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Plus connu sous le pseudonyme de Jean de La Hire, l’écrivain, éditeur et homme politique français Adolphe d’Espie (1878-1956) a aujourd’hui disparu de la plupart des mémoires. Ses œuvres ont pourtant marqué nombre de lecteurs de son époque, comme le jeune Jean Paul-Sartre qui se délectait de ses romans. Son parcours ne peut par ailleurs manquer d’interpeller. Romancier résolument élitiste, le jeune d’Espie fréquente Pierre Louÿs, José-Maria de Heredia, Colette et Willy, et se rêve en nouveau Balzac. Pourtant, c’est dans le roman populaire qu’il se rendra célèbre, et qu’il publiera la majorité de sa très vaste production. Il en couvrira tous les genres : roman sentimental, policier, d’aventures, de cape et d’épée, et de science-fiction. Son itinéraire politique étonne également. Longtemps engagé auprès des républicains-socialistes, il devient maire de Banyuls-sur-Mer sous cette étiquette, et rédacteur en chef d’une revue politique parrainée par Léon Bourgeois et Ferdinand Buisson. D’Espie bascule cependant dès 1940 du côté de la collaboration. Il prend alors la tête des Éditions Ferenczi qu’il aryanise et met au service de la propagande nazie, propagande à laquelle il contribue aussi de sa plume. Ambitieux et opportuniste, d’Espie a choisi en politique comme dans les lettres, les chemins qui menaient le plus vite au succès, au mépris d’idéaux vite oubliés, et d’une postérité qui ne pourra lui pardonner ses errements. / Mostly known under the pseudonym Jean de La Hire, the French writer, editor and politician Adolphe d’Espie (1878-1956) might not be on many people’s minds nowadays. Yet, his works were very popular in his time, delighting a vast audience including young Jean-Paul Sartre, who names him as one of his favorite authors. And his baffling itinerary raises many questions. Beginning his literary career as a very elitist novelist, young d’Espie befriends figures such as Pierre Louÿs, José-Maria de Heredia, Colette and Willy, and dreams to become the new Balzac. He still ended up owing his fame to popular literature. His prolific production in the field covers many genre: romance novel, crime novel, adventure novels, and even science fiction. The paths he followed in politics puzzle as well. A long standing supporter of the “radical” movement, and elected mayor under this label, d’Espie became editor in chief of a political review sponsored by future Nobel Peace Prize-winning Léon Bourgeois and Ferdinand Buisson. In 1940, d’Espie however sides with the German occupying forces. He takes the helm of a publishing house confiscated to Jewish owners, and writes and publishes propaganda in favor of the Nazis. Ambition and opportunism seem in both cases the reason accounting for these flip-flops – d’Espie always going for the quickest way to success, disregarding both his ideals and a posterity that will not be able to forgive his mistakes.

Submitted by Angela Maria de Oliveira (amolivei@uepg.br) on 2019-02-07T12:40:50Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Regis Clemente da Costa.pdf: 9328632 bytes, checksum: f5e377d53cc694a6d436de4a4233354b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-02-07T12:40:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Regis Clemente da Costa.pdf: 9328632 bytes, checksum: f5e377d53cc694a6d436de4a4233354b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-12-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a trajetória de José Rodrigues Vieira Netto, privilegiando explicar sua atuação na organização do projeto societário e educativo de caráter comunista e suas ações para mobilizar a sociedade a lutar em defesa desta proposta ético-política. O percurso analítico prevê compreender a formação de Vieira Netto a partir de suas heranças familiares, enfatizando o olhar sobre a formação escolar e a formação universitária; discutir a sua projeção e o contexto de sua atuação profissional como professor, advogado e promotor público; caracterizar seus principais campos de militância, com destaque à Aliança Liberal, ao Partido Comunista Brasileiro, à Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Paraná, bem como as consequências dessa militância com a sua cassação e perseguição e, por fim, discutir o projeto societário e formativo de Vieira Netto relacionado ao projeto formativo do Partido Comunista Brasileiro, privilegiando uma análise da visão societária e educativa presente em suas ações e suas produções. As análises estão circunscritas ao período de 1945 a 1973, expressando o momento de filiação desta personalidade ao Partido Comunista do Brasil (1945) e o ano de seu falecimento (1973). Esta tese insere-se na História Intelectual, num movimento para compreender os sujeitos denominados intelectuais, por sua postura e atuação perante as causas da sociedade, em especial, ao assumirem posições de defesa dos chamados valores universais, como justiça, verdade e democracia. Diante das possibilidades de análise, optamos pela proposição teórica de Antônio Gramsci, particularmente o conceito de intelectual orgânico - organizador da cultura – que se trata de um agente político determinante, pois seu trabalho não se esgota na produção do conhecimento científico, artístico, filosófico, mas estende-se, principalmente, ao exercício da função organizativa, própria das lutas sociais e políticas. Esta tese apoia-se, também, nas fontes, oriundas das atas da Universidade Federal do Paraná, dos arquivos da Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social, Paraná, dos arquivos da Plataforma ‘Brasil: Nunca Mais’ Digital, das entrevistas, dos livros memorialistas para explicar como Vieira Netto atuou para sistematizar um projeto societário e de formação humana, assim como para mobilizar a classe trabalhadora a engajar-se e a lutar por esse projeto. Sustenta-se que Vieira Netto atuou como intelectual orgânico na construção do projeto societário e formativo comunista no Paraná, pois exerceu a função de professor, de advogado, de promotor público, integrou a Aliança Liberal, militou junto ao PCB elegendo-se deputado estadual e atuou junto a movimentos sociais. Essa militância implicou em um conjunto de consequências, uma vez que, de 1945 a 1973, ele foi fichado e constantemente vigiado, embora tenha sido absolvido nos processos que sofreu na ditadura militar. Foi, também, cassado em 1948, mas teve seu mandato de deputado estadual restaurado, simbolicamente, em 2013. Porém, mesmo tendo sido vítima do controle ideológico, de perseguições, de prisões e processos, manteve-se convicto de suas posições teórico-práxicas, atuando na organização da cultura e na luta em defesa do projeto societário e de formação humana. / This thesis aimed at analyzing the trajectory of José Rodrigues Vieira Netto, privileging the explanation of his action in the organization of the social and educational project of communist character as well as his work mobilizing the society for the fight defending this ethical-political proposal. The analytical process aims at understanding Vieira Netto’s qualification from his family inheritance, emphasizing a view on his school education and his university graduation; discussing his projection and the context of his professional activity as a professor, lawyer and public prosecutor; characterizing his main activism fields, highlighting the Liberal Alliance, the Brazilian Communist Party and the Legislative Assembly of the State of Parana, as well as the consequences of this activism with the restriction of his rights and persecution; and, finally, discussing Vieira Netto’s social and educational project in close relation to the Brazilian Communist Party’s educational project, privileging an analysis of the social and educational view present in his actions and productions. The analyses comprise the period from 1945 and 1973, including the moment Vieira Netto’s joined the Brazilian Communist Party (1945) and the year he died (1973). This thesis integrates the Intellectual History, in a movement to understand the subjects called intellectuals due to their posture and action when facing social issues, mainly, when they adopted positions of defence of the so-called universal rights such as justice, truth and democracy. Regarding our analysis, we chose Antonio Gramsci’s theory, mainly the concept of organic intellectual – culture organizer – who is a determining political agent, since his work is not exhausted in the production of scientific, artistic or philosophical knowledge, but is extended, mainly to the duty of the organizing function, which is characteristic of the social and political fights. This thesis is also supported by sources found in the minutes of the Federal University of Parana, the archives of the Political and Social Order Agency in Parana, the archives of the digital platform ‘Brasil: Nunca Mais’ (Brazil: Never More), interviews, and memoir books to explain how Vieira Netto worked to systematize a social project of human education, as well as to mobilize the working class to engage the fight for this project. Our view defends that Vieira Netto acted as an organic intellectual in the construction of the communist social and educational program in Parana, since he was a professor, lawyer and public prosecutor, member of the Liberal Alliance, an activist in PCB (Brazilian Communist Party) becoming a State deputy and acting in social movements. This activism had consequences, since from 1945 to 1973 he was booked and constantly monitored, despite having been acquitted in the processes that he had faced during the military dictatorship. His rights as a politician were also restricted in 1948, but his mandate as a State deputy was symbolically restored in 2013. However, even having been a victim of the ideological control, persecutions, imprisonment and law suits, he kept his theoretical approach and his praxis, acting as a culture organizer and in the fight defending the social and human educational project.

This thesis aims to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the history of biblical criticism in the seventeenth century. Its central objective is to put forward a new interpretation of the work of the Oratorian scholar Richard Simon. It does so by placing Simon's work, above all his Histoire critique du Vieux Testament (1678), in the context of the great increase in critical study of the text of the Bible that occurred after 1620. The problems and questions that confronted European scholars at this time were profound, as new manuscript discoveries combined with existing learned and polemical debates in such a way that scholars were forced reconsider their opinions on the history and text of the Old Testament. Rather than study these works solely in the discrete tradition of the history of scholarship, however, this thesis shows why they have to be considered in the context of the print culture that made their production possible, the confessional divisions that shaped and deepened the significance of their philological arguments, and the intellectual cooperation, exchange, and disagreement that determined how contemporaries understood them. The results of this research contribute to existing scholarship in several significant ways, of which four stand out for special emphasis. First, through extensive archival research it markedly revises our current understanding of the work of Jean Morin, Louis Cappel, Johannes Buxtorf II, and Richard Simon. Second, it shows that the history of biblical criticism must consider the work of Catholic scholars in the same level of detail as Protestant scholars. Third, it breaks the link between innovative philological and historical work and radical theological or political thought. Fourth, it calls into doubt the current consensus that seventeenth-century scholarly life is best understood through the concept of the international and inter-confessional 'Republic of Letters'.

A presente pesquisa visa a construir uma biografia histórico-intelectual do folclorista, militante tradicionalista e escritor sul-rio-grandense Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). O objetivo do trabalho é analisar sua trajetória intelectual e sua obra para acessar o processo de construção/atualização das representações sociais sobre a figura do gaúcho pampiano e a elaboração de projetos coletivos de identidade regional e de “invenção de tradições” nela baseados, desenvolvidos, principalmente, na segunda metade do século XX. Apresento, primeiramente, algumas considerações sobre o “tripé” teórico que baliza a análise: o conceito de representação, segundo as considerações de Pierre Bourdieu e Roger Chartier, fundamenta a forma de ler a construção social da realidade; a noção de tradição, a partir da avaliação da proposta de Eric Hobsbawm, ilumina o papel dos símbolos e dos ritos neste processo; o termo projeto, seguindo a formulação de Gilberto Velho, liga vida e obra, trajetória e teoria, política e identidade. As conclusões mostram que as respostas de Barbosa Lessa, nos anos 1950, para as críticas da geração “realista” de escritores regionalistas à literatura romântica precedente conciliam ambas as posições no desenho do novo “gaúcho a cavalo”, possibilitando, de um lado, o “resgate” do mito como base para a reivindicação do amparo social governamental ao campesino rio-grandense e, de outro, o apelo ao “popular” como foco da ritualização efetivada nos palcos dos Centros de Tradições Gaúchas (CTGs). Em sua intervenção no debate identitário local, Barbosa Lessa incorpora outros sujeitos em sua narrativa sobre a formação social do Rio Grande do Sul e dá voz àqueles grupos calados ou marginalizados, como o negro, a mulher (inventada como “prenda”, na ética e na estética tradicionalista), o índio e o imigrante. Se o gaúcho pampiano continua sendo o centro de suas atenções, ele acaba costurado e reconfigurado por elementos culturais de origem social e mesmo étnica diversa. Nos final dos anos 1970, inicia-se uma tensão, nas diretrizes da Secretaria de Cultura, Desporto e Turismo do Estado (SCDT), sob direção de nosso personagem, e, a seguir, em seus escritos, entre essa perspectiva agregadora, de inspiração folclorista, e outra tradicional e “lusitanista”, de inspiração historiográfica. Sua resolução, em favor do primeiro pólo, só se dá com a intervenção de Lessa nos debates internos do tradicionalismo e na defesa do gauchismo em geral das críticas acadêmicas, nos anos 1980. Busco, nesse sentido, atentar para as especificidades do discurso memorialista, que possibilitaram enunciações carregadas de afetividade na conciliação de tradicionalistas com os dissidentes nativistas e na contenda com os intelectuais universitários. Assim, de um Rio Grande luso e brasileiro "agauchado" pelo meio, chegamos, em seu projeto, a outro Rio Grande plenamente "gaúcho" porque cindido pela diversidade e pela mudança. / This work aims to construct an intellectual biography of the folclorist, tradicionalist movement‟s activist and writer Luiz Carlos Barbosa Lessa (1929-2002). It is our objective to analyze his trajectory and his written production to access the process of construction of the social representations about the brazilian gaucho and the collective projects of regional identity and “invention of traditions” in Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) during the second half of the twentieth century. First of all, I introduce some theoretical considerations about: a) the social construction of reality through the concept of “representation”, according to Pierre Bourdieu and Roger Chartier; b) the role of symbols and rituals in this process through Eric Hobsbawm‟s notion of “invention of tradition”; c) the connection between life and literature, trajectory and theory, politics and identity provide by Gilberto Velho‟s concept of “project”. The findings show Barbosa Lessa‟s answers to the contests in regionalist literature during the 1940‟s harmonize romantic and realistic positions to fabricate a new pattern of “gaucho on horseback”. His perspective enables the use of this myth to reclaim State social support to the “rio-grandense” peasant. To the other side, it allows the popular appeal in the construction of symbols and rituals for the gaucho traditionalist movement. In his intervention in the regional identity debate, Barbosa Lessa adds, in his narrative about the social formation of Rio Grande do Sul, another subjects and groups symbolically marginalized, like African element, women (invented as “prenda”) and immigrants. Whether the gaucho continues in the center of attention of Lessa, his new model is set of cultural elements with diverse social, and including ethnic, origin. In the late 1970‟s, a tension starts, in the guidelines of the Rio Grande do Sul‟s State Secretary of Culture, under his direction, and, later, in his writings, between this open perspective, inspired in folklore, and another more traditional, inspired in historiography. The resolution in favor of the first pole of the tension just happens when Barbosa Lessa intermediates the internal dispute in traditionalist movement and defends the “gauchismo”, in general, criticized by a new generation of university intellectuals, in the 1980‟s. So, I intend to show the specificities of the memorials‟ discourse that enable emotional enunciations in the reconcilement of traditionalist activists and the dissidence “nativista” and, either, in his controversy with academic professors. Thus, the image of “Rio Grande do Sul” changes from a Portuguese and Brazilian State turned gaucho by the characteristics of the environment to another absolutely gaucho because of his cultural variety and transformation condition.

This dissertation studies the musical activities of the Venezuelan pianist and composer Teresa Carreño (1853-1917) during her formative years in Caracas. It examines the sources that pertain to her musical environment, early piano training, and first compositions in the context of the growth in Caracas of the practices of recreational sociability, the increasing influence of virtuosic music, and the tradition of private concert-making sponsored by devoted music amateurs. This study argues that Teresa Carreño’s musical upbringing occurred in a social and cultural context in which Enlightenment-framed ideologies of civilization and social progress, shaped in fundamental ways the perceptions of the value of music and women in society, and their role in the newly-founded republic. This study is aimed at reconstructing Teresa Carreño’s musical activities in Caracas as a means for elucidating the values, aspirations, and contradictions of Caracas’s musical culture and how these were articulated within the broader context of the nation-building process that was shaped and promoted by the progressive intelligentsia since the early nineteenth-century.

This study assesses the intersection of crusading and heresy repression in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. The event that encapsulates this intersection was the Albigensian Crusade, a two-decades long conflict that befell the south of France, or Occitania. The papacy, aligned with northern lords and other willing Christians, took up arms to defend the Church from the Cathar heresy’s corrupting influence. This conflict marked a new development in Christian acts of violence. While the Church had crusaded against many different enemies—even branding some as heretics—before 1209, the Church had never called a crusade for the explicit purpose of stamping out a heretical group. This study aims to answer two questions: how did the scope of crusade broaden to incorporate heretical groups and how did methods for countering heresy shift to include crusading? To answer these questions, this study analyzes two strands of ecclesiastical propaganda. Propaganda consisted of written works that functioned as tools to educate, inform, persuade, and inspire in others certain beliefs and actions. These were texts that defined, promoted, and celebrated the practice of crusading; and texts that defined, maligned, and condemned heresies and those adhering to them. These two strands of propaganda began to intertwine in the late twelfth century, resulting in a modified anti-heresy discourse in which crusading against heretics became a theologically justifiable idea. This study argues that the call for crusade against the Occitan heretics was the end result of theological developments that began in the 1170s. What’s more, the institutionalization and codification of these strands of propaganda created the theological precedent for framing the Albigensian Crusade as a holy war, allowing the idea of crusading against heretics to take root in anti-heresy discourse in the years preceding Innocent III’s papacy and his call for crusade in southern France.

This dissertation explores the intellectual discourse on race in the early twentieth century, particularly from 1919 to 1958, examining how British and American eugenicists and Caribbean nationalists debated the limits of colonial politics in the British Caribbean using academic and scientific language. These discussions emerged in the aftermath of World War I, the economic crises that led to the Great Depression, the political and labor unrest in the British Caribbean, and consequences of the Second World War. The dissertation’s goal is to examine how residents of the British Caribbean understood, appropriated, and challenged some of the principles of eugenics, particularly those espousing ideas of white superiority. The dissertation has taken great consideration of both private and published sources from white and black intellectuals in the Anglophone Caribbean to document the dissemination of concepts of race, ethnicity, and identity in the region during the interwar period. Additionally, focusing on such critical areas as education and social policies, it explores whether eugenic ideas influenced the twentieth-century governance of British West Indian colonies.

(In Spanish) The Spanish Civil war isn't over in the hearts and minds of the people of Spain; rather, it is still being fought in the ideological realm of historical memory. Originally explored in literature and film, the theme of historical memory has not only become more visible and more explicit, but has taken the leap from art and literature into the political realm to become one of Spain's most pressing political issues.

This dissertation is a historical analysis of Varro’s De Lingua Latina, a linguistic treatise composed in the 40s BCE during Rome’s transition from oligarchic Republican government to the monarchic settlement of the Augustan Principate. I advance a reading which restores contemporary political and intellectual context to the treatise, complementing and revising previous scholarship which has traditionally focused on the Greek philosophical pedigree of Varro’s work. As such, I explore Varro’s thematic emphasis on natura (‘Nature’) in his linguistic programme, which, as a term with wide-ranging intertextual functions, embodies its complex philosophical, political, and literary character. This five-chapter dissertation is subdivided between the surviving books on etymology (Chapters 1-3) and inflection (Chapters 4-5). In Chapter 1 (“Organisation and Meaning in Varro’s Etymologies”), I explore Varro’s etymologies in De Lingua Latina, Books 5-7, and explain how his programmatic emphasis on natural philosophy conveys his unique etymological authority. In Chapter 2 (“Grammatical Discourse in De Lingua Latina”), I consider Varro’s reception of grammatical techniques of etymological exegesis, elucidating his preference for philosophical readings of poetry and the social value of literary sophistication in the late Republic. Chapter 3 (“Ethnography and Identity in Varro’s Etymologies”) develops Varro’s etymological project as a kind of ethnography of the Roman people, which contextualises Varro’s philosophical intervention in the changing circumstances of his era. Chapters 4-5 are devoted to an analysis of Books 8-10, in which Varro describes his theory of morphological inflection (declinatio naturalis) as a platform for Latin linguistic standardisation. In Chapter 4 (“Declinatio and Linguistic Standardisation in the late Republic”), I survey the politics of linguistic standardisation in the late Republic. Mediating in a debate between Cicero and Caesar, I describe Varro’s nuanced revision of existing models of analogical inflection, and characterise his use of natura to explain linguistic standards. In Chapter 5 (“Linguistic Analogy and Natural Ratio in De Lingua Latina, Books 8-10”), I relate Varro’s linguistic innovations to contemporary shifts in cultural authority, and demonstrate how his transference of linguistic standardisation to philosophy entails a radical reorganisation of the existing political status quo. / text