This essay was intended to analyse and categorize the feminist approach of four Swedishparliamentary parties consisting of the Moderates, Sweden Democrats, Social DemocraticParty, and the Left Party. The subjects of this scientific analysis have therefore consisted ofthe election manifestos, party programs and statements on individual political subjects fromthe respective parties. The methodological approach of the aforementioned analysis consistedof a qualitative idea analysis that was formulated towards the goal of identifying theirrespective reality description, problem formulation and advocated solutions/actions. Theresearch delimitation was in turn restricted to three pre-selected issues/political subjectsrelated to the topic of equality. These consisted of men´s violence towards women, economicinequality, and working environment/work safety. The result of this study varied between theparties that were subjected to the analysis and provided an initial insight into the feministstandpoint of said actors. This included the conclusion that there are varied perspectivesregarding how equality is defined, the problems related to the topic, and which measures thatare considered to be the most suitable to mitigate and manage these existing issues.

Title: "Public safety – The main freedom question of our time? A discourse analysis of the Swedish Moderate Party’s election manifesto 2022" The present study aims to explore the Moderate Party’s (Moderaterna) construction of public safety (trygghet) during the Swedish election campaign 2022. Mainly, the topic of choice is motivated by an interest in how a political party, whose election results were successful, navigated the mediatized politics and approached policy issues particularly important to the voters. The study's specific focus on trygghet is in view of the fact that the word is closely knit to political domains like “law and order”, which to a high extent dominated the political debate during the Swedish election 2022. The purpose of this study was achieved by examining Moderaternas election manifesto for 2022, as it holds the party’s collected ideological viewpoints and simultaneously serves as a primary outlet for media coverage on the political subjects of concern. Particularly we found it interesting to examine how the meaning of trygghet is established in response to insecurity (otrygghet) as its negative counterpart, and how Moderaternas description of the Swedish political and societal conditions in relation to trygghet contributes to shape peoples’ perceptions of their social environment. After initially identifying the political contexts in which trygghet is constructed as especially necessary in the manifesto, the theoretical and methodological framework allowed us to further examine how Moderaterna shapes the idea of trygghet, occasionally even beyond what may be considered the traditional understanding of the word. This study points out how Moderaterna largely motivates societies need for trygghet by pointing out an alleged increased crime rate in Sweden, as well as how the actors which are constructed as threatening to the public safety is consequently constructed as external from the community that is argued for. We claim that Moderaterna implicitly presents the desired community as constituted by a specific set of values, to a high degree associated with their ‘orderly’ politics. The construction of community in opposition to threaths is somewhat problematized, as we highlight how the reproduction of discourses with polarizing characteristics could potentially have adverse implications on societal level. Throughout the analysis, each theme is approached with a methodological perspective which allows us to see how Moderaternas legitimization of their politics in response to the increased need for trygghet, can be seen as a mode of exerting power.

Detta är en sociolingvistisk studie som genom diskursanalys har kartlagt deiktisk närhet i Instagraminlägg, publicerade på fyra politikers Instagramsidor under december månad år 2021 och januari månad år 2022. Även benämning av skatter och bidrag har undersökts i studien, samt vilka samhällsgrupper som påverkas av budskapen i inläggen. Politikerna som igår i studien är Socialdemokraternas Magdalena Andersson och Mikael Damberg samt Moderaternas Ulf Kristersson och Elisabeth Svantesson. Inläggen som undersökts för att besvara frågeställningarna och bekräfta eller dementera studiens hypotes, Moderater vill sänka skatten för de som jobbar och Socialdemokrater vill höja bidragen för de mest utsatta i samhället, handlar om bidrag och skatter. Totalt ligger 12 inlägg från socialdemokratiska politiker och 15 inlägg från moderata politiker till grund för studien. Resultatet visar att de socialdemokratiska politikerna skriver om sjuk- och aktivitetsersättning, garantitillägg, funkisskatt, skatt, ersättningar, stödåtgärder och föräldrapenning. De som påverkas är sjukskrivna, människor med funktionsnedsättning, egenföretagare, de som arbetar inom kultur och idrott samt pensionärer. De som tilltalas är du som kan arbeta och du som kan komma att bli sjuk. De som omtalas är de som har sjuk - och aktivitetsersättning, de som har det allra sämst, de sjukskrivna, människor med funktionsnedsättning och pensionärer som har det sämst ställt. De moderata politikerna skriver om elskatten, bidrag, skatt, jobbskatteavdraget, evenemangsstöd och generella krisstöd. Här påverkas och tilltalas du som sparar, påverkas och omtalas gör företagare, de som äger sitt boende och aktörer inom evenemang- och kultursektorn. Med analysen till grund kan hypotesen bekräftas. / <p>Slutgiltigt godkännandedatum: 2022-06-05</p>

Sweden has seen a change in its political landscape over the last couple of decades, with an increase in popularity of a right wing populist party. Over time its ideas have been normalized within the established parties. Leading us to today’s situation. As such the purpose of this thesis is to find out how much of the Tidö agreement between the current government led by prime minister Ulf Kristersson and the right wing populist party the Sweden Democrats have been influenced by the latters political ideas and policies. The thesis does this in two ways, by looking into how much of the Tidö agreement includes right wing populism, and on how much of the Sweden Democrats election platform influenced the agreement. The result shows that the Tidö agreement has to a large degree been affected and influenced by right wing populism and the election platform of the Sweden Democrats. With various examples shown.

<p>The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.</p>

The aim of this essay is to show if and how group identities are being constructed in maindocuments from three political parties in the Swedish parliament, focusing on class, genderand ethnic identities. The three parties who’s documents are being analyzed are theModerate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Left Party. The conclusion of the essay isthat the Moderate Party is so focused on the individual that they are not promoting groupidentity based on class, gender or ethnicity. The Sweden Democrats are mostly discussing,and therefore creating a discourse of, cultural identity, where Swedish, Nordic, Europeanand Western culture are being created as the ‘us’, and others are being created as ‘them’.They are also promoting difference between men and women, therefore dividing the sexesin groups. The Left Party are focused on class, and are dividing people in working class (themajority) and the elite (the minority). They are also creating a ‘us’ and ‘them’ whilediscussing the patriarchy, a system in which the man is superior and the woman is inferior.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p>The purpose of this essay is to compare the integration policy between Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on labor-market integration, housing segregation and language knowledge. The international immigration has in recent years increased significantly and this has also enriched the receiving countries and still the numbers of extreme right parties have increased. In Sweden a racist populist party, Sverigedemokraterna, are only a few steps away from entering the parliament.</p><p> </p><p>The question in focus is: <em>What differences or similarities are there between the integration politics between Moderaterna, Socialdemokraterna and Sverigedemokraterna with focus on the areas housing, work and language? </em></p><p><em> </em></p><p>By applying the theoretical framework to the data, I have been able to present answers and build up an analysis. The study concludes that there are more similarities than differences in the integration policy between Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna. Sverigedemokraterna on the other hand have very radical integration politics in comparison to the two other parties.</p>

This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty.    Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now. The two are Socialdemokraterna and Moderata Samlingspartiet. The first mentioned one is representing a socialist policy whilst the second one is representing a right-wing party. This study will deal with whether the parties have changed over time or not. The big question will be whether they have changed their opinions and positions since the beginning of 1960. This year is chosen in particular because it was during this period the largest development of the welfare state of Sweden started. It will be about if the parties changed according to, in particular poverty in Sweden. There are two main questions that I intend to answer throughout the text, to finally analyze the questions in the last part of this essay.

ABSTRACT Essay in political science, C-level by Cecilia Holmberg Spring semester 2006, Tutor: Arne Larsson - Ideological similarities between the Swedish Socialdemocratic and the Swedish conservative party - An idealanalysis of different political issues The purpose of this essay is to examine wheater the political ideologies have lost their importance in the Swedish political system. The study will focus on the ideological similarities or differences between the two largest parties in Sweden, the socialdemocratic and the conservative party. Therefore, the main research question is:  Are there any ideological similarities or differences between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party? To be able to answer this question, I have used Herbert Tingsten’s idealanalysis. This type of analysis examines how someone, in this case a political party, describes reality. The analysis also examines what the different parties’ values and goals are and what actions they recommend to achieve that particular value and goal. This will grant a good perspective of the two parties opinons in different issues. The reason why I have choosen different issues instead of different programs, are that the issues are more concrete and therefore easier to examine. They are also recommended by Tingsten, he means that the parties have the same values and goals, there are only in the actions that there is a difference between the parties. These differences are easier differentiated when the actions are studied in the issues. The issues that this essay is going to explore are labour-market, education, treatment and criminality. The conclusion of this essay is that there are ideological similarities between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party in these issues. It seems that both the socialdemocratic and the conservative party have similar goals and values. However, they recommend different actions to acchieve these goals and values.

The Swedish Moderate party, often also called the Conservative party, was founded with conservatism as the dominant ideology. During the years, however, liberalism has gradually found its way into the party. The aim of this study is to analyze the Moderate party’s political platforms from 1984 to 2013 from an ideological perspective. Is conservatism still a foundational ideology in the Moderate party, or has the liberal ideology taken its place? The study is based on an ideal type analysis that illustrates the Moderate party’s argumentation in six political issues in the years 1984, 1993 and 2013. The political issues that have been analyzed are issues where the two ideologies traditionally take very different stands. The result of the study shows that the Moderate party in 1984, according to the six studied political issues, argued from a predominantly conservative perspective. In 1993 the ideological status of the party had changed and more of a mixture between liberalism and conservatism existed. The analysis of the political platform from 2013 shows that the Moderate party has adapted a liberal view in several of the political issues that has been studied. Even though they still use conservative argumentation in two of the six issues, an obvious journey towards liberalism has taken place.