theological approach to secularism are more fruitful for religious studies. They allow for more flexibility in studying the relationship between secular and religious groups as they do not determine the categories in advance. The essay also contains a concluding discussion on the type of problems for philosophy of science and religious studies that arise when secularism and what is seen as the secular is deconstructed.

befattningsutbildningen för skolledare. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur deltagare i rektorsprogrammet beskriver att professionsutvecklande handledning bidragit till utveckling av deras rektorskap. Den handledning som undersöks har genomförts i lärgrupper med en utbildningsledare som handledare. Studiens empiriska underlag består av kvalitativa intervjuer med skolledare under deras sista år på utbildningen. Habermas teori om kommunikativt handlande används som teoretisk utgångspunkt då ett särskilt intresse riktas mot rektorers kommunikativa förmåga. För att relatera kommunikativ förmåga till rektorskap tillämpas vid analysen även Saarukkas modell för beskrivning av rektorskapet, med fokus på personlig dynamik. Genom analys av studiens resultat är min slutsats att studien bidragit till ökad förståelse kring hur den professionsutvecklande handledningen på olika sätt har bidragit till utveckling av rektorskapet hos de intervjuade deltagarna i rektorsprogrammet. Analysen av skolledarnas beskrivningar visar att erfarenheter från den professionsutvecklande handledningen varit betydelsefulla för tanke och handling i deras praktik. Utsagor indikerar en fördjupad förståelse för vikten av gemensam reflektion samt kraften i frågandet som verktyg för att bredda sitt eget och andras perspektiv vid hantering av komplexa problem. I deras beskrivningar finns också tecken på utveckling inom kommunikativ förmåga, genom ökad självkännedom, större förståelse för andra och bättre förståelse för hur deras ledarskap påverkar kommunikation och interaktion i verksamheten. Studien antyder också att metareflekterande samtal kring professionsutvecklande handledningen i relation till deltagarnas verksamhet, kan bidra ytterligare till transferering från utbildning till rektorskap i praktiken. / This study is about supervision for professional development that forms an element of the Swedish national training program for school leaders. The aim of this study is to investigate how participants in the training program describe that supervision for professional development contributed to the development of their principalship. The supervision under investigation has been carried out in learning groups with an education leader as facilitator. The empirical basis consists of qualitative interviews with school leaders during their last year on the program. Habermas' theory of communicative action is used as a theoretical framework due to a particular interest in school leaders’ communicative skills. In order to relate communicative skills to principalship, the analysis also applies Saarukka's model for describing principalship, with a focus on personal dynamics. Through analysis of the study's results, my conclusion is that the study has contributed to an increased understanding of how the supervision for professional development has contributed in different ways to the development of the principalship of the interviewed participants in the principal's program. The analysis of the school leaders' descriptions shows that experiences from the supervision were significant for thought and action in their practice. Statements indicate a deepened understanding of the importance of joint reflection and the power of questioning as a tool to broaden their own and others' perspectives when dealing with complex problems. Furthermore, there are signs of development in communicative skills, through increased self-awareness, greater understanding of others and better understanding of how their leadership affects communication and interaction in the organisation. Moreover, the study suggests that meta-reflective conversations can contribute to transfer from education to principalship in practice.

Jürgen Habermas has argued that democracy depends on all citizens recognizing the legitimacy of the law. Therefore, political argument must appeal only to public reason which is secular. Religious citizens must translate their reasons into a secular language accessible to the public. This dissertation argues that religious arguments are justified in public discourse if they refrain from dogmatism. Moreover, there is nothing inherent in secular reasons that make them publicly accessible or likely to generate consensus among members of a pluralistic society. If we treat religious arguments as simply arguments with controversial premises, it becomes less clear why religious arguments are singled out as particularly problematic for liberal democracies, since many secular political arguments share this feature. Granted, religious reasons are unlikely to secure consensus, but this does not count against them if consensus is not the goal of democratic discourse. This dissertation makes the case that Habermas, and other liberal theorists such as Rawls, have placed too much emphasis on consensus as the goal of democracy. Moreover, what they refer to is not practical consensus achieved pragmatically through compromise, but an idealized consensus that is the achievement of secular reason. This is problematic for two main reasons: there is no normative reason to think we ought to attain such consensus and such consensus is unlikely to be achieved in practice. Thus, there seems to be no normative force to the claim that religious citizens out to translate their arguments in secular language.

In the tumultuous political climate following Brexit, a new energy has been given to the idea of establishing transnational lists for the European elections. With the ever-increasing need for democratic legitimacy on the EU stage, the system of transnational lists is viewed by many as a salvation to the problem with democratic deficit within the European Union. The idea of transnational lists was voted in the European Parliament during the plenary session in Strasbourg on February 2018 but rejected after a debate on a clearly divided issue. By analysing the debate from 2018, this study aims to investigate what are the conditions, found in the debate, that could make transnational lists in the European Parliament possible.  When analysing the debate from 2018, five significant conditions for transnational lists were identified. These conditions were democracy, question of federal states, the aspect of spitzenkandidaten, solidarity and the size of Member States. Interestingly, the conditions were observed to be both obstacles and possibilities for transnational lists. Taken together, these results suggest that there is an association between the above-named conditions and the failure of the proposition for transnational lists, alternatively, to a future breakthrough.

O objeto da presente pesquisa constitui-se na análise imanente dos pressupostos da \"guinada linguístico-pragmática\" de Jürgen Habermas verificada no interior de sua magnum opus - a Teoria do agir comunicativo, publicada em 1981. O objetivo a que nos propusemos alcançar é a elucidação do modo peculiar como Habermas absorve as aquisições teóricas da pragmática linguística (em especial J. L. Austin e J. R. Searle) visando a construção de sua teoria da comunicação, cujo ponto central é a postulação do consenso entre sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação como o \"fim último\" ou télos do agir comunicativo. A hipótese teórica - ou de trabalho -, que acreditamos ter sido confirmada ao longo de nossa pesquisa, é a de que Habermas, mesmo sendo um árduo defensor da razão e do \"projeto da modernidade\", compartilha ponto comum com os pensadores do período que se convencionou designar pós-modernidade: o chamado \"idealismo linguístico\", isto é, apreensão dos atos comunicativos como entidades autônomas, porque separados das relações materiais e sociais dos homens. / The object of this research is the immanent analysis of the Jürgen Habermas \"linguistic-pragmatic turn\" presuppositions, verified in his magnum opus - The Theory of Communicative Action, published in 1981. The goal we set ourselves to achieve is to elucidate the peculiar way as Habermas absorbs the theoretical acquisitions of linguistic pragmatics (especially J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle) for the construction of a theory of communication, whose focal point is the postulation of consensus between subjects capable of speech and action as the telos of communicative action. The theoretical hypothesis that we believe have been confirmed throughout our research is that Habermas, despite being a vehement defender of reason and the \"Project of modernity\", shares common ground with the thinkers of that period is conventionally designate postmodernity: the so-called \"linguistic idealism\", i. e. the seizure of communicative acts as autonomous entities, because separed of socials and materials relations of men

Cette thèse examine le rapport complexe entre Habermas et Derrida en s'interrogeant sur l'évolution, durant les années 1980, d'une relation conflictuelle en un lien amical et collaboratif. Elle analyse leurs œuvres afin d'évaluer la convergence et la divergence entre leurs pensées. Nous avons essayé en premier lieu de dessiner les contours de la scène culturelle en Allemagne et en France à partir de l'année 1945. Cette approche nous a permis de mieux comprendre la philosophie de chacun d'eux et d'étudier la continuité et la discontinuité, la tension et l'échange philosophique, entre les philosophies allemandes et françaises. Même si notre thèse se divise en huit parties, elle s'étend sur deux champs d'investigation: l'un théorique et l'autre pratique. Concernant le champ théorique, cette thèse se penche sur la querelle franco-allemande relative au débat modernité/post-modernité, dans laquelle ils s'engagèrent et développèrent des critiques sévères l'un à l'égard à l'autre. La question de la modernité nous invite à mettre en question certaines idées générales, notamment celle selon laquelle Habermas serait un défenseur du projet de la modernité, tandis que Derrida serait un post-moderne hostile à la modernité et aux Lumières. Au sujet de leurs philosophies pratiques nous avons effectué une approche comparative de leurs idées sur la morale, l'éthique, la théorie du droit et la philosophie politique. Cette comparaison nous a permis de comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles ils se sont réconciliés et se sont intervenus ensemble pour atteindre certains objectifs politiques, mais aussi juridiques: la réforme du droit international. / This work examines the complex relationship between Habermas and Derrida by shedding light on the shift from a less pleasant interaction in the 1980s to a rather friendly and collaborative affiliation later in an attempt to highlight comparable areas of interest as well as evaluate areas of convergence and divergence among the two great minds. Intuitively, a philosophical eye looks deep to examine to womb where thoughts are born. We lay out the scene in post WWII Germany and France, both fertile lands for such phenomena. This allows us to garner a sharper image of how the two philosophers evolved within their backgrounds and influenced one another. Two focal points, theory and practice, are covered in eight sections. We will address the Franco German quarrel of Modernity vs. Post Modernity revealing the critique so-called Modernist Habermas and supposed Post Modernist Derrida bathed one another with, and, there, we tackle the question of ideology. The later point, practice, reveals a deep assessment of the two philosophers' stances on morality, ethics, philosophy of law, and politics. We conclude with an analysis of the two's collaboration, as they share comparable fundamentals, and inspect the fruit of that effort, which achieved not only political reform but legal in the shape of a Reform of International Law.