Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-28T14:28:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2128385 bytes, checksum: 130e2eb37a801bc82ed999953e31a836 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-28T14:28:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2128385 bytes, checksum: 130e2eb37a801bc82ed999953e31a836 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work analyzes the experience and moral values of the participants of the "Fora Dilma" demonstrations organized in the city of João Pessoa in 2015. Demonstrations against the federal government have been taking place in all the capitals of the Brazilian states since March 15, 2015, bringing together thousands of people who, dressed in the colors of the Brazilian flag, are asking for the Impeachment of the current President of the Republic, Dilma Rousseff. The protests were organized mainly by the social networks of anti-government groups, such as: "Revoltados Online", "Vem Pra Rua" and "Movimento Brasil Livre". Based on an analysis of the "Out Dilma" protests in the city of João Pessoa conducted by "Voltados João Pessoa", we sought to analyze how the need to combat corruption is transformed into a moralistic agenda that confirms and recreates elements of a Udenian tradition in Brazilian politics. / Este trabalho analisa a experiência e os valores morais dos participantes das manifestações “Fora Dilma” organizadas na cidade de João Pessoa em 2015. Manifestações contra o governo federal vêm ocorrendo em todas as capitais dos estados brasileiro desde 15 de março de 2015, reunindo milhares de pessoas que, vestidas com as cores da bandeira do Brasil, pedem pelo Impeachment da atual Presidente da República, Dilma Rousseff. Os protestos foram organizados, sobretudo, pelas redes sociais de grupos antigovernistas, como os: “Revoltados Online”, “Vem Pra Rua” e “Movimento Brasil Livre”. A partir de uma análise da organização dos protestos “Fora Dilma” na cidade de João Pessoa, realizada pelo “Voltados João Pessoa”, buscamos analisar como a necessidade de combate à corrupção é transformada numa agenda moralista que confirma e recria elementos de uma tradição udenista na política

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rivanildo Segundo Pereira Guedes.pdf: 752730 bytes, checksum: a37a6d66c1c4d9470069448d6d069064 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Due to the phenomenon of neo-Pentecostalism the Brazilian Protestantism was forgotten by the academy (?). As a result growth and changes of Protestantism in Brazil has gone unnoticed. Therefore this study aims to make a counterpoint to the ideal type of Protestant practice created by Max Weber and revisited by Rubem Alves called Protestantism doctrine Straight and therefore will discuss about a current Brasilian Protestantism or rather the past forties decades of this practice in Brasil. To Alves the whole of the Brazilian Protestantism was fundamentalist and moralist and troughout this text we will see that there is another Protestantism forming in Brazil and that we are calling the Rational Experience Protestantism in which the subjective experience of faith and the search for the rationality of the Christian faith are presents / Por conta do fenômeno do Neopentecostalismo, o protestantismo brasileiro foi esquecido pela Academia de estudos de ciências sociais e da religião. Em função disso, o crescimento e as mudanças do protestantismo no Brasil passaram despercebidos. Sendo assim, este trabalho se propõe a fazer um contraponto ao tipo ideal criado por Max Weber e revisitado por Rubem Alves denominado Protestantismo de Reta Doutrina , e, para tanto, irá discorrer sobre um protestantismo brasileiro atual, ou seja, das últimas quarentas décadas. Para Alves o todo do protestantismo brasileiro era fundamentalista e moralista e, ao longo deste texto, veremos que existe um outro protestantismo se formando no Brasil, e que, o chamaremos de Protestantismo de Experência Racional no qual a experiência subjetiva da fé e a busca pela racionalidade da fé cristã se fazem presentes

Debate concerning the relationship between ethics and aesthetics has re-emerged in contemporary aesthetic literature. All of the major contemporary positions, I argue, treat this relationship as existing between the "moral value" of art and its aesthetic value. Throughout this thesis I analyse the various "value- based" positions (ethicism, moderate moralism, and contextualism) and examine whether their accounts of this relationship hold. My aim is to explore whether an alternative account - in which the aesthetic value of art can be enhanced or negated through its "moral significance", rather than its "moral value" - is plausible. I argue, that given the failure of these value- based positions we should favour a "significance- based contexutalist" approach that is better equipped to account for the complexity of both our engagement with art, and the moral reflection that it invites.

Syftet med denna studie är att belysa den senmoderna skolans värdegrund och urskilja dess samhälleliga funktion. Ideologi kommer således att vara ett centralt begrepp för att ringa in värdegrundens funktion varpå det metodologiska avstampet har gjorts i den ideologikritiska traditionen. Vidare baserar sig studien på ett teoretiskt ramverk som diskuterar såväl individualismens som kapitalismens inflytande på skolan i relation till dess syfte som fostrare och förmedlare. Ideologikritiken och teorin appliceras sedan på material från Skolverket, Skolinspektionen och likabehandlingplaner från olika svenska gymnasieskolor med intentionen att belysa relationen mellan det fostrande anspråket och kunskapsförmedling. Studiens resultat tyder på en skola och en värdegrund som befinner sig i förändring, vilken kan härledas till en brist på ett verkligt anspråk gentemot sitt syfte, eller en ”brist på en meningsfull helhet”. Utifrån studiens tes och Skolverkets material kan sålunda ett moralistiskt uttryck skönjas. Värdegrunden fyller därigenom en ideologisk funktion då den tillhandahåller en illusion som ger upphov till en snedvriden världssyn vari anspråket på godhet fortsatt kan uppfyllas utan något egentligt innehåll utanför fantasins sfär.

Cette étude tente de saisir l’ambiguïté du propos pessimiste dans trois romans de Catulle Mendès (1841-1909). D’un côté, la construction du héros suggère une critique psychopathologique du pessimisme conforme au moralisme de la doxa fin-de-siècle qui dénie à cette pensée toute valeur spéculative. De l’autre, la représentation d’une société dissimulatrice contre laquelle le héros est en lutte confère à celui-ci un pouvoir de dévoilement. Cette tension se trouve condensée dans le concept de monstre qui fait l’objet d’une double lecture, à la fois pathologique et herméneutique. La conscience du héros étant conforme par sa stérilité à la conscience décadente telle qu’elle est définie par Jankélévitch, le système de pensée qu’elle féconde peut être assimilé à un monstre. Or, le sens premier du monstre pessimiste est le caractère inhumain de la vérité, autant comme quête que comme révélation. Seul un monstre peut porter la vérité car celle-ci est à sa mesure, intolérable. Elle renvoie l’homme à la toute-puissance de l’instinct dont découlent ses idéaux. Partant d’une conception pessimiste, le propos de Mendès débouche ainsi sur une morale idéaliste qui prône contre l’universelle tare le mensonge universel. / This thesis tries to make sense of the ambiguity of pessimism in three of Catulle Mendès’s novels. On the one hand, the construction of the hero indicates a criticism of pessimism based on psychopathology, typical of late nineteenth-century moralism as it denies the doctrine any speculative value. On the other hand, the representation of a society full of liars against which the hero leads a struggle bestows upon him a power of revelation. This tension is condensed in the concept of monster which is submitted here to both a pathological and an hermeneutic reading. The hero’s conscience conforms to the type of decadent conscience as defined by Jankélévitch: the system of thought produced by it cannot be considered other than monstous. In addition, the primary feature of the pessimistic monster lies in the inhuman nature of the truth, as search and as revelation. Only a monster can profess the truth because it is made to his measure that is: intolerable. The truth reflects the supremacy of instinct and negates all ideals. Based on a thoroughly pessimistic conception, Mendès’point lies in an idealistic morals which advocates the universal lying against universal vice.

RÉSUMÉ Reprenant les trois argumentaires des rapports divergents de la commission le Dain de 1972, soit le moralisme juridique pour le maintien de la prohibition du cannabis, le paternalisme juridique pour la décriminalisation de sa possession simple et le libéralisme juridique pour sa légalisation, cette thèse mobilise ce triptyque inspiré par trois philosophes juridiques à l’aide de l’analyse de contenu afin de voir comment ces arguments se sont manifestés à nouveau dans le processus parlementaire d’adoption du projet de loi C-45 ayant mené à la légalisation du cannabis au Canada. De plus, elle mobilise aussi le concept de la rationalité pénale moderne dans le but de comprendre l’approbation chez les différents acteurs d’avoir recours au pénal dans ce projet de loi en acceptant l’inclusion de deux nouvelles infractions criminelles passibles de 14 ans d’emprisonnement. Ces infractions visent un adulte qui ferait participer un mineur au marché illégal de cannabis, ou encore vendrait ou donnerait du cannabis à un mineur. La clarification de ce paradoxe était importante considérant que ce projet de loi fut essentiellement justifié par ceux qui y étaient favorables sur la volonté de diminuer un recours au droit criminel identifié comme inefficace à la réduction de la consommation du cannabis, tout en créant de nouvelles infractions pénales pour éviter son accès aux mineurs. Les résultats de cette thèse ont démontré que si des philosophies de type moraliste et paternaliste demeurent bien présentes lors des débats parlementaires sur C-45, le libéralisme juridique l’est aussi, mais tend fortement à disparaitre dès qu’arrive la question de la santé et de la sécurité des mineurs. De plus, si la durée des nouvelles peines demeure contestée par certains, il semble qu’en aucun temps le recours au pénal en guise d’outil de gestion de ces infractions ne soit remis en question, ce qui s’est traduit entre autres par l’absence totale de débats en ce qui a trait à l’utilisation d’un mineur dans le marché illégal de cannabis. Ce dernier point pourrait s’expliquer par une volonté de réforme par contraste qui vise une meilleure efficacité du système en place plutôt qu’une réforme générative qui cherche l’innovation et le renouveau, ce qui aurait demandé la remise en question du paradigme dominant sur certaines drogues actuellement illégales, soit la prohibition. ABSTRACT By taking up the three arguments of the divergent reports of the Le Dain Commission of 1972, the legal moralism in favor of the maintenance of the prohibition of cannabis, the legal paternalism for the decriminalization of tis simple possession and the legal liberalism in favor of legalization, this thesis mobilize this triptych inspired by three legal philosophers by using content analysis in parliamentary debates to see how these arguments manifested themselves again in the process of passing Bill C-45 which led to the legalization of cannabis in Canada. Furthermore, it also mobilizes the concept of modern criminal rationality in order to understand the approval for the various actors to use the criminal law in this bill by accepting the inclusion of two new criminal offenses punishable by 14 years of imprisonment. These offenses target an adult who would involve a minor in the illegal cannabis market, or sell or give cannabis to a minor. The clarification of this paradox was important considering that this bill was essentially justified by those who were in favor of reducing the use of criminal law identified as ineffective in reducing the use of cannabis, while creating new offenses to prevent its access from minors. The results of this thesis have shown that while moralistic and paternalistic philosophies remain very much present during parliamentary debates on Bill C-45, legal liberalism is also present, but tends to disappear as soon as the question of health and safety of minors come up. Moreover, while the duration of the new sentences is still disputed by some, it appears that at no time is the use of the criminal law as a tool for managing these offenses is questioned, which has resulted in the total lack of debate regarding the use of a minor in the illegal cannabis market. This last point could be explained by a desire for the adoption of a reform by contrast which aims to improve the effectiveness of the system in place rather than a generative reform that seeks innovation and renewal, which would have asked a questioning of the dominant paradigm on some currently illegal drugs, the prohibition in itself.

No description available.

Cette étude tente de saisir l’ambiguïté du propos pessimiste dans trois romans de Catulle Mendès (1841-1909). D’un côté, la construction du héros suggère une critique psychopathologique du pessimisme conforme au moralisme de la doxa fin-de-siècle qui dénie à cette pensée toute valeur spéculative. De l’autre, la représentation d’une société dissimulatrice contre laquelle le héros est en lutte confère à celui-ci un pouvoir de dévoilement. Cette tension se trouve condensée dans le concept de monstre qui fait l’objet d’une double lecture, à la fois pathologique et herméneutique. La conscience du héros étant conforme par sa stérilité à la conscience décadente telle qu’elle est définie par Jankélévitch, le système de pensée qu’elle féconde peut être assimilé à un monstre. Or, le sens premier du monstre pessimiste est le caractère inhumain de la vérité, autant comme quête que comme révélation. Seul un monstre peut porter la vérité car celle-ci est à sa mesure, intolérable. Elle renvoie l’homme à la toute-puissance de l’instinct dont découlent ses idéaux. Partant d’une conception pessimiste, le propos de Mendès débouche ainsi sur une morale idéaliste qui prône contre l’universelle tare le mensonge universel. / This thesis tries to make sense of the ambiguity of pessimism in three of Catulle Mendès’s novels. On the one hand, the construction of the hero indicates a criticism of pessimism based on psychopathology, typical of late nineteenth-century moralism as it denies the doctrine any speculative value. On the other hand, the representation of a society full of liars against which the hero leads a struggle bestows upon him a power of revelation. This tension is condensed in the concept of monster which is submitted here to both a pathological and an hermeneutic reading. The hero’s conscience conforms to the type of decadent conscience as defined by Jankélévitch: the system of thought produced by it cannot be considered other than monstous. In addition, the primary feature of the pessimistic monster lies in the inhuman nature of the truth, as search and as revelation. Only a monster can profess the truth because it is made to his measure that is: intolerable. The truth reflects the supremacy of instinct and negates all ideals. Based on a thoroughly pessimistic conception, Mendès’point lies in an idealistic morals which advocates the universal lying against universal vice.

Tendo como premissas teóricas o liberalismo político e os limites internos da atuação do Estado, este estudo pretende ser uma contribuição à crítica do paternalismo jurídico, na medida em que traz para o debate constitucional contemporâneo uma categoria pouco estudada no direito brasileiro. O paternalismo existe se um agente estatal exerce o poder sobre um indivíduo, por meio de uma ação governamental, com a finalidade de evitar que o indivíduo pratique ações privadas ou se omita de tal forma a causar danos, ou risco de danos, a si mesmo. A partir da Constituição de 1988, os direitos fundamentais, em especial a autonomia individual, voltaram a ser levados a sério. Pouco a pouco, as questões morais controvertidas ganham espaço na mídia e nos tribunais. Essas questões exigem dos intérpretes uma nova hermenêutica. A leitura moral da constituição é o método interpretativo que traz a moralidade política para o centro do direito constitucional. Como a Constituição Federal de 1988 está vazada numa linguagem jurídica extremamente abstrata, é preciso recorrer a princípios morais abstratos, usados como limites aos poderes do Estado. Essa leitura moral da Constituição consagra o princípio central contra o paternalismo: cada indivíduo é digno de igual consideração e respeito como sujeito autônomo de direitos. / Taking as theoretical premises the political liberalism and the inner bounds of state action, this study aims to be a contribution to the critics of legal paternalism, as it brings to the current constitutional debate a still barely studied category. Legal paternalism exists if a state official influences someone to practice or to avoid conducts that could cause harm to self through government actions. Since the Constitution of 1988, fundamental rights- especially autonomy- have been taken seriously again. Gradually, the controversial moral issues have reached both the media and the Courts, requiring from interpreters a new hermeneutics. The moral reading of the constitution is the interpretative method which brings political morality to the center of Constitutional Law. As the Constitution of 1988 is built upon a highly abstract language, it is necessary to resort to abstract moral principles, which are used as limits to the powers of State. In a word, it is necessary to develop a moral reading of the Constitution which consecrate the main principle against paternalism: the State owes to each and every person equal respect and concern as autonomous rightsholder.

Tendo como premissas teóricas o liberalismo político e os limites internos da atuação do Estado, este estudo pretende ser uma contribuição à crítica do paternalismo jurídico, na medida em que traz para o debate constitucional contemporâneo uma categoria pouco estudada no direito brasileiro. O paternalismo existe se um agente estatal exerce o poder sobre um indivíduo, por meio de uma ação governamental, com a finalidade de evitar que o indivíduo pratique ações privadas ou se omita de tal forma a causar danos, ou risco de danos, a si mesmo. A partir da Constituição de 1988, os direitos fundamentais, em especial a autonomia individual, voltaram a ser levados a sério. Pouco a pouco, as questões morais controvertidas ganham espaço na mídia e nos tribunais. Essas questões exigem dos intérpretes uma nova hermenêutica. A leitura moral da constituição é o método interpretativo que traz a moralidade política para o centro do direito constitucional. Como a Constituição Federal de 1988 está vazada numa linguagem jurídica extremamente abstrata, é preciso recorrer a princípios morais abstratos, usados como limites aos poderes do Estado. Essa leitura moral da Constituição consagra o princípio central contra o paternalismo: cada indivíduo é digno de igual consideração e respeito como sujeito autônomo de direitos. / Taking as theoretical premises the political liberalism and the inner bounds of state action, this study aims to be a contribution to the critics of legal paternalism, as it brings to the current constitutional debate a still barely studied category. Legal paternalism exists if a state official influences someone to practice or to avoid conducts that could cause harm to self through government actions. Since the Constitution of 1988, fundamental rights- especially autonomy- have been taken seriously again. Gradually, the controversial moral issues have reached both the media and the Courts, requiring from interpreters a new hermeneutics. The moral reading of the constitution is the interpretative method which brings political morality to the center of Constitutional Law. As the Constitution of 1988 is built upon a highly abstract language, it is necessary to resort to abstract moral principles, which are used as limits to the powers of State. In a word, it is necessary to develop a moral reading of the Constitution which consecrate the main principle against paternalism: the State owes to each and every person equal respect and concern as autonomous rightsholder.