Med stöd av filosofen Michel Foucaults begrepp styrningsmentalitet, definieras i denna uppsats den makt som de som styr staden har över stadens utformning. Uppsatsen belyser hur bilen som färdmedel påverkat stadsplaneringen och förändrat stadsbilden. Genom analys av stadsplaner, tidningsartiklar och relevant litteratur tydliggörs hur den politiskt styrda lagstiftande makten reglerat beslut gällande planförslag och markuppköp, som medfört att bilen beretts plats i Stockholms innerstad och därtill möjliggjort skapandet av Skärholmens centrum. Dessutom ger de berörda tidningsartiklarna inblick i hur den allmänna debatten förts och hur tidsandan kontinuerligt förändrats.  I samband med bilens tillkomst, under tidigt 1900-tal, var de styrande väldigt entusias­tiska till bilen som färdmedel, men trots det dröjde det innan bilismen kom att prägla stadens utformning. Fram till mitten av 1930-talet var det främst den spårburna trafiken, d.v.s. tåg och spårvagnar som det planerades för.   År 1946 kom ett första förslag på en ny cityplan, som efter revidering antogs år 1952, samma år presenterades en generalplan för stadens ytterområden. Dessa planer resulterade sedermera i att Sergels torg och Skärholmens centrum uppfördes.   För att skapa plats för Sergels torg som med sina modernistiska byggnader var resultatet av tankar om trafikseparering och storskalighet, påbörjades en rivningsvåg i Stockholms innerstad. Rivningarna ledde i sin tur till protester från allmänheten. Samtidigt debatterades den nya arkitekturen i pressen och uppfattningarna var varierande men påtagligt många av artiklarna hade en negativ ton.  De ursprungligen positiva förhoppningarna gällande Skärholmens Centrum, grusades redan dagen efter dess invigning den 9 september 1968, då en serie av negativa skriverier i dagspressen inleddes.   Under rubriken STHLM vs SKHLM görs en jämförande analys mellan utformningen av Sergels torg i förhållande till Skärholmens centrums utformning, där de trafikseparerings-lösningar som genomfördes i respektive område behandlas.   Idag drygt femtio år efter byggnationen av Sergels torg och Skärholmens centrum, har politiska beslut fattats för att, från och med nästa år, 2020, begränsa användandet av bilar med förbränningsmotorer i Stockholms innerstad. Detta medför att man nu kan se föränd­ringar i området runt Sergels torg, men även på andra platser i staden, där vägbanornas ytor minskats och fått ge vika för ökat utrymme för gångtrafikanter och andra trafikslag såsom små eldrivna skotrar och spårvagnens återkomst.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Padua Borghi.pdf: 855043 bytes, checksum: 8332181e4fd3552f91e7b9cf83e49916 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-15 / This study aims to critically discuss the discourses of two models of judicial practices : the Juvenile Criminal Law and the Restorative Justice . We perform this task in light of the notion of will to truth present in the analyses of Michel Foucault, primarily using Foucault s writings, L ordre du discours and La vérité et les formes juridiques. Due to the problematization of the notion of will to truth , we discuss the two legal models in view of what they propose in regards to the moment of inquiry into the authorship of an offense practiced by adolescents. In Brazil, the Comprehensive Protection Doctrine, formally incorporated in the legislation in respect to the Rights of Children and Adolescents in 1988, guided structural changes around this issue. This adopted doctrine provided the basis which now guides the operations of the Juvenile Justice System provided by the Statute of the Child and Adolescent (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente ECA) in 1990. This system, formed by a set of rules, informs and guides the judiciary to seek the truth about authorship and promote the resulting responsibility of the adolescent involved in an offense. This is the context in which we place the two models of judicial practices related to juvenile responsibility (the Juvenile Criminal Law and the Restorative Justice ). These models emerge in order to implement the Comprehensive Protection Doctrine / O presente trabalho pretende discutir criticamente os discursos de dois modelos de práticas judiciárias : o Direito Penal Juvenil e a Justiça Restaurativa . Realizamos essa tarefa especialmente à luz da noção de vontade de verdade , presente nas análises de Michel Foucault. Para isso, utilizamos principalmente os seus escritos A ordem do discurso e A verdade e as formas jurídicas. Devido à problematização acerca da noção de vontade de verdade , discutimos os dois modelos jurídicos, tendo em vista o que ambos propõem quanto ao momento da apuração da autoria de ato infracional praticado por adolescente(s). No Brasil, a partir de 1988, a doutrina da proteção integral foi incorporada pela legislação no que diz respeito aos Direitos das Crianças e dos Adolescentes, pautando alterações estruturais em torno do tema, em comparação ao que vigorava anteriormente. Essa doutrina adotada conferiu as bases principiológicas que passaram a orientar o funcionamento do sistema de justiça juvenil previsto pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990). Esse sistema traduz-se num conjunto de regras para o poder judiciário buscar a verdade sobre a autoria e promover a consequente responsabilização do adolescente envolvido num ato infracional. Esse é o contexto no qual localizamos os dois modelos de práticas judiciárias relacionadas à responsabilização juvenil (o Direito Penal Juvenil e a Justiça Restaurativa ). Tais modelos emergem com o objetivo de implementar a doutrina da proteção integral

The themes of uncertainty, muddle and imprisonment, which are inextricably linked, permeate Charles Dickens’s novels. In his ‘early’ first five novels, The Pickwick Papers, Oliver Twist, Nicholas Nickleby, The Old Curiosity Shop and Barnaby Rudge, society is depicted as emerging from the Classical episteme of the eighteenth century into a period of uncertainty that is dominated by values inspired by mercantilism. Social and bureaucratic institutional practices have been outpaced by commercial developments and are shown to be lacking; they are outdated and irrelevant in meeting the needs of a society that is in the process of rejecting its feudal history. Yet, during these uncertain times, these archaic instruments of social control continue to exert a power over the individual in the absence of something more relevant to a commercialised nineteenth-century society. The legislature, the judiciary and the executive all continue to exercise their misguided power over those under their control, capturing these in webs and labyrinths of uncertainty, with the result that Mr Pickwick, Oliver, Nicholas, Little Nell and Barnaby all fall victim to these vagaries, and experience prison in one form or another. The second, or ‘middle’ group of novels, comprising Martin Chuzzlewit, Dombey and Son, David Copperfield, Bleak House and Hard Times, reveal something different. Although institutions are still depicted as deeply flawed, Dickens shifts his focus from the inadequacies of social institutions to the flawed individuals who inhabit this defective society; individuals who are required to rid themselves of their flaws in order to achieve authenticity and, thus, enable a regeneration within society to take place. The ‘final’ novels, Little Dorrit, The Tale of Two Cities, Great Expectations and Our Mutual Friend, seem to suggest that the ambit of commercialisation, with its skewed values, is so all-encompassing that no character is able to escape its clutches. The result is a society and its citizens who are inescapably imprisoned in their respective physical, emotional and moral prisons. This thesis examines the development and consequences of institutional uncertainty on the individual and on society. It is argued that Dickens follows a Foucauldian trajectory, initially visiting the uncertainties of the times on the bodies of his characters during the early nineteenth century, attempting to create ‘docile bodies’ of his characters through discipline and punishment of the soul in the middle of the century and, finally, in the second half of the century, revealing an entire society caught up in the morass of uncertainty from which there appears to be no escape. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.(English)

本文以論述（discourse） 為切入點，並將觀察的對象明確化為：我們社會上的「法律語言」，或者說「法律論述」（legal discourse）。以「論述」為切入點的前提假設是：我們日常生活世界由各式各樣的論述所構成 ，而這些論述都對於我們的日常生活世界產生種種的效果，形成我們的世界觀或生活方式。本文將以這個角度切入法律的層次，針對我們社會上現存的「法律論述」對我們產生什麼樣的效果，以及如何產生效果，做有意義的觀察與解讀。 　　本文預計分為五章，包括緒論、兩層理論探究、具體案例分析與結論。在第一章裡，主要是研究動機、思考脈絡，以及本文架構。 　　第二、三章是針對理論部分，呈現論述、法律論述在定義上、論理上的細部討論。第二章是「論述」的討論部分，先從一般西方discourse的理論開始談起，有意義地挪用、鋪陳理論家的定義和解釋，並特別取法傅柯對「論述」的見解，延伸探討「論述」的細緻化特性（如：論述的稀釋作用）。 　　第三章是「法律論述」的討論部分，首先區分「法律論述」的兩個思考方向：「法律即是論述的一種」與「法律文體的論述」，並以後者為描述的重心，但穿插前者的思維模式，在具體操作的分析上作為解讀論述現象的背景預設（見第四章第三節）；「法律文體的論述」藉著西方對legal discourse的模型討論，參照我國法律文書的格式，描述出法律論述的外形及其字句結構。本文相信，掌握「論述」的效果一定要由觀察論述可見的形式部分開始，透過描繪論述的外形，分析論述的結構，歸納出結構的規則，才有可能切實推論出論述的效果。 　　第四章則是以張志輝一、二、三審判決書為觀察對象，進入判決文字的字裡行間的搜查，配合參酌第二章與第三章細緻化的「論述」預設，以及法律論述理論，佐以西方理論界提出的legal discourse模型、外部語言特徵，嘗試觀察描述出現下台灣社會中，「法律論述」的樣貌，以及法律論述作用於社會的效果與影響。相關司法新聞報導也列入觀察的對象（第四節），綜合前面討論的結果，檢討法律論述內部，判決文本與新聞文本之間，以及法律論述與日常生活經驗世界之間，所產生的「稀釋化」作用。 第五章是結論，自我評估觀察所得的結果，與檢視本次觀察研究所有的種種限制，並期待能對當今社會現存的論述情境，有所反省與思考。

<p>Pat Barker’s fictional account of the Great War, The Regeneration Trilogy, completed in 1995, is considered to be her most important work to date and has captured the imagination of the reading public as well as attracting considerable scholarly attention. Although the trilogy appears to be written in the realistic style of the traditional historical novel, Barker approaches the past with certain preoccupations from 1990s Britain and rewrites the past as seen through these contemporary lenses. Consequently, the trilogy illustrates not only how the past returns to haunt the present, but also how the present reciprocally haunts perceptions of the past. The haunting quality of the trilogy is developed through an extensive, intricate pattern of intertextuality. This reciprocal haunting at times breaks the realistic framework of the narrative, giving rise to anachronisms.</p><p>This study offers a reading of trauma, class, gender and psychology as thematic areas where intertexts are activated, allowing Barker to revise and re-accentuate stories of the past. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s concept of discourse and Mikhail Bakhtin’s notion of dialogue, it focuses on the trilogy as an interactive link in an intertextual chain of communication about the Great War. Received versions of history are confirmed, expanded on and sometimes questioned. What is innovative about the trilogy is how Barker incorporates discursive formations not only from the Great War period, but from the whole twentieth century. The Great War is regenerated and transformed as it passes from one dialogic context to another. My reading shows that the trilogy presents social structures from different historical epochs through dialogism and diachronicity, making the present-day matrices of power and knowledge that continue to surround, determine and limit people’s lives highly visible. The Regeneration Trilogy regenerates the past, simultaneously confirming Barker’s claim that the historical novel can also be “a backdoor into the present”.</p>

<p>This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.</p><p>One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. </p><p>I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.</p>

This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society. One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.

This study is on the political and ethical aspects of recent advances in genetics. Its aim is to explicate the scientific and technological premises of genetics along historical, philosophical and political axes by employing the critical perspectives of Jonas, Heidegger and Foucault. Starting the discussion from a brief account of scientific and technological revolutions initiated in the 16th and 17th centuries, I defend the thesis that the idea of control and manipulation of life is not a novelty introduced by genetics, but a historical orientation underlying modern man&rsquo / s metaphysical reasoning. That is to say, &lsquo / the idea of control and manipulation of life&rsquo / is not an unintended technological excess of genetic practices, and hence a transgression of our moral principles. Rather, this endeavour is a scientific and technological &lsquo / project&rsquo / which has been at the very core of modern man&rsquo / s rational political agenda. Therefore, any attempts to understand genetics from a na&iuml / ve Baconian utilitarianism and optimism fails to grasp its complicated political nature. For the ethical concerns to become more comprehensive, three genetic cases (prenatal screening tests, cloning, and genetic engineering) are examined in the light of the philosophical reflections of Jonas and Heidegger. Besides, following Foucault&rsquo / s critical assessments of medicine and bio-power, a &lsquo / fourth spatialization of disease&rsquo / is proposed at the end of the study in order to evaluate the transformations with the introduction of genetics into medicine. Consequently, it is argued that geneticized medicine might sign a new regime of bio-power &ndash / a reconfiguration of knowledge, power and subjectivity.

本論文的研究主題是探討當代義大利哲學家阿岡本（Giorgio Agamben）關於法律與生命之關係的思想，而其中的關鍵概念則為「例外狀態」（state of exception）。延續著由傅柯（Michel Foucault）所鋪展的生命政治（biopolitics）分析，當代政治確實面對著如下困徑（aporia）：其所欲展演人類幸福與自由之處─神聖的生命本身─同時正是政治權力所試圖全面掌控的對象。政治如此，作為其運作綱要的法律亦然。這可由大法官釋字603號關於換身份證需按指紋的爭議透露出來：為了保障「身家性命」的基本人權，國家要求介入該權利的核心領域，將每個人的生物性特徵─指紋─強制建檔以進行更全面的人口治理。 這個法與生命的弔詭關係，在阿岡本的思想中，乃是透過一個特殊的法權裝置─例外狀態─而產生。相對於一般所認為的，法與生命的關係在於以法律規範生命，或由生命創造法律，阿岡本認為法與生命的關係首先在於法與生命的區分（distinction）本身，而例外狀態便是建立這個區分的裝置。所謂的例外狀態，就是透過懸置法律（憲法），用不受法律限制的措施進行治理的狀態。例外狀態彷彿是一個無法狀態（anomie），而生命彷彿被棄置於法律之外成為赤裸的生命（bare life）。然而，根據史密特（Carl Schmitt）的名言：「主權者就是決斷例外狀態之人」，例外狀態並非與法律無關，相反地，其作用在於創造或回復一個讓法律能夠適用於生命的正常情境。因此，正是透過將生命排除於法律之外，例外狀態試圖建構一個能將生命包含進來的法秩序。這個透過排除而包含的關係，就是阿岡本所定義的例外關係，也就是法律與生命的根本關係。而阿岡本認為現代生命政治的特性，便在於例外狀態已非例外，而逐漸成為常態，也因此法與生命的關係本身也日益成為對抗爭議的焦點所在。 因此，本文的工作便在於探討阿岡本的思想中，法與生命間如何透過例外狀態而建立關係，其形式、力道、所構作之生命形象與可能的出路。本文的作法主要在於理論的耙梳與思辨；然而，例外狀態並非僅是一個抽象概念。放在台灣的歷史脈絡中，伴隨著現代化的殖民統治、戒嚴統治，甚至直到今天的「事實上國家」，無一不是例外狀態的常態體現。911之後由美國所主導的全球化反恐活動亦是此結構的更新部署。甚而，在日常實踐上，例外的潛在揭示著每一個「依法行政」、「依法裁判」背後所無可避免的決斷，以及賦予此決斷以法的效力（force of law）的國家暴力。阿岡本《例外狀態》一書的第一句話因此問道：「你們法律人為何對那與你切身相關之事保持沈默？」

How much was a medieval monastery reminiscent of a modern prison? Or insane asylum? And if it was in the least - what can such a metaphor tell us about power relations structuring the life of medieval monks? The purpose of this compilation thesis (sammanläggningsavhandling) is to render explicit and analyze relations of power and modes of control comprising the social tissue of early medieval Benedictine monasteries. By bringing up the examples of tenth- and eleventh-century monasteries of St Gall, Fulda, and Bury St Edmunds, this thesis seeks to understand what power was in medieval monasteries, how and between whom it was exercised, what and how it affected in terms of collective and individual identity. The thesis consists of three introductory chapters, four previously published empirical articles, and a concluding remarks section. Article 1 investigates the problem of surveillance and patterns of social control dispersed in the monastery of St Gall. Article 2 studies the early and high medieval institutional expectations and means of enforcement of the monk’s role. Article 3 scrutinizes an example of a persecution process and a set of defense measures in the hands of the St Gall community warding off an unwanted visitor. Article 4 examines a number of internal monastic conflicts from several monasteries and strategies, both political and cognitive, guiding them. In investigating these problems, the thesis proceeds in a manner of deliberate anachronism. It asks questions about how human subjectivity was manufactured in early medieval St Gall, what were a medieval monastery’s ‘conditions of possibility’ to operate as a social regime, or oral and literary means of conflict management etc. The crucial modern social theories on which the thesis hinges are: Erving Goffman’s notion of ‘total institution’, and Michel Foucault’s analysis of power, as well as Pierre Bourdieu’s logic of action.