本文研目的，在透過大陸最近的「北京之春」民主運動，以說明其歷史淵源，經過 及青年的反共心聲，以明瞭這一代大陸青年的思潮，為結合海峽兩邊青年的共同理 想而努力。 本文第一章為緒論，內容包括研究動機、目的、方法及範圍。第二章敘及各種分歧 的民主概念與大陸民主運動之伏筆（遠因）。第三章以歷史研究法的方式，介紹大 陸上歷經的四個階段民主運動。第四章描述大陸青年心態的轉變及「北京之春」民 主運動之進行與中共鎮壓。第五章是對青年的大字報與地下刊物作內容分析與介紹 。第六章為結論，述及「文化鬥爭」及「信任危機」，以觀察大陸青年民主運動的 未來。 本文是採用歷史、心理及內容分析研究法。 #2810472 #2810472

The objective of this thesis is to evaluate the degree of influence of the military-industrial complex on the foreign policy decision-making process of the state by examining the examples of certain countries with a large and developed defense industry. In terms of this thesis there were analyzed the contemporary trends in global military expenditures and the dynamics of the global arms transfers. A critical point is evaluation of the advantages and disadvantages of the extensive investing in the military-industrial complex of state.

De nombreux travaux ont été réalisés sur la franc-maçonnerie, son histoire et ses pratiques, mais aussi sur son influence au XVIIIème siècle. Cependant, aucune recherche universitaire n’a été menée sur son activité au cours des XXème et XXIème siècles. Organisation discrète, la franc-maçonnerie compte aujourd’hui un peu plus de 6 000 000 de membres à travers le monde et a toujours été significativement présente au sein des gouvernements français. Il n’est aujourd’hui plus contesté qu’elle a marqué de son empreinte les combats pour la laïcité de l’enseignement, la liberté d’association ou la séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat. Néanmoins, à l’heure actuelle, on doute parfois de la réalité de cette influence. Les lois relatives à la contraception, à l’interruption volontaire de grossesse ou encore, plus récemment, à la bioéthique ou à l’interdiction du voile intégral sont pourtant toutes réputées avoir reçu le soutien de la franc-maçonnerie. De la pure et simple rédaction dans des loges d’un texte voté ultérieurement, à la fameuse coalition parlementaire, sans oublier les innombrables ministres réputés maçons, l’influence des obédiences prendrait des formes diverses. Ce travail a pour objet de démontrer la réalité de cette influence tout en en déterminant les spécificités : son identité, son fonctionnement, mais aussi son but et certaines de ses techniques la distinguent des autres auteurs d’influence. Ensuite, cette recherche s’attache à vérifier l’adéquation de la qualification de groupe d’intérêt que revendique la maçonnerie. La démarche adoptée emprunte aux outils proposés par la sociologie juridique, l’influence de la maçonnerie apparaissant comme un phénomène social, comptant parmi les causes de ces lois. En outre, le recours aux données statistiques, comparatives, historiques, à l’entretien, ainsi qu’à la légistique a permis de pallier les lacunes qu’auraient laissées les seules recherches bibliographiques. / A lot of research work has been carried out about Freemasonry, its history and its customs, but also about its influence in the 18th century. Nevertheless, no academic research has been led on its activity during the 20th and 21st centuries. Freemasonry, a discreet organisation, is nowadays composed of a little more than 6,000,000 members around the world and has always been significantly present within the French governments. No one now denies that it has left its mark in the fights for school secularism, freedom of association or the separation of Church and State. However, currently, the reality of its influence is sometimes put into question. The laws pertaining to contraception, voluntary termination of pregnancy or, more recently, bioethics or the ban on the full veil, are however all well-known for having received the backing of Freemasonry. From the sheer writing in the lodges of a text which is to be voted in at a later stage to the famous parliamentary coalition, as well as the countless ministers who are well-known for being freemasons, the influence of the Masonic Obediences is said to take various forms. This work’s objective is to check the reality of this influence while determining its specificities: its identity, its workings, but also its purpose and some of the techniques used make it different from those written by other influential authors. Moreover this research also aims at checking that the classification claimed by Freemansonry as an interest group is adequate. The approach chosen required the use of the tools suggested by legal sociology, since the influence of Freemasonry appears as a social phenomenon, being one of the causes of these laws. Besides, the use of statistical, comparative and historical data, of interviews as well as legal drafting has made it possible to fill in the gaps that would have remained if only bibliographic sources had been used.

Diploma thesis "The Interest Group the Union of Cities, Towns and Communities of the Czech Republic in the Process of Public Policy in the Czech Republic" is a deeper analysis of one of the important interest groups associating cities, towns and communities in the Czech public space, the Union of Cities, Towns and Communities of the Czech Republic. Activities of the Union and its contribution to the Czech public policy are in depth analyzed against a background of social movements and the theory of interest groups. The Union is assessed from the perspective of its history, types of interest groups and resources it manages (namely the membership base, financial means and means of public policy lobbying). The analysis indicates that the negative image that lobbying has in the Czech Republic needs not necessarily be fair. As an organization addressing peer groups, yet defending public interests due to the fact that the Union's members are as a part of public administration municipalities, the Union advocates those things that finally bring positive effects to lives of all citizens in the Czech Republic. In relation to challenges the Union currently faces the thesis covers also a case study of emergence of Sdružení místních samospráv. This Association of Local Governments that pursuant to the amended...

Des recherches ont montré comment les mouvements sociaux tirent parti des capacités techniques offertes par les plateformes numériques pour attirer l'attention sur leurs causes et mobiliser des partisans. Pendant la pandémie de COVID-19, le même phénomène a été observé chez certains softleaders s’opposant aux mesures sanitaires qui ont utilisé ces mêmes plateformes pour promouvoir leurs points de vue et leurs croyances. Cependant, elles ne sont pas neutres et tiennent un rôle dans l’aboutissement de tels objectifs. C’est ce que ce mémoire s’efforce de mettre en lumière. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, l’échange de propriétés entre des actants humains, et non-humains, soit les micro-célébrités activistes politiques et les capacités techniques de la plateforme Twitter, sont considérées comme une voie stratégique vers la mise en visibilité d’une idéologie politique. Dans une perspective sociotechnique, nous visons à comprendre la construction de récits et la fabrique du discours, en analysant les thèmes qui émergent des publications sur Twitter et le rôle des entités du collectif composé des actants humains et non-humains dans la production et la diffusion de ces messages. Nous remarquons que le résultat d’un tel assemblage, à travers des stratégies et les possibilités offertes par les affordances, permet de se saisir de l’attention médiatique de l’auditoire à des fins politiques : la promotion de valeurs issues de convictions anti-mesures sanitaires basées sur de la désinformation, des théories du complot et de la méfiance envers différentes institutions démocratiques. Ainsi, nous suggérons que des recherches futures doivent continuer de se pencher sur les effets de composition de cet assemblage sur la production et la diffusion du discours et que ces considérations doivent être prises en compte dans la recherche de solutions au problème de la désinformation. / Research has shown how social movements leverage the technical capabilities offered by social media platforms to draw attention to their causes and mobilize supporters. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the same phenomenon has been observed among some softleaders opposing health measures who have taken to Twitter to promote their views and beliefs. However, the platforms are not neutral and play a role in the achievement of such objectives. This is what this dissertation attempts to understand. In the context of this research, the exchange of properties between human and non-human actors, micro-celebrity political activists and the technical capacities of the Twitter platform, called affordances, are considered as a strategic path towards the visibility of a political ideology. From a sociotechnical perspective, we aim to understand the construction of their stories, the making of discourse, by analyzing the themes that emerge from their tweets and the role of the collective entities in the production and dissemination of these messages. We see that the result of the collective, through strategies and the capabilities offered by affordances, makes it possible for these softleaders to seize the attention of the audience for political ends: the promotion of values stemming from opposition health measures during the crisis based on misinformation, conspiracy theories and distrust of various democratic institutions. Thus, we suggest that future research should continue to address the composition effects of the network (humans/dispositive) on the production and dissemination of discourse and that these considerations should be considered in the search for solutions to the problem of misinformation.

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Nés en France en 1994 dans les milieux ruraux en réponse à une conjoncture difficile, les systèmesd’échanges locaux s’inscrivent dans une logique en marge du modèle économique dominant, en permettant àleurs membres d’échanger des biens, des services et des savoir-faire au moyen d’une monnaie conventionnellebasée sur le temps, concurrente, mais licite, de la monnaie légale.La crainte de voir des personnes trouver dans le SEL le moyen de dissimuler une activité économiquerémunératrice est écartée dès lors que l’on distingue les sélistes-particuliers qui participent aux échanges demanière occasionnelle, de sorte qu’ils n’en tirent qu’un complément de revenu modeste, et les sélistesprofessionnelsexerçant une activité économique permanente et rémunératrice dans les conditions analogues àcelles d’un professionnel. Ces derniers doivent être soumis aux mêmes règlementations que celles applicablesaux professionnels, sous peine de sanctions.Le recours à une structure juridique permet d’organiser les échanges en leur apportant les moyens nécessaires àleur développement, spécialement par l’édition d’un catalogue des offres et des demandes et la mise en placed’un compte courant multilatéral. Même si la forme sociale est envisageable, l’association est la structure lamieux adaptée pour répondre aux besoins en organisation juridique des SEL. Elle correspond tant à leur but nonlucratif qu’à leur philosophie fondée sur des valeurs humaines et la solidarité. / Born in France in 1994 in the rural areas in reply to a difficult economic situation, Local ExchangesSystems became an alternative of the dominant economic model, which enables members to exchange goods,services and know-how thanks to a conventional currency based upon time, which is a competitive licit solutionof the existing legal currency.The fear of seeing people using the LES to hide a remunerative econonomical activity would be taken away assoon as a clear distinction is made between private-members, who take part in exchanges occasionally to add asmall additionnal income, and those who become professional by developping a permanent and lucrative activitywithin professional conditions. This category of members must abide by the same rule that applies toprofessionals, subject to sanctions.In order to organize the exchanges, the members can use a legal structure. This would give them the necessaryhelp for their development by providing a catalogue of offers and demands and the creation of a multilateralcurrent account. Even if a type of company structure is possible, an association is better adapted for the needs ofthe legal organization of the LES. It corresponds to their non lucrative and philosophical goals based uponhuman values and solidarity.

過去有關土地使用分區管制與地價兩者間關係之研究，往往假設地價在實施規劃管制過程中呈中立性，且過去在探討土地使用分區管制與地價二者間關係之研究時，多著重在探討土地使用分區管制施行後對地價之影響上，對於土地使用分區管制決策是否受到土地市場中地價之影響，則僅在少數的研究中被探討。故本研究首先透過國內外相關文獻之回顧與分析，得知規劃管制決策者有時為求得最大之政治支持，有可能會以規劃管制為其尋求最大政治利益之工具，而扭曲規劃管制之原意，使得土地使用分區管制決策可能受到土地市場中地價之影響，然而地價於實際經濟社會中是否會影響土地使用分區管制決策，則有待進一步的探討與驗證。 是以本研究以公共選擇理論與消費者效用理論為基礎，透過台北縣市土地使用分區管制決策過程與內涵之探討，利用羅吉特(logit)迴歸分析模型，以台北市為實證範圍，並以其72至81年度之房地移轉買賣實際調查資料，進行分年橫斷面分析方式，求取選擇性偏誤訂正項後，再納入地價方程式中估計，以求地價函數一致性估計，據以逐年檢驗地價對土地使用分區管制決策之影響情形。再以台北市信義計畫區為個案分析之對象，檢視於現實社會中地價對土地使用分區管制決策之影響情形。 經由上述之實證與個案分析，得到以下之結論： 一、土地使用分區管制決策在執政者追求最大政治利益之假設下，將可能受到利益團體等相關者之壓力，而做出只利於少數人之土地使用分區管制決策。 二、土地使用分區管制決策可能會受土地市場中地價之影響。 三、地價對土地使用分區管制決策之影響不穩定。 四、對土地使用分區管制決策時應有制度性之建立以審慎考量規劃管制之旨意。 / In the literatures, the study on. the relationship between land price and zoning control was assumed that land price is neutral. Moreover, the studies of land price and zoning control are more on the impact of land use control upon land price. The issue that impact of land prices upon the decision making of zoning control is rarely investigated. Based upon the theories of public choice and consumer's utility, this study discusses the process and content of zoning control decision-making. Then, by Logit model, the transaction data of property in Taipei City from 1983 to 1992 are employed to test the impact of land price upon the decision making of zoning control. Furthermore, a case study of Shin-I Planning District in Taipei City is analyzed so as to examine the impact of land price upon zoning control decision-making in the real operation. The major findings of this study are that, land price may affect the decision making of zoning control in the long term. However, the impact of land price upon the zoning control decision-making is unstable. Finally, based upon the public choice theory, the empirical results are discussed so as to apply the findings to the land policy.

This diploma thesis deals with the political participation of national minorities in the Czech Republic. The main aim of this thesis is to find out what the possibilities of national minorities are to enter the political process in order to articulate their specific minority interests and how effective these possibilities are from their perspective. The emphasis is placed on ethnic political parties, minority interest groups, advisory bodies such as the Government Council for National Minorities and committees for national minorities at all political levels. At the same time, these selected minority institutions and bodies are also examined at the international level, which makes it possible to gain an overview of the attitudes of some states to national minority policy and their comparison, or even inspiration for the Czech Republic. The analysis was carried out on a group of five national minorities: German, Polish, Roma, Slovak and Vietnamese. The author also tried to find out how these selected national minorities are politically active, what factors influence their political participation and what is the interest in the issue of national minorities among the majority political parties. The author chose a qualitative research method for the research project and the technique of...

The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.