A favorable condition for good governance is that elected presidents obtain the support of both the median voter and the median legislator. Several electoral rules are evaluated for their results in 111 presidential and 137 congressional elections in 18 Latin American countries during the current democratic periods. The frequency of median voter’s or Condorcet-winner presidents appears to be higher under rules with a second-round runoff than under simple plurality rule. The victory of Condorcet-loser or the most rejected candidate is discarded under majority runoff rule. More than half of democratic presidents have not belonged to the median voter’s party in the presidential or the congressional elections. Many of them have faced wide popular and political opposition and entered into inter-institutional conflict. / Una condición favorable para la gobernabilidad es que el presidente electo obtenga el apoyo tanto del elector mediano como del legislador mediano. Por ello, se evalúan las reglas y resul- tados electorales en 111 elecciones presidenciales y 137 elecciones parlamentarias en 18 países en América Latina durante el actual periodo democrático. La frecuencia de presidentes elegidos por los electores medianos o ganadores parece ser más alta cuando las reglas implican una segunda vuelta electoral. La victoria del perdedor de Condorcet, o el candidato con más anticuerpos en los votantes, queda descartada bajo el sistema de mayoría simple electoral. Más de la mitad de los presidentes electos no pertenecieron al partido del votante mediano en las elecciones presidenciales o congresales. Muchos de esos gobernantes se han enfrentado a una amplia oposiciónpolítica y popular y han ingresado a un conflicto interinstitucional.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Hansen Schlachta.pdf: 1050445 bytes, checksum: 83ca026878c5b28fdbefb387b9da5678 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-22 / This study concerns a contemporary reading of experiences carved within the Landless Workers` Movement (LWM) formation process analyzing how agroecology is thought, while a political practice of collective confrontation, suggesting a contraposition to transgenic food as well as to the agri-business. Concomitantly, it is highlighted how the agroecology engenders a production and social organizational modal in the Landless` campsites upholding respect to the environment with the objective of generating income for the rural workers. These central issues will be approached from diverse experience lived by the individuals that struggle for the land and Agricultural Reform. For this research the Antônio Companheiro Tavares campsite, located in the city of São Miguel do Iguaçu and comprised of 79 families, was chosen. This site is held as reference in agroecology by the LWM. From contradictions evidenced in the organization processes of different forms of work and farming, as well as the way they were lived by the members utilizing daily life experiences, we analyzed how, in the process of struggling for land and agriculture reform, a movement political culture aimed to protected practices and environmental recuperation was engendered based on the cultural references of the way of life of landless workers embroidered in their life experiences and in their relation with other social entities when outlining the LWM. Thus, the research focus mainly on the social experience of the rural workers questioning how this experience processes itself in the set of relations, how it is established in the lively process by the historical subjects and their functions that engraft feelings and movement to organizing their own work and in relation to the LWM itself / Este estudo trata de uma leitura contemporânea das experiências tecidas no interior do processo de formação do MST, analisando como a agroecologia passa a ser pensada enquanto uma prática política de enfrentamento coletivo, oferecendo uma contraposição aos trangênicos, bem como ao agronegócio. Concomitantemente, procuramos evidenciar como a agroecologia engendra um modelo de organização social e da produção nos assentamentos, primando pelo respeito ao meio-ambiente e tendo por objetivo a geração de renda aos trabalhadores rurais. Estas questões centrais serão abordadas a partir da diversidade de experiências vividas pelos sujeitos que lutam pela terra e pela Reforma Agrária. Para a pesquisa optou-se pela escolha do Assentamento Antônio Companheiro Tavares, no município de São Miguel do Iguaçu, que possui 79 famílias assentadas na área e é tido pelo MST enquanto referência em Agroecologia. A partir das contradições evidenciadas nos processos de organização das diferentes formas de trabalho e cultivo, bem como do modo que foram vividas pelos assentados, no fazer-se das experiências da vida cotidiana, analisamos como, no processo de luta pela terra e pela reforma agrária, se engendrou uma cultura política de movimento que se volta para práticas de proteção e recuperação do meio-ambiente, a partir das referências culturais do modo de vida dos trabalhadores sem-terra, tecidas em suas experiências de vida e nas relações com outros sujeitos sociais e entidades, no fazer-se do MST. Assim, a pesquisa tem por principal enfoque a experiência social dos trabalhadores rurais, problematizando como essa experiência se processa no conjunto das relações, como se constitui no processo vivido pelos sujeitos históricos e suas ações, que imprimem sentidos e movimentos à organização do seu próprio trabalho e também em relação ao próprio MST

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto Lopes de Souza.pdf: 1002393 bytes, checksum: 46802edb2f036cdf98f87290d7703781 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research analyzes the way Hannah Arendt thinks the politics in the secularized world. We start from her criticism about the tradition of the Western Political Philosophy, characterized by the submission of the politics to the immutable truths, contemplated by philosophers. This concept was initiated by Plato and continued through the alliance between Church and Empire, extending to the beginning of the Modern Age. Philosophers like Hegel, Kierkegaard, Marx and Nietzsche, wanted to break with this tradition, but they could not do that on a satisfactory way. According to Arendt, the exchange of traditional patterns by others happened in the twentieth century, specifically in the deployment of totalitarian regimes, like the Nazism and the Bolshevism. Thus, the issue is to determine if it is possible to overcome the tendency to totalitarianism in the politics without resorting to transcendent categories offered by philosophy and religion. Our position is that Arendt defends the secularization, but does not consider enough the break with the transcendent reference. There are other positions that need to be observed for the policy happens, especially the exchange of views, based on the respect for human plurality. Besides the independence between politics and religion, we believe that her political theory propose a new relationship between politics and philosophy. After considering the overcoming of the metaphysics in politics, and the consequent hierarchy elimination between contemplation and action, we analyze the way the author presents the relationship between the speech and appearance. We realize that the political action requires a defined space, in which citizens can make pacts with each other. The durability of a common world depends on overcoming the subjectivism, characteristic of the modern times liberalism, in which predominates the private freedom. Similarly as in the revolutions of the eighteenth century, the difficulty of the politics in the modern world is to balance stability and novelty. Arendt offers the promise to ensure continuity, and the forgiveness to break the causal chain of the events and provide a new start. In politics, the novelty is possible when the action is linked to thought, but not the speculative thought, which aims to make universalization. That s why, for Arendt the policy does not require a rational system of predefined truths, but this does not mean that she is opposed to any kind of encounter between philosophy and politics, but the traditional model. She accepts the proposal of Socrates, in which the activity of thinking is more important than the result of thought. There she meets a limit to evil and allows us to start thinking about the relationship between ethic and politics. However, the Socratic principle is also limited, revealing what not to do, but not helping to establish a new action. Then, Arendt analyzes the Kantian philosophy, and despite rejecting the requirement of the will concept, she accepts the notion of judgment faculty, considering that this is the faculty that allows us to make policy. / Esta pesquisa analisa o modo como Hannah Arendt pensa a política no mundo secularizado. Partimos de sua crítica à tradição da Filosofia Política Ocidental, caracterizada pela submissão da política às verdades imutáveis, contempladas pelos filósofos. Esta concepção foi iniciada por Platão e continuada através da aliança entre Igreja e Império, estendendo-se até o início da Idade Moderna. Filósofos como Hegel, Kierkegaard, Marx e Nietzsche, quiseram romper com esta tradição, mas não conseguiram isto de modo satisfatório. Segundo Arendt, a troca dos padrões tradicionais por outros aconteceu no século XX, especificamente na implantação dos regimes totalitários, como o Nazismo e o Bolchevismo. Diante disso, o problema é determinar se é possível superar a tendência ao totalitarismo na política sem recorrer às categorias transcendentes oferecidas pela filosofia e pela religião. Nossa posição é que Arendt defende a secularização, mas não considera suficiente o rompimento com os referenciais transcendentes. Há outras condições que precisam ser observadas para que a política aconteça, especialmente a troca de opiniões, baseada no respeito à pluralidade humana. Além da independência entre política e religião, consideramos que sua teoria política propõe uma nova relação entre política e filosofia. Depois de considerar a superação da metafísica na política, e a consequente eliminação da hierarquia entre contemplação e ação, analisamos o modo como a autora trabalha a relação entre o discurso e a aparência. Percebemos que a ação política necessita de um espaço público definido, no qual os cidadãos possam fazer pactos entre si. A durabilidade de um mundo comum depende da superação do subjetivismo, característico do liberalismo da era moderna, no qual predomina a liberdade privada. Assim como nas revoluções do século XVIII, a dificuldade da política no mundo moderno é equilibrar a estabilidade e a novidade. Arendt propõe a promessa para garantir a continuidade, e o perdão, para romper a cadeia causal dos acontecimentos e proporcionar um novo começo. Na política, a novidade é possível quando a ação está vinculada ao pensamento, mas não um pensamento especulativo, que visa fazer universalizações. É por isto que, para Arendt a política não necessita de um sistema racional de verdades predefinidas, o que não significa que ela se oponha a todo tipo de encontro entre filosofia e política, mas ao modelo tradicional. Ela aceita a proposta de Sócrates, na qual a atividade de pensar é mais importante que o resultado do pensamento. Aí ela encontra um limite para o mal e nos permite iniciar uma reflexão sobre a relação entre ética e política. Contudo, o princípio socrático também é limitado, revelando o que não fazer, mas não ajudando a determinar uma nova ação. Então, Arendt analisa a filosofia kantiana e, apesar de rejeitar o seu conceito de obrigatoriedade da vontade, aceita a noção de faculdade do juízo, considerando que esta é a faculdade que nos permite fazer política.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how Swedes writing in English construct number concord with collective nouns. This was done by studying three primary corpora: the Swedish English Newspaper Corpus (SWENC) and the press sections of Frown (American English) and F-LOB (British English). The findings were compared with the results in the Blogs in English by Swedes Corpus (BESC), Frown (American English) and F-LOB (British English). The SWENC contains texts from three online newspapers and one corporate newsletter in English, all of which are written by Swedes. The BESC contains texts from Swedes blogging in English. Frown and F-LOB contain texts from fifteen text genres in the 1990s. The results in the SWENC are discussed and compared with the press sections of F-LOB and Frown. The results are also compared with the BESC, Frown and F-LOB in order to see whether there is regional and stylistic variation. The results show that Swedes prefer singular verbal concord with collective nouns even though plural forms occur which seem to be closer to F-LOB Press (BrE) than Frown Press (AmE). In contrast, the SWENC differs from the press sections of Frown and F-LOB in constructing pronominal number. This difference could be influenced by Swedish usage which allows both singular and plural pronominal number with collective nouns. The study also shows that plural forms of political parties that seem to constitute collective units show variation in Sweden whereas such nouns take only plural concord in both American and British English.

Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine. / The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity.

This study investigates the use of reduplication with predicative signs in Swedish Sign Language (SSL), and also the related phenomena doubling and displacement. Reduplication in SSL typically expresses plurality of events and/or referents, but may also express intensification, ongoing event or generic activity. There is a distinction between external and internal events with reduplication: external reduplication expresses some event happening over and over at different points in time and/or with different referents, and is associated with a frequentative/habitual reading; internal reduplication expresses some event consisting of several e.g. movements/actions and is associated with an ongoing reading. Only external expression seems to be applicable to stative constructions, as one would expect. The study also found a phenomenon not previously described: oral reduplication without manual reduplication. This process is found to have the ongoing functions with telic predicates, such that it focuses on the telic predicate as a single event in progress, and thus replaces the function of manual reduplication, which, with telic predicates, would instead express several events. The reading of reduplicated signs is associated with the semantics of the sign reduplicated, and it is also associated with the phonological citation form of the sign—monosyllabic signs tend to get pluractional reading; bisyllabic signs tend to get an ongoing reading. Also, the reading expressed by reduplication is connected to the presence/absence of oral reduplication. Reduplication generally does not occur in negative constructions. This study shows that inherently negative signs may be reduplicated, but reduplicated predicates are negated according to other strategies than for non-reduplicated predicates, thus reduplication has the largest scope. Doubling and displacement are both associated mainly with plural referents, and it is in this respect that they are related to reduplication, and they both occur frequently with reduplication.

The Greater Hindukush is an area that stretches from northwestern–central Afghanistan, through Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Gilgit–Baltistan of Pakistan and to Kashmir in northwestern India. It is home to some fifty languages of various genera including Indo-Aryan, Iranian, Nuristani, Tibeto- Burman, Turkic and the isolate Burushaski. It has long been of interest in areal typology, and there has been some discussion of phonological and lexical features shared between the languages, presumed to have evolved due to language contiguity and contact. The purpose of the present study is to research a grammatical feature, namely the plural marking of common nouns, in a selection of languages spoken in the Greater Hindukush area, and to discuss its salience as an areal or sub-areal feature. Several grammars have been consulted in the extraction and analysis of all relevant information on nominal plurality in the languages. The results indicate a correlation between stem modification as a means of marking nouns for plural, as well as optionality in the overt plural marking, and the contiguity of some languages. Conclusively, stem change as a method of expression displays some moderate degree of areality, while optionality of nominal plural marking in particular is suggested as a sub-areal feature of the area. / Greater Hindukush är ett område som sträcker sig från nordvästra–centrala Afghanistan, genom Khyber Pakhtunkhwa och Gilgit–Baltistan i Pakistan, till Kashmir i nordvästra Indien. Ett femtiotal språk av olika språkfamiljer, inklusive de indoariska, iranska, nuristanska, tibetoburmanska och turkiska samt isolatspråket burushaski, talas i området. Området har länge forskats på i arealtypologiska sammanhang, i vilka ett antal fonologiska och lexikala drag som delas mellan språken har diskuterats och antagits ha utvecklats till följd av närbelägenhet och språkkontakt. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka ett grammatiskt drag, nämligen pluralismarkering på substantiv, i ett urval av språk som talas i Greater Hindukush-området, samt att diskutera dess signifikans som arealt eller subarealt drag. All relevant information som berör nominal pluralitet i språken i samplet har extraherats från ett flertal grammatiska beskrivningar och analyserats för vidare jämförelse och diskussion. Resultaten indikerar en korrelation mellan mekanismen stamförändring som nominal pluralismarkör, liksom valfrihet i markeringen, och närbelägenhet mellan några av språken. Sammanfattningsvis visar stamförändring som pluralismarkör en mild grad av arealitet, och optionalitet i den nominala pluralismarkeringen föreslås som ett subarealt drag i området. / Språkkontakt och språksläktskap i Hindukushregionen, Vetenskapsrådet, Projektnummer: 421-2014-631

[pt] O que acontece quando nasce uma criança intersex no Brasil? Para responder a este e a outros questionamentos, o presente trabalho objetiva apresentar um estudo teórico sobre a intersexualidade. Inicialmente será realizada uma análise sobre as divergências envolvendo o tema e em seguida, uma reflexão sobre os corpos para observar, através das transformações interpretativas que sofreram historicamente, se as marcas do sexo e do gênero formam um padrão binário que teria o poder de invisibilizá-los se não for atendido. Através de histórias coletadas, procura-se compreender os critérios utilizados para rotular os corpos como intersex e as experiências vividas por seus protagonistas. Uma análise das intervenções externas a que estes indivíduos foram e são submetidos ao nascer também será realizada, para entender a situação contemporânea. Neste sentido, a teoria winnicottiana será importante ferramenta para não apenas questionar o protocolo atual, mas também trazer a visão da constituição da subjetividade na infância e pensar em uma alternativa de cuidado que respeite esta construção. Os papéis exercidos pelo Direito brasileiro finalizam o estudo para investigar se o mesmo tem funcionado como obstaculizador ou garantidor dos direitos dos menores intersex. Analisa-se se há papéis sendo exercidos em consonância com as alterações internacionais, verificando em diplomas legais vigentes os empecilhos existentes e as possibilidades de pensar sobre o tema. Por fim, um caminho sob a perspectiva do Direito Civil-constitucional será projetado, buscando a admissão de existências plurais, isto é, novas acepções para a consciência do eu, capazes de permitir o pleno desenvolvimento de identidades e respeitar a dignidade da pessoa humana. / [en] What happens when an intersex child is born in Brazil? To answer this and other questions, this study aims to present a theoretical study of intersexuality. Initially, there will be performed an analysis of the divergences involving the theme and then, a reflection on bodies to observe, through the interpretive transformations that they have suffered historically, if the sex and gender marks form a binary standard that would have the power to turn them invisible if not attended. Through collected stories, we seek to understand the criteria used to label bodies as intersex and the experiences of its protagonists. An analysis of the external interventions that these individuals were and are subject to birth, will also be conducted to understand the contemporary situation. In this sense, Winnicott s theory will be an important tool to not only question the current protocol, but also bring the vision of the constitution of subjectivity in childhood and think of an alternative of care that respects this construction. The roles played by the Brazilian Law finalize the study to investigate whether it has functioned as an obstacle or as a guarantor of the rights of intersex infants. We examine whether there are rolls being held in line with international changes, checking in current legislation the existing obstacles and the possibilities to think about the matter. Finally, a path from the perspective of the Civil-constitutional Law will be designed, seeking the admission of plural existences, i.e., new meanings to the consciousness of self, able to allow the full development of identities and respect the human dignity.

The thesis deals with the life and work of the most significant political thinker of the 20th century Hannah Arendt. This work seeks to provide an overall view of her work and lays out the most important aspects of her work in the field of political thought. The thesis focuses on human condition, symptoms of crisis related to the loss of tradition of political thought, as well as the question of evil associated with the emergence of mass society and totalitarian regimes. An integral part of this thesis is the presentation of political concepts which repeatedly occur in Hannah Arendt's oeuvre, and which are undoubtedly essential for human political life. key words: human condition - authority - freedom - crisis - totalitarism - evil - plurality - responsibility - tradition of political thought

Junge Menschen in Dirndl und Lederhose auf Volksfesten wie dem Oktoberfest in München oder dem Wasen in Stuttgart – die­ser Anblick ist heute keine Seltenheit mehr. Doch was sind die Hinter­gründe dieses Trends? Warum kleiden sich gerade Nicht-Bayern seit Beginn des neuen Jahrtausends in bayerischer „Tracht“? Und könnte diese Entwicklung mit den aktuellen gesell­schaftlichen Lebensumständen wie Pluralität, Globalisierung und Individuali­sierung in Verbindung stehen? Diesen Fragen nähert sich diese Forschungsarbeit an, indem sich beispielhaft den Wasenbesu­chern in Stuttgart gewidmet wird. Der empirische Teil dieser Arbeit umfasst die Auswertung sechs qualitativer Episodi­scher Inter­views. Es werden die Motive des Trachtentragens, sowie die Beschrei­bung und Bewertung des subjektiven Lebens­zusammen­hangs der jungen Menschen untersucht. Im Schritt der Inter­pretation werden beide Aspekte zueinander in Bezie­hung gesetzt.