<p>In the 60’s and 70’s a large group of Yugoslav migrants came to Sweden in search for jobs. These people mostly belonged to the generation born after the Second World War, a generation brought up in the official discourse of “Brotherhood and Unity”. A discourse downplaying ethnic differences in favour of a national identification. With the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s their Yugoslav national identity was beginning to be contested. The Serb migrants had to redefine themselves due to the changing situation and to replace or redefine their Yugoslav identities. This paper presents a case study for three individuals in this group and how they defined themselves before the break-up and how they handled the break-up. It presents how they today look upon Yugoslavia and how that place has changed meaning in their everyday narratives. The question I try to answer is whether someone can call himself Yugoslav when Yugoslavia no longer exists, and how the image of Yugoslavia has changed due to the break-up. I show that the image of Yugoslavia is still very much alive but this image has turned from a place in physical space to a place in their narratives, close to Foucault’s definition of a Utopian place. A place in their minds, perfected in form. They still call themselves Yugoslavs, if the social context allows that, they still use the term to relate to their origin and in discussions of place.</p>

<p>Based on the on the assumption that the two recent Swedish poetry collections <em>mil</em> by Anna Hallberg and <em>mallamerik, mallamer, malameri, mallame, amerik, mallameka, merikka, </em>by Lars Mikael Raattamaa, are constructed with theoretical questions about identity, national identity, language hierarchy and power in mind, this study aims to investigate the ways in which these issues come to expression. Simplified, the term <em>language-poetry</em>, or <em>språkmaterialism</em>, can be used to describe a language-philosophical poetry that aims to eliminate the hierarcic structures between writer and reader in a text and invite the reader to become the co-worker of it. The study shows that by different ways of eliminating the <em>centre</em> of the text, the text is made democratical. But one question that this study asks is how can a nation's conventional and standardised written  language – the language of the centre – be used to write itself out of this centre into the margin? Stepping from a theoretical background of postcolonial theories on identity and national identity, including reflections as those given by Benedict Anderson, Madan Sarup, Timothy Brennan, Stefan Helgesson and Mia Cuoto, the analysis points out how this poetry laborates with the terms <em>bugging, repetition, national language identity, and space </em>as poetic material, in order to work in line with ─ and contrary to - conceptions of a unified and shared language. Adapting and transforming the architectural term sprawl into literature, and spreading similar phrases over the pages by, for example, thematizing names, Swedish suburbs, and the use of language referents made empty, an elimination of the textual centre is shown to take place. This study concludes that in these poems it is by pointing out markers of a Swedish identity which is transparent that identity becomes both constituted and articulated, as well as problematized; concepts of collectivity, orality, and lack of textual coherence create a dimension of  boundlessness in language.  </p><p> </p>

<p>Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.</p>

Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.

Based on the on the assumption that the two recent Swedish poetry collections mil by Anna Hallberg and mallamerik, mallamer, malameri, mallame, amerik, mallameka, merikka, by Lars Mikael Raattamaa, are constructed with theoretical questions about identity, national identity, language hierarchy and power in mind, this study aims to investigate the ways in which these issues come to expression. Simplified, the term language-poetry, or språkmaterialism, can be used to describe a language-philosophical poetry that aims to eliminate the hierarcic structures between writer and reader in a text and invite the reader to become the co-worker of it. The study shows that by different ways of eliminating the centre of the text, the text is made democratical. But one question that this study asks is how can a nation's conventional and standardised written  language – the language of the centre – be used to write itself out of this centre into the margin? Stepping from a theoretical background of postcolonial theories on identity and national identity, including reflections as those given by Benedict Anderson, Madan Sarup, Timothy Brennan, Stefan Helgesson and Mia Cuoto, the analysis points out how this poetry laborates with the terms bugging, repetition, national language identity, and space as poetic material, in order to work in line with ─ and contrary to - conceptions of a unified and shared language. Adapting and transforming the architectural term sprawl into literature, and spreading similar phrases over the pages by, for example, thematizing names, Swedish suburbs, and the use of language referents made empty, an elimination of the textual centre is shown to take place. This study concludes that in these poems it is by pointing out markers of a Swedish identity which is transparent that identity becomes both constituted and articulated, as well as problematized; concepts of collectivity, orality, and lack of textual coherence create a dimension of  boundlessness in language.

The aim of this study was to increase the knowledge about if and how the National Value System’s goal of a life with dignity for the elderly pervades the work in home care organisations. The study was based on a qualitative research method and was conducted through interviews with professional care givers in home care organisations, there were five individual interviews and one pair interview. The background for this study was the National Value System for the eldercare that was introduced in 2011. The theory of New Public Management and the concept of Rationality of Caring were used to analyse the result. New Public Management introduces a strategy of competition tendering by signing deals with the company that give the best offer, in order to increase the quality and efficiency of organisations. An important part of New Public Management is that the leaders in organisations have control of what is happening in the organisation in order to further increase the quality and efficiency. The Rationality of Caring is about having the care recipients’ needs and wishes as a primary force of action. The study shows that professional care givers work in a way that promotes a life with dignity for the elderly and that they act with a rationality of caring, but the rationality that rules the organisations in which they work precludes their way of working. The Politicians definition of rationality, which is about the efficiency and quality that can be measured, is the one that is prioritized. It also shows that the organisation priorities small time-consumption and standardized services in order to increase the efficiency. It is found that the professional caregivers perceive that the demand for documentation and other administrative tasks has increased and as a result of this the elderly does not receive the time they have been granted.

The aim of this thesis is to examine how the EU directive 2004/35/EC on environmental liability impacts the Swedish administrative legal order. The thesis examines the directive through two main EU principles - the principle of good administration and the principle of procedural autonomy. The EU principle of good administration as a concept contains various procedural and substantive obligations that make up the subject for examination of the directive, both as regulated in the directive and as general principles of EU law. The directive is analyzed using a comparative method to determine to what extent the procedural and substantive principles of the directive impacts the Swedish administrative law, and weather or not the Swedish regulations comply with the EU principle of good administration. The results of the study shows that, althought there’s a general principle of national procedural autonomy, the EU principles of good administration do affect the Swedish administrative regulation in various aspects, through the implementaion of the directive on environmental liability as well as general principles of EU law. Furthermore the study shows that the Swedish regulations that are used to implement the directive don’t always act in accordance with the EU principles of good administration in certain areas, which potentially could restrain the impact of the directive in the Swedish legal order.

The aim of this paper is to study how multiculturalism is expressed in the Swedish labour market policy. The method used for the investigation is a discourse analysis which study social and political processes in the society as created through language. The perspective of the discourse analysis is a social construction that considers that language is a social production created in a discursive way. It produces and reflects social process in the language. By using theories of national identity and multiculturalism we aim to investigate how multiculturalism is expressed in the labour market policy. With this method we aim to analyze the discourse of a political report made 2008 by the current government about integration strategies in Sweden. The conclusion of the study is that the different socio-economical positions existing between groups create categories in the Swedish society and those differences are more persistent among ethnocultural groups. This situation exposes a clear difference between the majority population and the ethnocultural groups. In order to prevent a wider difference between the two groups, the government has elaborated strategies to improve the opportunities of the ethnocultural groups for a rapid integration in the society. The actions taken will provide them with the necessary tools to empower the ethno cultural groups and enable them to enter in the labour market and make them responsible of their own situation. The government is presented as the key actor for promotion of democratic values with the overall priority of preventing exclusion and promotes social and economic growth in the country.

In the 60’s and 70’s a large group of Yugoslav migrants came to Sweden in search for jobs. These people mostly belonged to the generation born after the Second World War, a generation brought up in the official discourse of “Brotherhood and Unity”. A discourse downplaying ethnic differences in favour of a national identification. With the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s their Yugoslav national identity was beginning to be contested. The Serb migrants had to redefine themselves due to the changing situation and to replace or redefine their Yugoslav identities. This paper presents a case study for three individuals in this group and how they defined themselves before the break-up and how they handled the break-up. It presents how they today look upon Yugoslavia and how that place has changed meaning in their everyday narratives. The question I try to answer is whether someone can call himself Yugoslav when Yugoslavia no longer exists, and how the image of Yugoslavia has changed due to the break-up. I show that the image of Yugoslavia is still very much alive but this image has turned from a place in physical space to a place in their narratives, close to Foucault’s definition of a Utopian place. A place in their minds, perfected in form. They still call themselves Yugoslavs, if the social context allows that, they still use the term to relate to their origin and in discussions of place.

Denna avhandling handlar om hur samhället presenterades för barn via skolradion och Folkskolans barntidning under 1930-talet. I avhandlingen granskas hur såväl barnen som medierna i sig gjordes till redskap i den ideologiska striden om välfärdsstatens förändring och innebörder under 1900-talet. Studien handlar om innehållet i medierna och de om de aktörer som utformade program och texter. Vilka aktörer ville ha med barn och varför blev barn användbara i striden om skolradions innehåll och utformning? Vad fanns det för likheter och skillnader i sättet att tilltala och beskriva barn i de båda medierna? Ett viktigt resultat i avhandlingen är hur genus och etnicitet relaterades till barn i skapandet av en svensk folkhemsidentitet. / 2000