Ce travail s'intéresse à la question du sport au sein de la société libanaise. Dans un pays qui a accueilli la sixième édition des Jeux de la Francophonie dans un contexte politique très instable, comment comprendre les retombées post-évènement. Y en a-t-il eu ? Ici où il n'y a ni équipe nationale ni champions, comment et pourquoi le sport se crée-t-il dans l'imaginaire collectif ? Le sport joue-t-il un rôle particulier ? En fait-on usage politique ? Un usage orienté vers la cohésion nationale ou bien un rôle de prolongement des conflits confessionnels et politiques ? La première partie de notre thèse décrypte une très grande partie des mécanismes de l'organisation de Jeux de la Francophonie à Beyrouth. Elle posera le cadre, le contexte et abordera certains éléments de manière très détaillée. La deuxième partie questionnera la pratique sociale du sport et l'école comme lieu de transmission. Elle s'articulera autour d'une enquête réalisée auprès de mille Libanais. Elle tentera de déconstruire la matrice pour donner des éléments de réponse. La troisième chapitre propose de mettre en perspective les données récoltées à propos du spectacle sportif et de la pratique sociale. Nous aborderons alors les questions de structuration du sport libanais et de nationalisme sportif / This work tackles the issue of sports in the Lebanese society knowing that Lebanon hosted the sixth edition of the Francophone Games in a period of political turmoil. Has there been any post-event fallout? How and why the sport is created in the collective imagination? Does it play a particular role? Is it used for political purposes, in order to achieve national cohesion or extend sectarian and political conflicts? The first part of our thesis decrypts, to a great extent, the mechanisms of the organization of the Francophone Games in Beirut. It will encompass the framework, context and some of the event component in details. The second part will cover the social practice of sports and the school as a place of transmission. It is structured around a survey conducted among a thousand Lebanese people. It will attempt to rebuild the array in order to provide answers. The third chapter proposes to put into perspective the collected data regarding sport events and social practice. Then we shall discuss the issues of structuring the Lebanese sport and sport nationalism

Magister Legum - LLM / The aim of this study is to scrutinise, in particular, the legal bases of and decisions taken by various hybrid courts with regards to such consolidating or fragmenting effects on substantive international criminal law. The first section (Chapter 2), it will examine what is to be understood by the notion of a hybrid court. This will be followed by an analysis of the hybrid courts that have been established thus far. Furthermore, the advantages and reasons for which hybrid courts have been established in recent decades will be discussed, especially regarding their potential advantages as a transitional justice instrument. Moreover, disadvantages of hybrid courts and their deficiencies in the past will be addressed. Subsequently, the role of hybrid courts within the international legal system and their utility in the future will be discussed. This will include, on the one hand, the scope of the jurisdiction of hybrid courts in relation to other national and international criminal courts, especially vis-à-vis the ICC. On the other hand, it will be addressed whether hybrid courts will – or should – be established in the future, given the creation of the permanent ICC as well as the shortcomings of hybrid courts in the past. Against this background, the impact of hybrid courts on the further development of international criminal law will be assessed in the third section of the paper (Chapter 4). In this regard, the discussion will focus on a representative selection of hybrid courts, namely the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL). It will be discussed how their legal bases as well as their jurisprudence relate to the previous state of international criminal law, and whether they constitute adverse diversifications or positive contributions to international criminal law. In a concluding section (Chapter 5), the results of the study will be analysed and possible correlations between the structural elements of hybrid courts and their impact on international criminal law will be discussed. Finally, further questions regarding the use of hybrid courts in the future will be addressed.

Les Accidents Vasculaires Cérébraux (AVC) sont un groupe de maladies à morbi-mortalité élevée, classés parmi les causes les plus communes de décès et de handicap acquis dans le monde. Ainsi, leur épidémiologie jouerait un rôle crucial dans la diminution de leur impact sur la population. Les pays en voie de développement sont aujourd'hui les plus responsables de l'augmentation de la fréquence de la maladie, vu que la sensibilisation des gens et l'amélioration de la prise en charge dans les pays développés a permis de contrôler à un certain degré l'incidence et la mortalité de la maladie dans ces pays. Au Liban, un pays en voie de développement du Moyen Orient, les études épidémiologiques concernant les AVC sont relativement rares, malgré que nécessaires. En effet, le pays confronte le problème de vieillissement de sa population et des taux très élevés de tabagisme, et à un moindre degré d'obésité, hypertension et diabète, comparés aux autres pays. Dans ce contexte, il fallait initier ce travail qui surligne les grands titres de l'épidémiologie des AVC au Liban. Deux études ont été conduites, l'une communautaire transversale pour estimer la prévalence des AVC et la deuxième hospitalière rétrospective pour évaluer d'une part la prévalence des sous-types et leur association aux facteurs de risque et, d'une autre part, la prise en charge précoce de la maladie. Malgré que les résultats obtenus soient peu généralisables, on pourrait dire que la prévalence estimée (5‰ [95% CI= 3.3-6.6‰]) serait liée à l'incidence élevée de la maladie (notamment des athéroscléroses des gros vaisseaux) plutôt qu'à une meilleure prise en charge des AVC en phase aiguë. Des campagnes de sensibilisation des gens au risque et symptômes des AVC surtout parmi les fumeurs aideraient à limiter l'incidence et la sévérité de la maladie. De plus, l'implantation d'unités neurovasculaires diminuerait le taux de mortalité à court terme et les handicaps à long terme. / Stroke is a group of cerebrovascular diseases with high morbidity and mortality rates, classified among the most common causes of death and acquired disability worldwide. Thus, assessing its epidemiology may play a crucial role in reducing its impact on the population. Stroke late burden is attributable to developing countries mainly, as people in developed countries have a better access to optimal care and an increased awareness of stroke symtpoms and risk factors. However, in less developed countries, where population confronts the huge impact of urbanization and globalization with a great increase in the prevalence of cardiovascular risk factors, the incidence of stroke remains high. Lebanon, a developing country of the Middle East region, lacks epidemiological data on stroke burden. Moreover, he confronts the aging problem and very high rates of smoking, and to a lesser degree of obesity, hypertension and diabetes, compared to other countries. In this context, it was necessary to initiate this work to highlight some features of the disease epidemiology in the country. Two studies were conducted, the first one was a community-based cross-sectional study to assess stroke prevalence in the country, whereas the second one was a retrospective hospital-based study to assess stroke prevalence by subtypes and associations with risk factors, and to evaluate stroke acute management in hospitals. Despite that the obtained results were not generalizable, we could state the following: The estimated prevalence of stroke (5 ‰ [95% CI= 3.3-6.6‰]) may be linked to a high incidence of the disease (especially large artery atherosclerosis) rather than a better acute stroke care. Awareness campaigns on stroke risk and symptoms especially among smokers would help limit the incidence and severity of the disease, while the establishment of stroke units may reduce short-term mortality and long term disabilities.

La question centrale que cherche à aborder cette thèse tourne autour d’une proposition de délimitation du concept de la gouvernance dans les organisations non gouvernementales. La question de la gouvernance a été largement étudiée par les économistes du « public choice » sans pour autant proposer une application aux ONG, chose qui devient nécessaire vu le développement sociétal quantitatif et qualitatif de ces organisations et leurs impacts croissants sur la société. Face aux défaillances des Etats, et aux besoins d’interventions spécifiques dans quelques domaines, des actions collectives organisées ont émergé et se sont développées. L’approche adoptée cherche à présenter en premier lieu l’émergence des normes de coopération et d’entraide pour ensuite définir les structures de propriétés et de prise de décisions au sein des ONG. Cette étude présente ensuite les caractéristiques des différentes composantes du cadre opérationnel des interventions des ONG : relations avec les donateurs, transparence de l’information, structures de coûts… Le choix du Liban émane du caractère unique d’un petit pays qui a connu une prolifération large d’ONG depuis plus qu’une cinquantaine d’années. Après avoir présenté les résultats de l’enquête menée auprès d’un échantillon représentatif des organisations au Liban, on propose un modèle d’évaluation de l’efficacité de l’action de ces organisations basé sur les travaux de Cooper, Charnes et Rhodes sur le modèle de Data Envelopment Analysis DEA. / The central question that this thesis seeks to address revolves around a proposal for delimitation of the concept of governance in non-governmental organizations. The issue of governance has been widely studied by economists of the public choice without nonetheless proposing an application to NGOs, something that has become necessary due to the quantitative and qualitative development of these organizations and their growing impact on society. Given the shortcomings of States, and specific needs that have begun to arise requiring interventions in some areas in societies, organized collective action emerged and developed. The approach used in this proposal seeks to present first the emergence of norms of cooperation and mutual assistance, and then define the properties and structures of decision-making processes within NGOs. This study then presents the characteristics of the different components of the operational framework of NGO interventions: donor relations, information and transparency, cost structures ... The choice of Lebanon comes from the uniqueness of a small country that has seen a large proliferation of NGOs from more than fifty years. presented the results of the survey of 90 organizations in Lebanon, an evaluation of the effectiveness of the action of the organization is presented based on the work of Cooper, Charnes and Rhodes on the model of Data envelopment analysis DEA.

Lebanon is seen as a failed state by the international community and this study aims to look at the causes that have made Lebanon dysfunctional. The study uses Andrej Lijpharts consociational power sharing model and the international relations theory realism to analyse the internal and external causes that have made Lebanon a failed state. The study is based on interviews from the three major sects in Lebanon and a text analysis. The study shows that Lebanon is suffering from a corrupt elite that uses the state institutions to benefit their own families. The elite uses clientelism by manipulating consociational power sharing to make the ethnoreligious groups dependant on the elite’s own success. Different regional and international powers use Lebanon in their struggle for power and dominance over the Middle East. The external actors support different ethnic and religious groups by financing and arming them. That in turn deepens the divide between the sectarian groups and hinders the political progress.

Malgré un format institutionnel classique, l’État libanais ne présente pas certaines propriétés par lesquelles la sociologie politique caractérise le pouvoir étatique. Il figure ainsi régulièrement dans la liste des États faibles. Ce travail de recherche remet en question la pertinence de cette qualification en s'inscrivant dans une démarche de sociologie politique du droit et de la justice, appliquée à la justice civile des mineurs ainsi qu’à la justice de la charia. Il documente l’activation à partir de 2002 des juges des enfants sur un terrain libanais où le droit de la famille est pluriel, et où plusieurs droits religieux sont mis en œuvre par plusieurs systèmes juridictionnels religieux, en l’absence d’un droit civil commun. Cette thèse mobilise la notion d’“épreuve d’État” pour étudier un conflit public, de 2007 à 2010, entre ces juges des enfants et les tribunaux sunnites de la charia autour de la protection de l’enfant en danger. Ce conflit, quoique clôturé en 2010 par un recul des ambitions des juges civils, produit des effets au-delà des arènes juridictionnelles, sur des mobilisations de femmes qui tentent avec un certain succès de modifier en leur faveur le droit religieux sunnite de la famille. Ces effets d’État ne passent pas par les éléments traditionnels recherchés par la sociologie de l’État et de l’action publique : des budgets, une bureaucratie, des règles centrales obligatoires. Il s’agit ici de formes originales d’étatisation par concurrence entre tribunaux autour de l’enfant et de la famille libanaise. L’enquête ouvre ainsi la boite noire de l’État réputé faible à travers l’épreuve du conflit interjuridictionnel, pour s’attarder sur les formes et les effets de la présence de l’État là où il est supposé être absent. Au lieu de chercher le changement dans les droits rigides de la famille uniquement à travers une politique publique sécularisante du centre civil, cette démarche permet de suivre et de mieux comprendre les bouleversements à l’intérieur même des normativités religieuses et de leurs droits supposés immobiles. Le rapport entre l’État et la communauté religieuse n’est plus un jeu à somme nulle, les droits religieux de la famille montrent une certaine réactivité face aux mobilisations des droits par le bas, et l’État libanais acquiert une effectivité que ne lui reconnaissent pas les récits récurrents de sa faiblesse. / The Lebanese state is often depicted as failing to possess some of the properties through which political sociology usually defines state power. Therefore, it is often described as a weak state. I question the relevance of this description through a political sociology of law, an approach I apply to civil juvenile courts and to sharia courts. I study the activation in 2002 of juvenile judges in Lebanon, where several religious family laws are implemented by parallel religious courts, in the absence of a common civil law for the family. I use the notion of "State test" to study a public conflict (2007 - 2010) between these juvenile judges and Sunni sharia courts around the protection of endangered children. This conflict produces effects beyond judicial arenas on women mobilizations that are trying, with some success, to change religious Sunni family law. These "state effects" are not channeled through the traditional elements sought by the sociology of the state and policy studies : budgets, bureaucracy or mandatory central rules. These original forms of stateness are the result of a competition between courts for the child and the Lebanese family. Instead of seeking change in rigid family laws only through a secularizing public policy from the civil center, investigating these "state tests" and their effects can allow us to track and better understand the changes within religious groups and their supposedly immobile legal systems. The relationship between the state and the religious groups is no longer a zero-sum game, religious family laws appear more responsive to legal mobilizations from below, and the state acquires an effectiveness that often goes unrecognized by the recurrent narratives of its weakness.

This thesis explores the relationship between state and civil-society in Lebanon. Earlier research show that there has been a presence of capable local NGOs in Lebanon for many years and that this has shaped the society. There is a gap in the research on the role of local NGOs after the Beirut harbour explosion on the 4th of August 2020. The aim of this research is to shed light on the contribution of local NGOs in Lebanon by exploring the contribution of local NGO Offre Joie and what difficulties they found when taking on some of the emergency response and rebuilding work after the explosion at Beirut Harbour. My theoretical approach states that a state owes a duty to care and protect its citizen and that in this case some of this responsibility was absent and instead taken on by the civil society and NGOs. Qualitative case study on Offre Joie, methods for collecting data include a semi-structured, in-depth interview with one Offre Joie board member, content analysis on a panel discussion that Offre Joies president was a part of and an impact report realised by Offre Joie. I found that they did encounter challenges but that these were not major enough to stop them in their efforts to rebuild and assist the community. They contributed by rebuilding the most affected areas and by utilising volunteers they brought a human side to the crisis. This human relationship and the solidarity between the people affected and the volunteers has been one of the biggest contributions. The role that Offre Joie took on after the explosion points to the reality of mismanaged governmental institutions, and that the role of local NGOs is extremely important at this current time to protect and safeguard the people within Lebanon’s civil society.

The aim of this paper was to study whether or not the 2018 Lebanese general election had contributed in the securitization of the Syrian refugees in the Lebanese media discourse. The thesis also looked at if the Syrian refugees were portrayed as victims in the same media outlets. The main focus was on two Lebanese digital media which are Al-Manar, and Al- Akhbar. This study relied on the Securitization theory and Critical Discourse analysis to understand the issue presented. With the help of the securitization theory and critical discourse analysis it can be argued that the Lebanese election did not directly influence the media discourse in the country, it did however, intensify the media reporting on the Syrian refugees during that time. Furthermore, the discourse did become harsher during the election time. Finally, with the help of images used in the chosen articles, the Syrian refugees often times were portrayed as victims in the chosen media for different political reasons.

Bibliographic Record DANIEL, JAN. International Peacekeeping and Hybrid Order: UNIFIL II in South Lebanon. Prague, 2017. 257 p. Doctoral dissertation (Ph.D.) Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Thesis supervisor: JUDr. PhDr. Tomáš Karásek, Ph.D. Abstract The thesis explores an engagement of a UN peace operation with a local political order. It builds on understanding of peacekeeping as policing of certain vision of international and local order and on that basis, it explores practices and politics of keeping peace. Drawing on the study of UNIFIL II, the UN peacekeeping operation deployed in South Lebanon, the study focuses on practices by which peacekeepers perform their policing duties in the local order, which is marked by entanglements between state and non- state ordering authorities and different practice of stateness. By doing so, it seeks to advance the research on the everyday practices of peacekeeping, as well as the research on local hybridity of peace operations and engagement of liberal actors with the local difference. Drawing on the debates in critical peace studies and works on practice-oriented approaches to research on liberal governmentality, it makes the case for focusing on the peacekeepers' engagement with the 'local' order on the...

John A. Warden’s theory the enemy as a system has been influential and attributed to large scale victories, such as Operation Desert Storm. It advocates offensive use of air power by parallel attacks on the enemy’s strategic center. While doctrines of small states are dependent and influenced by the military thinking of great power nations, its capacity and necessary priorities for the use of air power may differ. This study examines Warden’s theory through two cases, the Six Day War and the Second Lebanon War. Both relied on air power executed by a small state, Israel. The result show that Warden’s theory can partly explain Israelic victory during the Six Day War, but with substantial differentiations from the theory’s advocation of attacks on the enemy strategic leadership. The findings are ambiguous and neither strengthens nor weakens the theory. The analysis of the Second Lebanon War indicates that air power was insufficient in achieving strategic victory in the war against Hezbollah, even though the execution of the air operation had significant resemblance to Warden’s theory, thus weakening the theory.