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Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-05-04T13:41:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Toledo.pdf: 1163696 bytes, checksum: b7b0bc974e503bde3f1de46b338ae23b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-04T13:41:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Toledo.pdf: 1163696 bytes, checksum: b7b0bc974e503bde3f1de46b338ae23b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-19 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The purpose of this research is to understand the concepts constructed by teachers who are gay about the multiple violence and prejudices experienced in relation to their sexual orientation and their expression approach types. To enable to comply with this, we seek to understand the historical constitution of heterosexism and homophobia in the Brazilian society. We have focused on studies that recall the trajectory of LGBTT movement and the various forms of expression of homophobia, focusing especially on their expressions in school. We also have reflected on the school as a powerful space for confronting homophobia and how this institution can eventually also become a space for violence Finally, the study also focused on understanding struggling strategies and homophobia conflict. Hence, four sessions of conversation were held with teachers who identified themselves as gays and who work in the basic education. The selection of the teachers who participated of the r4esearched was based on the "snowball" strategy, according to May's proposition, in which the first participant selected, which met the profile defined for the study (being a teacher who defined him/herself gay in public schools of basic education indicated a new entrant and so on. The analysis was done by Núcleos of Significação (Meaning Concept Cell). The research concluded that prejudice and discrimination against the LGBTT population, in most cases, result in situations in which these people are humiliated and / or beaten, initially because their expression of gender / sexuality is considered to be outside of the patterns of heteronormativity. This fact suggests that it is fundamental to face conservatism, which is expressed in practices that accentuate prejudice and violence addressed to the LGBTT population in the school environment. In this sense, when the school does not define itself politically against homophobic violence, it can become a space for the production of violence and a reaffirmation of the exclusions experienced by the school actors. We have realized that the daily school life has not been conducive for teachers who wish to have a practice committed to the transformation of reality to achieve it, especially when they are engaged in a work involving education related to gender relations and the fight against homophobia. We have concluded that the participants of this research as they were classified themselves as "good students" and having faced violence in the school during their initial school time and then as teachers, had to create tools and strategies by themselves to face the challenges presented by the their gender condition. It is important to emphasize that to overcome the difficulties experienced by the participants was only possible in the adult life and that they survived in school through the establishment of partnerships and supports (personal and institutional). Considering this scenario, such partnerships and supports were fundamental to the participants to remain in school as teachers, developing their work in a positive way. Thus, the results of this study suggest that it is essential that schools develop projects, together with social movements, to devote themselves to understand, discuss and accept differences in sexual orientation, so that these actions imply that students dropping out of school out by fear and / or discrimination, and building professional settings in which gay teachers also remain in school without violence / O propósito desta pesquisa é compreender as significações que professores gays constroem sobre as múltiplas violências e sobre os preconceitos vividos em relação à própria orientação sexual e suas formas de expressão. Para isso, buscamos compreender a constituição histórica do heterossexismo e da homofobia na sociedade brasileira. Debruçamo-­nos sobre os estudos que recontam a trajetória de lutas do movimento LGBTT e às diversas formas de expressão da homofobia, dedicando-­nos, especialmente, às suas expressões na escola. Refletimos, também, sobre a escola como um espaço potente para o enfrentamento da homofobia e como em alguns momentos essa instituição também pode se tornar um espaço de produção de violências. Por fim, o estudo também se dedicou a compreender estratégias de enfrentamento e combate à homofobia. Para isso, foram realizadas quatro sessões de conversação com professores que se autodeclaram gays e que atuavam na educação básica. A seleção dos professores participantes ocorreu pela estratégia “bola de neve”, segundo proposição de May, na qual o primeiro participante selecionado, e que atendia ao perfil definido para o estudo (ser professor que se autodeclara gay, em exercício em escolas públicas de educação básica) indicou um novo participante e assim sucessivamente. A análise foi feita por Núcleos de Significação. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que o preconceito e a discriminação contra a população LGBTT, na maioria das vezes, resultam em situações nas quais essas pessoas são humilhadas e/ou agredidas, inicialmente, por sua expressão de gênero/sexualidade considerada fora dos padrões de heteronormatividade. Esse fato sugere que é fundamental combater o conservadorismo, que se expressa em práticas que acentuam o preconceito e as violências direcionadas à população LGBTT no ambiente escolar. Dessa maneira, quando a escola não se posiciona politicamente contrária às violências homofóbicas, ela pode se tornar um espaço de produção de violências e de reafirmação das exclusões vividas pelos atores escolares. Apreendemos que o cotidiano escolar não tem sido propício para que os professores que pretendem ter uma prática comprometida com a transformação da realidade consigam empreende-­la, em especial quando se dedicam a um trabalho envolvendo a educação para as relações de gênero e para o combate à homofobia. Verificamos que os participantes desta pesquisa, ao terem se constituído como “bons alunos” e por terem enfrentado violências no espaço escolar durante sua escolarização inicial e depois como professores, tiveram que forjar sozinhos as ferramentas e as estratégias para enfrentar os desafios colocados em função da sua orientação sexual. É importante ressaltar que a superação das dificuldades vividas pelos participantes só se concretizou na vida adulta e que eles sobreviveram na escola por meio do estabelecimento de parcerias e apoios (pessoais e institucionais). Diante disso, tais parcerias e apoios mostraram-­se fundamentais para que os participantes conseguissem permanecer na escola, como professores, desenvolvendo seu trabalho de forma positiva. Sendo assim, os resultados deste estudo sugerem que é essencial que as escolas desenvolvam projetos, em parceria com os movimentos sociais, que se dediquem a compreender, discutir e acolher as diferenças de orientação sexual, de maneira que essas ações impliquem a prevenção da evasão de alunos e alunas LGBTT por medo e/ou discriminação e a construção de ambientes profissionais nos quais os professores gays também permaneçam nas escolas sem que sofram violências

Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista) / In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)

The current study examines the effect of religious orientation, social dominance orientation, right wing authoritarianism, and group socialization on the degree to which covert prejudice beliefs are endorsed. This study is novel in that individual and intergroup factors are simultaneously considered. Unlike much of the existing research, the study measures all six types of religious orientation for a nuanced examination of the different approaches to religion and the effect this has on attitude formation and maintenance. The study also demonstrates higher levels of generalizability in that questionnaires were distributed to a diverse sample and also considered many forms of discrimination (racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism). Additionally, relevant prejudice measures that better represent covert, modern day prejudice are used in the current study. Social dominance orientation (SDO) was strongly and positively correlated with all four types of subtle prejudice. In hierarchical regression modeling, right wing authoritarianism was the strongest predictor variable for all prejudice outcome variables. SDO was the second strongest predictor for all variables except for benevolent sexism. Demographic and religious orientation predictors varied by prejudice outcome variable. Only immanence and intrinsic emerged as significant religious orientations predictors. Multiple regression models with only religious orientation predictors were also conducted to examine the relationship of each religious orientation to each prejudice when the other religious orientations were held constant. Different trends for different prejudice attitudes were found for intrinsic and immanence orientations. Quest orientation was negatively correlated with prejudice and extrinsic religious orientation was positively correlated with prejudice for all prejudice outcome variables. Increasing intolerance with more indiscriminately pro- or anti-religious responding was not elicited. Instead a pattern of increasing pro-religiosity was related to higher prejudice scores. Progressive congregational factors correlated with lower colorblind racial attitudes, benevolent sexism, classism, and homonegativity among congregants.

The representations that educators have about the homophobic practices influence the construction or deconstruction of prejudices and discriminatory attitudes that are manifested in schools and end up causing many other types of violence throughout society. Thus, silencing and/or denial of multiple affective and sexual orientations that pervade the school contribute to the enhancement of prejudices. However, it is undeniable that, in most cases, teachers end up leaving out, rather than to adopt positions contrary to such violence, due to the lack of these issues in teacher education and the socio-cultural and religious norms that define their social representations. Thus, the main objective of this qualitative study was to analyze the social representations of educators about sexual diversity and homophobia, aiming to understand how such representations can influence and/or contribute to the construction or deconstruction of prejudice and discrimination that permeate the school environment. Therefore, we used the method of thematic categorical content and an instrument consisting of semi-structured interviews and questionnaires answered by 17 teachers from two schools in the basic education of a city of Sergipe was prepared. The results showed that social representations of most educators are guided by numerous doubts and contradictions about the thematic sexual diversity and homophobia because of ignorance due to the lack of these themes in the initial and continuing education, and other issues that impede the search for information and training, such as religious conventions, contributing to the maintenance of subtle and overt prejudices embedded in homophobic practices that permeate the school environment. And, most teachers reported situations of prejudice and discrimination that occurred at school, such as jokes, derogatory nicknames, exclusions, threats that make up the indirect homophobia. Thus, different behaviors of heteronormative pattern generate violence against individuals who are ridiculed, marginalized and judged within the school environment (and society in general). Therefore, to reveal the social representations (conceptions and experiences) educators about sexual diversity and homophobia, alert to the need for information and accurate and up to date on such issues formations. For teachers may question the heteronormative standards, understand, acknowledge and accept sexual and gender identities, deconstructing prejudice and effectively embracing this diversity of individuals that integrates school. / As representações que educadores/as possuem acerca das práticas homofóbicas influenciam a (des)construção de atitudes preconceituosas e discriminatórias que são manifestadas na instituição escolar e acabam ocasionando diversos outros tipos de violências em toda a sociedade. Dessa forma, o silenciamento e/ou a negação das múltiplas orientações afetivo-sexuais que permeiam a escola contribuem para o enaltecimento dos preconceitos. Todavia, é inegável que, na maioria dos casos, os/as docentes acabam se omitindo, ao invés de adotarem posicionamentos contrários a tais violências, devido à carência desses temas na formação docente e as normatizações socioculturais e religiosas que delimitam suas representações sociais. Assim, o principal objetivo dessa pesquisa qualitativa foi analisar as representações sociais de educadores/as acerca da diversidade sexual e da homofobia, visando compreender de que forma tais representações podem influenciar e/ou contribuir para a (des)construção de preconceitos e discriminações que perpassam o ambiente escolar. Por conseguinte, empregou-se o método de análise de conteúdo categorial temática e foi elaborado um instrumento constituído por entrevistas e questionários semiestruturados respondidos por 17 docentes de duas escolas da educação básica de um município de Sergipe. Os resultados obtidos evidenciaram que as representações sociais da maioria dos/as educadores/as são pautadas em inúmeras dúvidas e contradições acerca das temáticas diversidade sexual e homofobia devido ao desconhecimento em decorrência da carência desses temas na formação inicial e continuada, e a outras questões que impedem a busca de (in)formação, tais como as convenções religiosas, contribuindo com a manutenção dos preconceitos sutis e manifestos inseridos nas práticas homofóbicas que permeiam o espaço escolar. Bem como, a maioria dos/as docentes relatou situações de preconceitos e discriminações ocorridas na escola, tais como piadinhas, apelidos pejorativos, exclusões, ameaças, que compõem a homofobia indireta. Assim, comportamentos diferentes do padrão heteronormativo geram violências contra indivíduos que são ridicularizados, marginalizados e julgados no próprio ambiente escolar (e na sociedade de modo geral). Portanto, ao desvelar as representações sociais (concepções e vivências) de educadores/as acerca da diversidade sexual e homofobia, alerta-se para a necessidade de (in)formações precisas e atualizadas acerca de tais temas. Para que os/as docentes possam questionar os padrões heteronormativos, compreender, reconhecer e aceitar as identidades sexuais e de gênero, desconstruindo preconceitos e acolhendo efetivamente essa diversidade de indivíduos que integra a escola.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-02-07T16:47:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Tarciso Manfrenatti de Souza Teixeira.pdf: 3974204 bytes, checksum: 8e67a847e6f7ea213dcf86c16762a2df (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-07T16:47:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Tarciso Manfrenatti de Souza Teixeira.pdf: 3974204 bytes, checksum: 8e67a847e6f7ea213dcf86c16762a2df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-14 / I grew up writing private diaries. However, when I got my masters degree, I was invited to re-read my writings. As I re-read it I realized that I did not write about the racial issue. This absence became a highly relevant fact that made me realize and question myself about the powerful of schooling that taught me to be a man, or rather to be male, white, heterosexual and christian, fundamentally. So today, I visualize that a "pedagogy" circulates within different educational spaces (at school, in the family, in religious spaces, in leisure spaces, in the media, in the street, at work, etc.) that ends up (re)producing inequalities of race, gender and sexuality. In this perspective, social markers of race, gender and sexuality will be presented in a vision, intersectional, polymorphic and polyphonic. According to Narrative Studies; I conjugate the verb to write/search attached to the verb to exist. And so, I'm narrating what happens to me, I write what touches me as a minor people, bastard, always unfinished. / Eu cresci escrevendo di?rios ?ntimos. No entanto, quando cheguei ao mestrado, fui convidado a re-ler os meus escritos. ? medida que ia re-lendo percebi que n?o escrevia sobre a quest?o racial. Essa aus?ncia, tornou-se um dado altamente relevante que fez com que eu percebesse e me questionasse sobre os poderosos ?instrumentos de escolariza??o? que me ensinaram a ser homem, ou melhor, a ser macho, branco, heterossexual e crist?o, fundamentalmente. Ent?o, hoje, visualizo que no interior de diferentes espa?os educativos (na escola, na fam?lia, nos espa?os religiosos, nos espa?os de lazer, na m?dia, na rua, no trabalho, etc) circula uma ?pedagogia? que acaba por (re)produzir desigualdades de ra?a, g?nero e sexualidade. Nesta perspectiva, os marcadores sociais de ra?a, g?nero e sexualidade ser?o apresentados em uma vis?o, interseccional, polim?rfica e polif?nica. Baseando-me na ?pedagogia narrativa?; conjugo o verbo escrever/pesquisar atrelado ao verbo existir. E, assim, vou narrando aquilo que me acontece, escrevo o que me toca enquanto um povo menor, bastardo, sempre inacabado.

While activists and others have argued that the legitimization of biased attitudes and stereotypes by political leaders foments violence against minority groups, criminological research in the U.S. has focused more on "threat" hypotheses that view hate crime as a retaliatory response to perceived gains or encroachment of targeted groups. Another view suggests that heightened public visibility of hate crimes or other bias issues, usually in the form of media coverage, increases hate crimes. This study compares the effect on anti-LGB crimes of events representing political threat (a court decision legalizing marriage equality) and political legitimization of bias (passage of a ban on marriage equality), both of which occurred in California in 2008. The study also tests effects of media coverage prior to the ban on marriage equality. Results showed a statistically significant increase in anti-LGB hate crimes after the ban on same-sex marriage. There was no effect on anti-LGB crime counts after the court decision to legalize marriage equality, or during the media campaign leading up to the vote to ban marriage equality.

<p>This is a qualitative study about how young men in the age of 16-18 years can construct their masculinity. How do these young men describe a “real man”? What are their thoughts about themselves as adults? The purpose of this study includes a gender perspective in surroundings that cope with the sport football. To answer this study, six young men in the age of 16-18 years, whom are active football players in different levels, have been interviewed. The findings showed that the young men seemed to construct their masculinity in cooperation with the surroundings and the nearest family members seemed to have a very strong influence of the boy’s development to become a man. The results even indicated that the young men construct their masculinity by distancing themselves from what seems not to be masculine, for example male homosexuals.</p>

This is a qualitative study about how young men in the age of 16-18 years can construct their masculinity. How do these young men describe a “real man”? What are their thoughts about themselves as adults? The purpose of this study includes a gender perspective in surroundings that cope with the sport football. To answer this study, six young men in the age of 16-18 years, whom are active football players in different levels, have been interviewed. The findings showed that the young men seemed to construct their masculinity in cooperation with the surroundings and the nearest family members seemed to have a very strong influence of the boy’s development to become a man. The results even indicated that the young men construct their masculinity by distancing themselves from what seems not to be masculine, for example male homosexuals.

AbstractMedia presents hate crimes and nationalism as phenomenon that has increased both internationally and nationally in recent years. Further media largely pair these phenomenon together. The groups mostly exposed to hate and nationalism are people of different ethnic origin and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bi, trans and queer) people. In Sweden's general election in 2010 a RHP-party, Sweden Democrats, made it in to Parliament. The purpose of this study was to examine how hate crimes and nationalism, in the form of the Sweden Democrats, has increased in Sweden and if there was any link between them. By mapping the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of eligible voters who voted for the Sweden Democrats in Sweden between 1997 and 2009 the study's main aim was to investigate whether there was any link between the proportion of reported hate crimes and the proportion of voters for Sweden Democrats in Sweden. The results question whether an actual increase of hate crime occurred due to methodological changes in the Swedish Security Service, the Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention and the police. Also the dark figure is large regarding this crime. Sweden Democrats has had strong success in recent years, but whether this is a sign of increased nationalism can’t be impugned. 1998 and 1999 revealed a relationship between hate crime complaints and voting on the Sweden Democrats, but after 1999 the relationship is weak.