Abstract This dissertation is a research for the historical reconstruction of the local political ecology since post-war in Penghu. At present, the research of local factions and democratic transition in Taiwan seems to have omitted the in-depth study of off-shore Penghu area. Therefore, the main purpose of this research is to try exploring the formation and declining of Penghu local factions in the post-war, and to examine the vicissitude of military role before and after abolished martial law in Penghu. In the meanwhile, we would systematically analyze the change of Penghu local political ecology in the process of democratization. By executing this Penghu case, we would conduct a further antithesis and discussion on the existed research of the local factions in Taiwan. This research adopted the field study and the in-dept interview method to collect empirical data. In addition that we expect the historical documents and official statistics data could be the helpful auxiliary evidence. The primary findings emerged from this research are¡G¡]1¡^Due to the pre-existing inter-group differences and competition of autonomy election, the Penghu local factions were generated and competition among factions were emerged. In addition, the only competition field was the election for congress of county or province because the position of county mayor was controlled by the military force. ¡]2¡^The faction itself was lack of strong structure because of the scarceness of Penghu local resources. In addition, there had not been any political opposition in Penghu during the martial law era. As a result, the relationship of alliance between Kuomintang and faction did not exist and the local factions were served as the counter-acting pressure of political oppositions for Kuomintang. Therefore, when the leader of faction had been changed or the members of faction were facing the conflict in profit could emerge the split, reorganization, or declining.¡]3¡^Following the transitions of authoritarian regime in Taiwan, not only military controlling role of political regime had been collapsed in Penghu, but also it withdrew the electoral mobilization machine for Kuomintang. In the meanwhile, military role had been changed from domination to assistance on the economical and social aspect.¡]4¡^On the one hand, democratization made the traditional "bi-factionalism pattern" of Penghu transformed into a multi-regional competition pattern. On the other hand, even if democratic transition boosted the political type of party competition, the influence of existing parties and military units had been gradually loosing. By contrast, local faction based on the combination of family, geography, and social relationship as well as burgeoning political-commercial sectors had become the main characters of regional political ecology. Worthy of mention, the existing theoretic perspective about local factions in Taiwan didn¡¦t absolutely fit Penghu. This research claims that it should take into account the characteristics of political economical and social structure at local, and the selection strategies of local political actors when understanding the local political ecology. Keywords¡G political ecology, local faction, democratic transition, military role, Penghu

In Taiwan, the clan associations have some leverage over local affairs, including elections of legislator, county mayor, county congressman, township heads, town heads and town councilman, and so on. Some critics observe that the clan associations have far more significant influence than political party in some counties such as Tao-yuan, Hsin-chu, etc. This thesis aims to explore the interaction between local faction and clan association in Taiwan through analysis on several cases about Tao-yuan county. The author will focus on the social network and bring forward the following assumptions: (1) politicians influence the result of an election by involving themselves in local faction; (2) politicians influence the result of an election by involving themselves in clan association; (3) local faction forms an alliance with clan association to influence the result of an election. In sum, the interactive patterns between local faction and clan association can be divided into four categories: (1) clan faction, i.e. local faction comprised primarily of members of clan association; (2) clan faction with some other clan ; (3) non-clan faction, i.e. local faction comprised primarily not of members of clan association; (4) local faction unrelated to any clan association. The author attempts to explain the following aspects: first of all, how local faction develops cooperation relationship with clan association in various elections in Tao-yuan county; secondly, the alliance between local faction and clan association will be a short-term or long-term relationship; furthermore, if clan association will be in the cooperative process dwindled into factious clubs. Finally, what kind of interest exchanges will exist between local faction and clan association? The major findings of this study were as the following: (1) local faction develops a long-term cooperation relationship with clan association in various elections in order to win; (2) local factions win over clan associations by providing service and fellowship; (3) clan association has tendency to dwindle into factious clubs.

The main purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that people¡¦s self/communities perspective plays a critical role in making democratic political institution fully function. There are many problems such as the corruption of local factions, bribery politics, ethnic conflict, and national identity dispute in Taiwan¡¦s young history of democratic system. This thesis claims that the problems lie on the difference between Western and Chinese perspectives of the relations between self and communities. The perspective of self/communities relations signifies an individual¡¦s thinking of his position in the communities, groups, or society, which he belongs to or lives in, and how he will interact with other people in different communities under different circumstances. Different culture and different historical background result in different perspectives of the relations between self and communities. In chapter Two, we first trace the history of Western political thoughts and the shaping progress of Western perspective of self/communities relations (mainly the perspective from the ¡§individualism¡¨); then, we focus on what the liberal democracy¡¦s perspective of self/communities relations. In chapter Three, we analyze the related concepts of Confucian perspective of self/communities relations, and indicate that Confucianism always teaches people that an individual must benefit the community and be loyal to the superiors. This perspective of self/communities relations supports the imperial institution. But in the last period of Ching Dynasty, some Chinese intellectuals introduced the western democratic thought to the Mainland China, and at last overthrew the imperial institution and intended to build a democratic government. However, these intellectuals and political elites did not realize that the Confucian perspective of self/communities relations has made the practices of Western liberal democracy difficult in both China and Taiwan. Chapter Four indicates that even KMT government moved to Taiwan, and there were still many intellectuals and political elites anticipating the government to build a political institution, but they still did not focus on the difference between Taiwanese perspectives of self/communities relations and Western individualism. So in chapter Five, we indicate that the problems of Taiwan¡¦s democracy were resulted from the ordinary Taiwanese perspective of self/communities relations. Such perspective emphasizes the interpersonal affections (ren-qing), relationship network (guan-xi), and the division between others and us. This research indicates that the perspective of self/communities relations is very important in studying different political culture and its political institution.

台灣的地方派系在台灣政治發展過程中，扮演著相當獨特的角色，因此，派系政治是一個相當值得從事台灣研究工作者進行觀察的對象。而在派系與選舉的相關實証研究中，經常被提出來的對應分析變數是「現代化」或「都市化」程度；不過，截至目前為止，相關的研究卻經常把這兩個變數視為一體，致其研究的成果，未能與預期的發現一致。 因此，本研究是對新竹縣（市）地方派系的發展與變遷歷程中，都市化、派系得票率與選舉投票率間的因果關係及其影響感到興趣，並想進一步借著新竹縣（市）地方派系的個案研究，對相關研究假設與分析變數的應用，從事更為精確的探討。 而經過實証的分析後，本研究發現，在新竹縣（市）近年（1994~1998）七屆次各層級的選舉中，都市化程度與派系得票率間的關係，呈現負相關；都市化程度與選舉投票率間的關係，亦為負相關；而派系得票率選舉投票率間的關係，則為正相關。而以上三項的研究發現，完全符合原初的研究設計與假設。 此外，在質性分析面向上，本研究亦發現，決定新竹縣（市）地方派系發展的重要因素，在新竹縣部份是宗親力量，而在新竹市部份則為族群問題。而地方派系與政黨間的互動，在新竹縣部份，國民黨與派系間的關係，為派系主導國民黨的運作模式，在民進黨部份，則為合作共生的關係；至於，在新竹市部份，則為派系與國民黨合作共生的模式。 基此，本研究相信，台灣地區其它縣市地方派系的生態與發展，將可援用本個案分析的架構，藉由實証觀察模型的套用，為台灣地方派系的研究，累積並修正更多可供應用的事實發現與研究假設，以進一步建構解釋地方派系影響力變遷的實証性理論。

本論文旨在探討台灣地方派系與選舉之關係，並以雲林縣作為個案，分別探討雲林地方派系的形成及發展及權力結構、派系與選舉提名、派系與選舉動員、派系與選舉結果等問題。文分六章，各章重點如下： 　　第一章：除說明研究動機外，並以文獻探討及訪談等作為主要研究方法；而就理論架構方面，主要以派系理論及恩庇侍從(patron-client）理論為基礎，探討威權體制下，派系如何經由恩庇侍從關係的連結，而得以在選舉中發揮巨大影響力。 　　第二章：首先就社會文化及政治經濟的角度，說明台灣地方派系形成的背景因素，從而進一步描繪雲林縣地方派系的形成發展及權力結構。 　　第三章：本章分二大部分，第一部份敘述四十餘年來國民黨提名政策的演變；其次，並以雲林縣十餘年來省級以上民意代表及縣長選舉為例，探討國民黨在歷次選舉的提名策略，以及派系競爭提名的衝突過程；從而進一步補充了前述之雲林縣地方派系的形成及發展部分。 　　第四章旨在探討派系與選舉動員；第一節敘述派系的動員基礎，包括農會、水利會、信用合作社、學校、行政系統、黨務系統等動員網路；其次，在第二節中，本文則探討在此動員基礎下，派系與樁腳的互動關係；第三節以二屆國大代表及二屆立法委員選舉為例，說明各候選人的動員基礎及派系網路。 　　第五章旨在以雲林縣歷年來省級以上民意代表選舉的開票結果作基礎，探討地方派系與得票率，當選率及投票率的關係。 　　第六章結論。

鄉鎮市財政狀況不佳，多須仰賴上級政府補助的情形已存在許久，本研究的目的即以嘉義縣十八鄉鎮（市）為對象，探討縣政府對鄉鎮（市）公所的補助情形。影響一鄉鎮（市）補助收入的因素頗多，包括經濟性因素和政治性因素，本研究旨在探討政治性因素中地方派系、縣長選舉、各鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度及鄉鎮（市）長是否連任等對一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入的影響。具體而言，本研究的研究問題如下： 　　一、除了經濟性的考量之外，縣府補助鄉鎮（市）公所時有無政治性因素介入？ 　　二、鄉鎮市長與縣長派系屑性的異同對補助款的多寡有無影響？亦即鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）補助收入是否多於一些鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長派系屬性相異的鄉鎮（市）公所？ 　　三、縣長選舉年時，各鄉鎮（市）公所的補助收入有無增加？ 　　四、縣長選舉年時，鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）公所的補助收入與一些鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長不同的鄉鎮（市）的補助收入有無差異？ 　　五、鄉鎮（市）長連任的鄉鎮（市）補助收入與鄉鎮（市）長首任時該鄉鎮（市）補助收入有無差異？ 　　六、對縣長支持度高的鄉鎮（市）補助收入是否多於對縣長支持度低的鄉鎮（市）？ 　　再依據本研究的研究問題發展出本五個研究假設，如下： 　　假設一：鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市），縣府補助收入多於不同派系屬性的鄉鎮（市）。 　　假設二：縣長選舉年時，各鄉鎮（市）的補助款收入會增加。 　　假設三：選舉時封縣長支持度愈高的鄉鎮（市），選舉後的補助款入愈多。 　　假設四：鄉鎮（市）長連任的鄉鎮（市）長，縣府補助收入少於鄉鎮（市）長首任的鄉鎮（市）。 　　假設五：縣長選舉年時，鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）所獲補助款增加的額度多於鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長派系屆性不同的鄉鎮（市）。 　　本研究採用了補助款理論、地方派系理論及政治景氣循環理論來建構研究架構；而在研究方法的使用上，本研究採取三角定位法的觀點，兼採質的研究方法和量的研究方法，以期對政治性因素影響鄉鎮（市）公所補助款收入的情形作更深入的瞭解。 　　研究結果發現，現行嘉義縣政府對轄十八鄉鎮（市）公所的補助中，除財政局有固定的補助標準之外，縣府其它局室對鄉鎮（市）公所的補助皆無一定的標準，而相對地，鄉鎮（市）公所方面對於縣府財政局的補助標準亦所知不多，因此政治性因素得以介入補助過程中。而政治性介入的情形叉如何呢？本研究發現，一鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度高低是主要的政治性影響因素，支持度高低與一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入間是呈負相關，即支持度愈低的鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入愈多，本研究的假設三無法成立。 　　之所以有此種情形，本研究基於公共選擇理論的論點認為是因現任縣長為求下次選舉再度執政，對於一些對其支持度較低的鄉鎮（市）會增加補助，藉著補助款的撥給以換取該鄉鎮（市）的選票。 　　除一鄉鎮（市）封縣長支持度高低之外，其它政治性因素對一鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響情形，在本研究第六章中將有詳述，在此將本研究主要的研究發現摘要於下。 　　一、在地方派系屬性封鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屈性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市），縣府補助收入多於鄉鎮（市）長派系屑性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市），本研究假設一得以成立。 　　二、在縣長選舉年對鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現就十八鄉鎮（市）的總平均值而言，在第十、十一、十二屆縣長選舉年時各鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入多於選舉前一年。 　　以上是由鄉鎮（市）公所的收入面進行分析的結果，若由縣府補助支出面的情況來加以分析，結果發現縣長選舉年時縣府補助款支出的額度大於非縣長選舉年時。因此由全體鄉鎮（市）公所的縣府補助收入總平均值及由縣政府補助支出面來看，本研究的假設二得以成立。 　　除此之外，本研究亦發現在第九屆及第十一屆縣長選舉後一年，各鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的平均值少於縣長選舉當年的平均值。如此的發現綜合上段所言就全體鄉鎮（市）公所總平均值來看，選舉年時鄉鎳（市）縣府補助收入會增加的情形，可證實除了第十屆縣長選舉年以外，整的而言嘉義縣各鄉鎮（市）在縣府補助收入層面「選舉景氣循環」的情形是存在的。 　　三、在鄉鎮（市）長連任與否對鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入的影響上，本研究發現連任的鄉鎮（市）長任內該鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入多於首任時期該鄉鎮（市）公所縣府補助收入，本研究假設四無法成立。之所以有此種情形，本研究認為是因在缺乏明確的補助標準的情形下，一鄉鎮（市）公所最常用以爭取補助的方法即為「透過地方人士及民意代表爭取」及「透過計畫申請」等二項方法〈見附錄四〉，連任的鄉鎮（市）長因已累積前任四年內的種種人脈及資源，較能拿捏有效的補助款爭取方法，因此在第二任任期內補助款收入會多於尚處於摸索階段的第一任任期內補助款的收入額。 　　四、在鄉鎮（市）長派系屆性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）於縣長選舉年時補助款增加的情形上，本研究發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市）公所在縣長選舉年時縣府補助收入並無增加，但此種結果是各瑯裝（市）平均值上的情形，本研究冉計算出各鄉鎮（市）於縣長選舉年時補助款增加的額度後再進行檢測，結果發現鄉鎮（市）長派系屑性與縣長相同的鄉鎮（市）在縣長選舉年時縣府補助收入增加的額度多於鄉鎮（市）派系屬性與縣長相異的鄉鎮（市）長主政的鄉鎮（市），本研究假設五得以成工。 　　至於各項政治性因素的重要性方面，依迴歸分析發現一鄉鎮（市）對縣長的支持度高低是主要決定因性，其次為鄉鎮（市）長派系屬性及鄉鎮（市）長是否連任，至於縣長選舉年對一鄉鎮（市）縣府補助收入的影響，則無如預期中地重要。 　　在研究建議方面，本研究分別提出近程建議、遠程建議及對後續研究的建議，在近程建議中，本研究建議宜訂定明確的補助標準，避免政治性因素太過介入補助過程，且根據嘉義縣各鄉鎮（市）公所財政狀況，分級要求鄉鎮（市）公所在爭取補助時提撥配合款；在遠程建議上，本研究認為鄉鎮（市）公所預算體系仍須保留，建議廢除省級機構，採行中央、縣、鄉鎮（市）三級制，並擴大縣及鄉鎮（市）的職權，切實落實地方自治乃為解決地方財政問題的根本辦法。

臺灣縣市議員與縣市長選舉的政黨競爭程度不及中央層級選舉，然而相對於地方首長選舉多數呈現兩黨競爭，地方議員選舉的政黨組成則相對多元，可能是近似縣市長的藍綠對決，也可以是無黨籍遙遙領先其他政黨，或是由單一政黨與無黨籍囊括多數選票，這代表政黨在各地區的議員與縣市長得票存在程度不等的落差。本文即在於尋找能夠解釋議員與縣市長選舉政黨得票連動關係不一的因素，並以「得票差距」及「得票相關程度」測量政黨得票的連動性。結果發現，議員選舉選區規模與議員選舉有效票數（縣市人口規模）等「先天結構因素」與政黨兩項選舉的得票差距具有關聯；除了「先天結構因素」，地方派系與現任議員參選比例等「政黨本身可掌握的因素」同樣與政黨兩項選舉的得票相關程度具有關係。地方派系在地方選舉具有舉足輕重的地位，足以解釋政黨議員與縣市長得票相關程度的變化，不過其與政黨得票差距的關係則未獲得證實，本文推測可能受到派系測量的限制。政黨標籤對地方議員選舉的重要性確實不如縣市長或中央層級選舉，但隨著縣市長選舉的兩黨競爭逐漸滲透至議員選舉，其意義已較以往提升。議員選舉兩黨競爭的出現反映議員選舉政黨化的跡象。 / The party competition is weaker in county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections than in central elections in Taiwan. However, Electoral landscape of councilor elections is not the same in districts, rather than competition between two major parties in most county magistrate/city mayoral elections. Some are approximate two-party competition, some are parties lag far behind the independent candidates, others are single party and the independent candidates secure most votes. It indicates that the differences of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections vary in districts. The study explores the relationship of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections and uses “difference of party votes” and “correlation of the party votes” to measure the dependent variable. The results show that factors which parties can’t determine have something to do with the difference of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as district magnitude in county/city councilor elections, scale of population in districts. In addition to factors which parties can’t determine, factors which parties can determine also have something to do with correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as local factions, the proportion of incumbent councilors run for another term. Local factions are the pivot of Taiwanese local elections, and can explain the correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, but the relationship with difference of party votes can’t be verified according to the result of analysis. It could attribute to the measurement of factions. The party label is less important in councilor elections than in county magistrate/city mayoral or central elections, but becomes more meaningful when two-party competition penetrates into councilor elections. The competition between two major parties of councilor elections reflects councilor election towards party competition.

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本文的研究主旨在於 ： 從中央與地方政治權力關係變動的主軸來探 討台灣威權政體的轉型過程。在概念的界定上，早期（ 1972 年前）或狹 義的中央與地方政治權力關係，主要係指涉國民黨與地方派系的結盟關係 ，後期（ 1972 年後）或廣義的意涵，則主要係指涉中央政治勢力和地方 基層間的關係，其中，國民黨、反對運動及地方派系三者間的關係，乃是 著重焦點所在。至於分析架構的安排，首先，本文先敘述國民黨威權政體 形成的歷史背景，繼之分析國民黨威權政體的建構，包括國民黨威權政體的控制與支配，及其內在脆弱性。其次，本文將中央與地方政治權力關係的演變劃分為三個時期：第一個時期是 1949-1972 年， 主要劃分的依據在於 1972 年增額選舉的舉辦（象徵中央大門的開啟），分析焦點則是國民黨與地方派系依侍結盟的建立； 第二個時期是 1972-1986 年，主要劃分的依據在於民進黨的成立（象徵中央政治權力的分化），分析的焦點則是本土地方勢力（包括反對運動和地方派系）的向中央挺進，及其和外來政權之間的互動、激盪；第三個時期是 1986 年後，分析的焦點在於黨國體制的瓦解 -- 國民黨的轉化、國會的全面改選 -- 立法院的轉型及地方派系的變與不變 -- 政經結合體。再者，在分析的流程中，本文援引了兩 個貫穿上述三個時期的環境仲介變數：一是意識的發展，主要係指「大中國意識」和「台灣主體意識」彼此間的消長；二是選舉機制的發展，包括選舉角色和選舉層次的改變。

八輕的興建由於具備提振經濟發展的功能，受到熱烈歡迎；卻也因為其對環境生態影響甚鉅，引發當地居民的反對聲浪，以及全國各地的環保團體串連抗議，導致進度延宕。這種經濟與環保衝突的鄰避型設施，在廠址的選擇上，因為必須要滿足社會大眾的需求，而成為環境決策相當重要的一環。只是，同樣渴望經濟發展的雲林縣與嘉義縣，為何八輕最後會選擇落腳雲林而非嘉義？決策過程中的利害關係人又是如何互動？研究結果發現，雖然政商聯盟在中央決策場域上佔有優勢，然廠址抉擇的關鍵仍在於地方的政治生態。嘉義黃林兩派對立的政治生態，讓主政黃派在爭取開發案上，因受到林派為反對而反對的掣肘，中油倍感經營不易而退出；在雲林張派獨大的情形下，沒有足以抗衡的反對勢力，而有利於八輕的進駐。此外，無論在中央或地方的層級，環保團體都企圖在政治力的夾縫中求生存，以阻擋政商聯盟的不正義開發。地方民眾則因利益不同而選擇與派系或環保團體結盟。 / The building of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project is so popular because of its function of promoting economic development. However, local residents have great opposition to it because of its giant influence on environment. Furthermore, the series of representations from the environmental groups have made the work progress at a very low pace. The siting of nimby facility which causes the conflict between economic development and environment protection has become an important part of decision making because it has to satisfy all kinds of needs in the society. Then, we may wonder why 8th Naphtha Cracking Project chooses Yun-lin County instead of Chia-yi County since both of them are eager to develop their own economics, and how the stakeholders interact during the decision making process. The study finds out that politicoeconomic coalitions control the national political arena, and they seem to monopolize decision making process. But the local political ecology is the key to siting. In Chia-yi County, Huang Faction is in confrontation with Lin Faction. Although Huang Faction makes efforts to win the developing project, Lin Faction just protests without particular reasons. Finally, CPC gives up the project because it is so difficult to run business in this situation. On the other hand, Chang Faction is so dominant that there is no political opposition movement in Yun-lin County. And that fosters the coming of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project. In addition, no matter in central or local level, environmental groups try to influence policy to prevent the unjust development from politicoeconomic coalitions. And the local residents enter into strategic coalitions with factions or environmental groups due to different interests.