L'inspiration de ce mémoire provient du point trois de la règle 50 de la Charte olympique : « Aucune sorte de démonstration ou de propagande politique, religieuse ou raciale n’est autorisée dans un lieu, site ou autre emplacement olympique. » (CIO 2013 : 96) Cette règle s'avère non seulement contraignante pour les athlètes portant le hijab, mais elle est aussi mobilisée pour les discréditer. Pourquoi cette contrainte? Le sport ne devrait-il pas être accessible pour toutes étant donné tous les aspects positifs qu'il apporte? En prenant pour base conceptuelle les concepts d'islamophobie genrée (Zine 2006), d'intersectionnalité incorporée (Mirza 2012) et de nationalisme (Balibar 1997 [1988]), et pour base analytique le régime des représentations racialisées (Hall 1997), ce mémoire propose une lecture croisée de trois types de discours : le discours des médias sur le hijab dans les sports et sur les femmes qui le portent ; le discours tenu par les athlètes hijabis elles-mêmes ; et le discours du public, dont les fans. À travers l'étude de la « personnalité publique » de quatre athlètes hijabis telle que construite sur leur page Facebook, toutes des sportives de haut niveau, et des échanges que celles-ci ont eu sur cette plateforme avec leur public, ce mémoire porte un éclairage sur un discours alternatif à ceux des médias dominants qui voient largement le hijab dans les sports comme un problème. On y découvre entre autres le rôle positif que ces athlètes jouent dans la promotion des sports et de l'activité physique chez les femmes musulmanes, notamment celles portant le hijab. / The inspiration for this master's thesis comes from the third item of the rule 50 in the Olympic Charter : No kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other Olympic areas. (CIO 2013: 96) This rule is not only restrictive for athletes wearing the hijab, but it is also used to discredit them. Why this constraint? Should not sport be accessible for all, given all the benefits it offers? Taking the conceptual basis of gendered islamophobia concepts (Zine 2006), embodied intersectionality (Mirza 2012) and nationalism (Balibar 1997 [1988]) as well as the racialized regime of representation (Hall 1997) as analytical basis, this master's thesis offers a cross-reading of three types of discourses : the media discourses on the hijab in sports and on the women who wear it ; the discourses held by the hijabis athletes themselves ; and public discourses, including fans. Through the study of the "public personality" of four hijabis athletes as built on their Facebook page, all of the top athletes, and the exchanges that these have had on this platform with their audience, this study shows alternative discourses to those of the dominant medias who widely see the hijab in sports as a problem. These include the positive role that these athletes play in promoting sports and physical activity among Muslim women, especially those wearing the hijab.

This diploma thesis deals with a crystallization of the political affair in Czech Social Democratic Party concerning lying of the politician M. Hašek and his colleagues about their meeting with the president after parliamentary election in autumn 2013. The qualitative analysis of mass media texts is based on the term media dialogical network, which was developed by J. Nekvapil and I. Leudar. In their latest publications they combined it with the apparatus of membership categorization analysis and the term structured immediacy. The membership categorization analysis enables me to take into consideration besides sequential aspects of social interaction also participants' categorization practices and thank to the term structured immediacy I could focus on how participants treat historical meanings in their statements. The second important aim of this thesis is to innovate the term media dialogical network as a viable approach to the intertextuality analysis of mass media communication in the new media environment. The fact, that the call for resignation of party's leader was linked to the secret meeting with the president after the election, resulted in the interpretation of the event as a coup against party's leader B. Sobotka. The politicians accused of coup organization defended themselves against...

The thesis deals with discourse surrounding the topic of the Greek debt crisis (GDC) in the online version of the British daily newspaper the Guardian (www.theguardian.com). The study builds on a bilateral division of the EU public discourse on the economic crisis, distinguishing between two opposing perspectives: "the Northern diagnosis" (DeGrauwe 2011: 5) prevailing in Germany and other creditor states, and 'the Southern opinion' on the situation held mainly by the debtor countries. The thesis examines the position of the Guardian in relation to this bilateral discourse framework. The Guardian represents a liberal, socially aware and traditionally EU-supportive newspaper that is published in a country which counts among the Europe's leading economic and political powers, a country that is also characterized by strong Eurosceptic tendencies. These aspects form a complex background with regard to the EEC/GDC discourse framework. There are factors supporting both "the Northern diagnosis" of the GDC and those suggesting inclination to 'the Southern opinion'. The analysis, dealing with a self-collected corpus (altogether 349 texts, 277 973 words) consisting of the Guardian online news on the GDC is situated - both theoretically and methodologically - in the field of Corpus- assisted discourse studies...

This study examines how organizations and companies with transparent sustainability profiles aim to establish a relationship between brand, sustainability, and audience based on a theoretical framing perspective. To examine this; the study will limit itself by focusing on the Swedish company Oatly, and their external communications through digital channels and platforms.  According to Van Gorp and Van du Goot (2011: 374), frames serve as a way of explaining complex issues. Through framing a problem area, cause and other conclusions are highlighted. Frames thus function rhetorically – by convincing public opinion and control an audience through the media. Framing occurs in several contexts such as political, via news and advertising (Fairhoust & Sarr 1996).                                                        The study limits it’s analysis to the company Oatly’s official profile on the digital platform Mynewsdesk. The empirical material consists of press releases published within a defined time frame; 5/6/2015–6/3/2017. The study is based on motivated theoretical assumptions; discourse, critical and posthumanist theory, as well as previously established research on the field - framing in relation to sustainability.                                        The research method can be described as a qualitative content analysis based on main elements derived from discourse and semiotic framework. In addition, a framing analysis is applied to further present the result in the form of exemplified frames.                The results of the study suggest, for example, that actors construct importance through framing – which integrates into sustainability discourse through social practices – thereby establishing a relationship between brand, problem area, and audience through a convinced public opinion that further interacts with and reproduces the discourse in question.

Nach einem Überblick über die theoretischen Erklärungsmodelle der diskursiven Subjektkonstitution von Émile Benveniste über Louis Althusser und Michel Foucault zu linguistischen Ansätzen in der Gesprächsanalyse und social semiotics angelsächsischer Provenienz, werden zwei erfolgreiche US-amerikanische "Ratgeber"-Talkshowreihen der neunziger Jahre ("Oprah Winfrey" und "Rolonda") einer umfassenden pragma-linguistisch orientierten Gesprächsanalyse unterzogen. Dazu war es nötig, je drei Sendungen dieser Shows zuerst vollständig zu transkribieren, sie dann in Phasen einzuteilen und Vergleichskriterien zu bestimmen. Die Ausgangshypothese ist, dass trotz großer Ähnlichkeiten im Format, beide Shows erhebliche Unterschiede in der öffentlichen Darstellungsform bzw. Repräsentanz ihrer Teilnehmerrollen (Talkmaster, Gäste und Publikum) und deren Verhältnis zueinander aufweisen, und dass diese erheblichen Abweichungen dem Mikrobereich der lexiko-grammatisch systematisch erfaß- und beschreibbaren Redeweisen und Gesprächsstrukturen implizit eingeschrieben ist. Kernstück der Arbeit ist die Herausarbeitung von Ebenen, auf denen sich diskursiv show-spezifische Teilnehmer-Identitäten konstituieren: Dialogsequenzierung und -organisation, Gebrauch von Personalpronomen und Anredeformen, Fragetypen, narrative Strategien, lexikalische (Selbst-) Kategorisierungen, sämtliche Bereiche der Modalität. Auf dieser Ebene der interpersonellen Funktion von Sprache werden innerhalb der Show-Sendungen und zwischen den beiden Show-Reihen sehr unterschiedliche Gesprächsstrategien deutlich, die sich erstaunlich plausibel mit Foucaults diskursiven Subjektivierungs- vs. Objektivierungsstrategien korrelieren ließen, und also als unterschiedliche Machttechnologien zur Hervorbringung und Reproduktion spezifischer "öffentlicher Subjekte" darstellen, wie sie in medialen Formaten als Abbilder des "Durchschnittsmenschen" in Erscheinung treten. Sie signifizieren Varianten eines "Alltags"-Subjekts (repräsentiert durch die in der Show zu Alltagsproblemen befragten Gäste in ihrem Verhältnis zu Talkmaster und Studiopublikum), das einmal - neoliberal-protestantisch - als rational-einsichtsfähig sich selbst disziplinierend im Diskursfeld des Neoliberalismus-Protestantismus konstituiert und gezeichnet wird, im anderen Falle als irrational-verantwortungslos fremden Regulierungsinstanzen und außengelenkten sprachlichen Disziplinierungs- und Abbitteritualen unterworfen wird und somit eine Teilnehmerrolle innerhalb autoritär-feudalistischen Diskurse charakterisiert.

This diploma thesis analyses the media image of political party Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánské strany Československa (SPR - RSČ, The Union for Republic - Republican Party of Czechoslovakia), and the media discourse in 1990s. The thesis is focused on analysis of electronic media such as radio and TV talk shows. The time period of the analysis was chosen to capture the period when this political subject was active on Czechoslovak and later on Czech political scene, i.e. 1990-1998. The author discusses the development of the political communication of the party representatives (most of the space is dedicated to media appetence of SPR - RSČ president Miroslav Sládek) and the general political communication in mass media. The goal of the thesis is to analyse the comparison of the media appearance of the party members during the eight years from when the party entered on political scene to its political decline in June 1998. Keywords The Union for Republic - Republican Party of Czechoslovakia, analysis of media discourse, electronic media, party system, media image, development of society.

不單僅祇是回溯威權時期國家機關、反對運動與主流報業的歷史，本文汲取各種相關文獻企圖開展關於「國家認同」問題的研究。國家認同議題的研究同時具有理論與實踐上的目的，它反映了近年台灣政治最重要的轉化情況，值得學界投入更多的努力去探索。 　　與其他文本及論述分析方法相較，框架分析更能揭露深植於媒介正文中的意義，並提供社會主體機制間（如國家、反對運動...）權力關係的深層描述。媒介框架分析同時也加速了傳播研究與其他理論傳統（如建構論取向...）正持續進行中的整合趨勢。 　　這項初探研究鎖定過去四年(1988-1991)有關台獨議題的各種媒介框架之消長浮沈情形。本文嘗試提供這樣的建議：每種框架均包藏了駁雜不一的「框架論點」，而且並非所有的框架都如過去研究文獻所稱是「預先定義好」的。再者，媒介場域存在的框架競爭本身亦起落不定，各種社會力各有擅場。因此，媒介框架的流變與複雜特性，使我們有必要透過接合媒介框架與更寬廣的社會情境，作為詮釋問題的基礎，進而再思國家認同議題本身存在的機會與陷阱。最後本文也提出了若干暫時的結論。 / Rather than simply retracing the history of the state, opposition, and dominant press in the authoritarian decades, I want instead to draw on some relevant literature to open up an investigation about the question of national identity. For both theoretical and practical ends, we necessarily explore 'national identity'. This issue reflects the most important transformation in recent Taiwan politics, and absolutely deserves much more attention than now. 　　Compared with other discourse and textual analysis methods, framing analysis is more capable of unfolding the deep-rooted meanings in media texts and offering a 'thick-description' of power relations between different social agencies, such as the state, opposition, etc. Media framing approach also has accelerated the ongoing convergence of communication research and other theoretical traditions. 　　In this preliminary inquiry, I concentrate on the ebb and flow of media frames that is on the 'independence' issue during past four years (1988-1991). I propose here that a frame has its variants of 'framing arguments,' and not every frame is so 'pre-defined' as some earlier researches suggested. Furthermore, there are many ups and downs in the framing contest. Therefore, its flexible and complex characteristics force my interpretation based on articulating media frames with the larger social context, and reconsidering the possible opportunities and pitfalls of the 'national identity' question. 　　The main findings are: 1. As one of media frame sponsors, the state remains a dominator within media discourses on the 'independence' issue, albeit opposition movement becomes main source of the dominant press. 2. Third party and reporters usually affiliate with the state, rather than political opposition. 3. However, media discourses around this issue gradually paves the way from the 'illegitimate' to the 'impossible,'signaling a structural transformation in identity politics. Especially, It's significant that Localism frame overpowers the long-standing Great China one in frame disputes. We are certain that ethnicity or nationality in post-authoritarian Taiwan has been radically re-constituted.

This paper carries out a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the article "¿Chinofobia?” published by the Spanish newspaper El País. It applies the theory of racist discourse in the media as formulated by Teun A. van Dijk. Its hypothesis is that the article, which supposedly analyses discrimination against the Chinese minority in Spain, covertly blames the Chinese minority itself for the discrimination. Applying CDA methodology as exemplified in previous studies by van Dijk, the paper analyses the article on global and local levels, and delineates its mental model. The global level analysis describes the article in terms of macropropositions and proposes a macrostructure: the self-alienation of the Chinese minority. The paper then analyses how the macrostructure is reinforced on the local level through micropropositions by examining 1) how vocabulary serves the negative presentation and othering of the Chinese minority, 2) how strategies of mitigation minimise discrimination by employing imprecise and vague language, 3) how quotes are used to give coherence and force to the macrostructure, 4) how implications associate the Chinese minority with criminality, and 5) how stereotyped beliefs about the Chinese minority are presented as common sense (presuppositions) and fallaciously argued. Finally, the paper delineates the mental model: the presuppositions about integration, and the implicit warning that minorities should integrate or they will be discriminated against.

The identification and examination of cultural information strategies and censorship patterns used to propagate the controversial issue of the caricatures in two separate cultural contexts was the aim of this dissertation. It explored discourse used for the coverage of this topic by one newspaper in a restrictive information context and two newspapers in a liberal information context. Message propagation in a restrictive information environment was analyzed using the English daily Kuwait Times from the Middle East; the liberal information environment of the US was analyzed using two major dailies, the New York Times and the Philadelphia Inquirer. The study also concurrently identifies and elaborates on the themes and frames through which discourse was presented exposing the cultural ideologies and premises they represent. The topic was approached with an interdisciplinary position with the support and applicability testing of Chatman's insider-outsider theory within information science and Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence theory and Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model based in the area of mass communication. The study has also presented a new model of information censorship - circle of information censorship, emphasizing conceptual issues that influence the selection and censorship of information.

The thesis deals with the polarization of Czech media landscape after 2013 as a discursive construct. Our topic is the emergence of new media projects, responding to the takeover of MAFRA by Andrej Babis. Three of these are being discussed: Echo24.cz, Reportér and Neovlivní.cz. The thesis aims to describe the discourse of the alternative media, its own representation in current situation. The subject is based on several concepts. First of them is the theory of social responsibility, which is a strong social value despite being quite questionable. Then, we discuss the trend of media ownership concentration and the development of Czech media after 1989, which has come to important changes, such as the change of the overall model of media ownership and the polarization of the media landscape itself. The first part of the thesis serves as a contextual background for the critical discourse analysis. The analysis verifies the hypothesis as follows: Alternative media is defined in opposition to the mainstream and uses the arguments based on the principles of the social responsibility theory to represent its own position, goals and interests. As a result, we found out, that the new projects construct an opposition us versus them as independence versus oligarchization. At the same time, the principles of...