Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3881.pdf: 1267997 bytes, checksum: 65ebb6411824036431ba308e3701910f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-15 / This thesis analyses the political nature inherent to the development work done by Sebrae s working system. The research establishes a dialogue between philosophy and political sociology, resulting in the creating a political development definition, from the concepts of Political governance (increase of the public spaces of power; power as a key element of the Policy; associacionism and contesting), political capital (the importance of trust to build social capital; political recruitment and political inclusion: formation of new political leaders) and autogovern (empowerment; protagonism and responsiveness). We also analyse the performance of Sebrae in the area of public politics and its Sebrae s reposture as an agent of local and sectorial development, factors that consolidate its institutional role and corroborate the hypothesis of the research about the implications of the acting of this institution in the political development. / Esta tese analisa a natureza política inerente ao trabalho de desenvolvimento promovido pelo Serviço de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas de Goiás (Sebrae/GO), usado como estudo de caso. A pesquisa estabelece um diálogo entre a Filosofia e a Sociologia política, tendo como foco a elaboração de uma definição de Desenvolvimento Político a partir dos conceitos de governança política (ampliação dos espaços públicos de poder; associacionismo e cooperação e contestação), capital político (a importância da confiança para a formação do capital social; recrutamento político e a inclusão política: formação de novos líderes políticos) e autogoverno (empoderamento; protagonismo e responsividade). Analisamos, também, a atuação do Sebrae na área de políticas públicas e seu reposicionamento como uma agência de desenvolvimento local e setorial, fatores que fortalecem seu papel institucional e corroboram a hipótese da pesquisa quanto às implicações da atuação do Sebrae na promoção do desenvolvimento político.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2016-10-21T11:01:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseSCS.pdf: 2978236 bytes, checksum: 58b4c38218faffd63a9dfe1c2bb3155f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-11-08T18:36:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseSCS.pdf: 2978236 bytes, checksum: 58b4c38218faffd63a9dfe1c2bb3155f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-11-08T18:36:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseSCS.pdf: 2978236 bytes, checksum: 58b4c38218faffd63a9dfe1c2bb3155f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-08T18:36:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseSCS.pdf: 2978236 bytes, checksum: 58b4c38218faffd63a9dfe1c2bb3155f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research analyzes comparatively the social profile of council members from the cities of Caraguatatuba, São Sebastião and Ubatuba, located on the north coast of São Paulo, in the period that includes the 2000, 2004 and 2008 elections, with the aim of verify what the similarities and differences in the local political elite. Considering that cities have similar socioeconomic characteristics, the profile of political elite will be similar as well. The hypothesis is based on the assumption that the social, economic and institutional characteristics impose certain conditions for entry and success in the political field, compelling politicians to acquire certain types of capital, this favoring the recruitment in the social strata that have greater possibilities to acquire such capital, constituting a particular social profile of political elite. The professional category was the main feature of political agents to be compared by allowing us to identify the social insertion of politicians. The analysis found that there are many similarities in the political elite of the cities, and the few differences are explained by the particular way that each city fits into the regional economy. / Esta pesquisa analisa comparativamente o perfil social dos vereadores dos municípios de Caraguatatuba, São Sebastião e Ubatuba, localizados no Litoral Norte do Estado de São Paulo, no período que envolve as eleições de 2000, 2004 e 2008, com a finalidade de verificar quais as semelhanças e diferenças existentes na elite política local. Considerando-se que os municípios possuem características socioeconômicas semelhantes, o perfil da elite política também será semelhante. A hipótese baseia-se no pressuposto de que os elementos social, econômico e institucional impõem certas condições para a entrada no campo político e para o sucesso dentro dele, obrigando os agentes políticos a adquirirem determinados tipos de capital, favorecendo o recrutamento nos estratos sociais com maiores possibilidades de acesso a esses capitais, conformando um determinado perfil social de elite política. Tomou-se como base comparativa a categoria profissional dos agentes políticos pelas possibilidades de, através dela, se identificar a inserção social dos agentes. A análise constatou que há muitas semelhanças na elite política dos municípios, sendo as poucas diferenças explicadas pela maneira distinta que cada município se insere na economia regional.

Det övergripande syftet med denna avhandling är att synliggöra formella och informella maktstrukturer i Norrköpings kommuns politiska ledning mellan åren 1970 och 2006 ur ett genusperspektiv. I inledningen ställs frågan om det är så att kvinnors inlemmande i kommunalpolitiken endast har lett till en jämn könsrepresentation i den politiska toppen, men inte medfört verklig politiskt makt. Utifrån ett samtidshistoriskt perspektiv undersöks den underliggande maktstruktur om den politiska makten i Norrköping kan sägas ha vilat på vid olika tidpunkter mellan 1970 och 2006. Den teoretiska ansatsen är inspirerad av ett feministiskt genusperspektiv och det empiriska materialet analyseras med hjälp av bl a begreppet genusregim. Detta begrepp utgör grunden i avhandlingens teoretiska ram. I den konkreta analysen används sedan begrepp som politisk fält och politiskt kapital, manlighet, manlig homosocialitet, hegemoni och diskursiv makt. Utgångspunkten i avhandlingen är att kvinnor och mäns olika tillgång till informell makt i politiken dels har att göra med makt som baseras på genus, dels har att göra med makt kopplat till relationerna mellan ledande politiker och ledande tjänstemän i kommunens administrativa ledning. Avhandlingen undersöker på vilket sätt kvinnliga och manliga politikers formella deltagande i kommunens nämnder, kommunstyrelsen och andra organ förändrades under perioden 1970–2006. Den belyser också hur politiker och tjänstemän har uppfattat den underliggande maktstruktur som underbygger verklig politisk makt, samt hur denna maktstruktur har förhållit sig till genus. Avhandlingen undersöker även huruvida manliga tjänstemän begränsat kvinnliga politikers maktutrymme. Avhandlingen visar att den makt som underbygger den politiska styrningen har vilat på två slags ordningsrelationer: den mellan kvinnor och män respektive den mellan den politiska ledningen och administrationen. Avhandlingen visar således att problemet med kvinnors brist på informell makt har varit inbyggt i det politiska systemet. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine women’s and men’s access to quantitative and qualitative political power in the municipality of Norrköping between 1970 and 2006. The method chosen is to analyze the substructure underlying political leaders’ ability to govern. The premise of this inquiry is that an unequal distribution of genuine power between women and men in politics depends on gender-based power structures as well as the relationship between politicians in leadership positions and male employees in leading positions in the municipal administration. There are three main questions of interest in this dissertation. Firstly, in what respects does the formal representation of women and man elected as representatives in the municipal council, the municipal executive board, and other boards change in the period 1970―2006? Secondly, how do politicians and employed municipal administrators describe the structures of power that grant genuine power, and how do informal power relations relate to the gender-based power structure? Thirdly, focusing on women’s increasing participation in governing processes I ask in what respects the male dominance in the administration circumscribes the possibilities of female politicians in leadership positions to exercise genuine power. With these questions as the starting point, I have studied political power structures in relation to women and men as well as in relation to actors in political and administrative leadership positions in the municipality of Norrköping. Relaying on the concept of gender regime I have developed an analytical framework to analyze the informal power structures. The concept of gender regime can be understood as the patterning of gender processes in particular social units at a particular historical time. In the theoretical approach of the dissertation, the concept of gender regime in combination with the concepts of manliness, male homosociality and the hegemony of men, offer a complex way of analyzing gender and power relations at a local level. One of the main conclusions is that despite a changing political gender regime in the 21st century, the power was still based on a patriarchal model.

大陸實施經改、台灣開放探親後的兩岸關係，正朝著政治分立、經濟合作路徑邁進。隨著台商經營模式由中小企業為主的低技術傳統產業，走向資金與技術密集型高科技產業，台商間的互動型態也由早期的小群體或個體作戰模式，轉為依賴集體力量、透過組織形式爭取共同利益。於此情況下，獲兩岸政府直接、間接承認的台資企業協會理應有非常大的運作空間，發揮外與兩岸政府斡旋、內為台商提供服務之功能。因此目前的相關文獻，莫不期待台商積極投入台協，而台協則發揮極其關鍵的功能。本研究卻將對此觀點提出挑戰，基於台協所提供的制度性入會誘因，分析台協的組織能力。基於上述設計，此研究奠基於筆者月餘的田野調查，訪談對象遍及上海、昆山、無錫三地台商與台辦人員。研究結果相當程度否定了學界視為理所當然之「台商積極參與台協」假設。根據筆者的研究，台資企業協會在中共政權的「強國家」以及經濟社會的「韌網絡」雙向壓縮下，台協的角色與功能，已遭到相當程度的弱化。 / With the on-going post-Mao reforms, more and more Taiwanese businessmen (Taishang) seek business opportunities in mainland China. After almost fifteen years, these entrepreneurs have given up labor-intensive manufacturing and shifted to high-tech production. At the same time, they also feel constant needs to organize themselves, for reasons involving political capital, social capital and selective incentives. Most of these Taishang then create the Taiwanese Business Associations (TBAs) to serve their purpose. Although TBAs being founded one by one, our preliminary investigation suggests that most of them are in fact weak organizations. This research thus seeks to explain why those TBAs tend to be weak on the basis of the incentives they would provide for their members. After a month-long field research in Shanghai, Wuxi, and Kunshan, I find that these associations are bound to be weak organization mainly because of the “strong state” and “powerful networks.” The practices of the state hamper the functioning of TBAs while the operation of social networks creates an alternative organization with the functions of associations.

Cette thèse est composée de trois essais; dans le premier essai je traite les questions de la détermination, de la variance et des répercussions de la corruption. J’ai montré que la corruption est déterminée par la part des travailleurs non qualifiés sur la population. Si cette part est large alors il existe une corruption, si elle est faible la corruption est inexistante, et pour des niveaux intermédiaires, il existe une multiplicité d’équilibres. La corruption augmente les inégalités salariales entre travailleurs qualifiés et non qualifiés, et une perte de bien-être. Dans le deuxième essai je traite la question de lutte contre la corruption à travers l’incitation salariale. Avec une technologie de contrôle endogène, je montre que le gouvernement peut mieux accepter la corruption lorsqu’il est coûteux de contrôler. Lorsqu’il est optimal de combattre alors le gouvernement peut le faire soit à travers des salaires d’efficience ou soit par le contrôle. Néanmoins le rôle des salaires d’efficience dans la lutte contre la corruption est moindre dans les sociétés avec un niveau de malhonnêteté élevé. Le troisième essai traite la malédiction des ressources naturelles. Je montre que l'éducation et la corruption sont déterminées conjointement ; les ressources naturelles affectent l’incitation à investir en éducation et en ‘rent-seeking’ ce qui en retour affecte la croissance. En outre, la relation entre une abondance et la malédiction des ressources naturelles n’est pas monotone. Pour un niveau d’inégalité d’accès à l’éducation faible et un coût élevé de participation dans la vie politique, un niveau de croissance élevé et la trappe à la pauvreté coexistent. / This dissertation consists of three essays. The topics cover determination, variance and repercussions of corruption (essay one), corruption deterrence through wage incentives (essay two), and natural resource curse (essay three). In the first essay, I show that for a larger population of unskilled labor, there is a widespread corruption and for a smaller population there is no corruption. For the intermediate levels there are multiple equilibria. On its consequences, corruption increases wage inequality between skilled and unskilled workers, and results in output and welfare losses. In the second essay, I argue that deterring corruption through efficiency wage may become prohibitively expensive. With endogenous monitoring technology that allows capturing the dual role of auditing, as a complement with and as a substitute for wage incentives, I find that the government is better-off accepting corruption when it is costly to monitor. When it is optimal to deter bribery, the government can do it either through efficiency wages or monitoring. The role of efficiency wages decreases in societies with higher level of dishonesty. In the third essay, I build a theory explaining a resource curse. In contrast to the existing literature which generally considers low education, corruption and natural resources separately, I combine three strands of literature. Natural resources affect incentives to invest in education and rent seeking that in turn affects growth. Second, the relationship between resource-abundance and resource-curse is non-monotonic. For low inequality in access to education and high cost of political participation, high-growth and poverty-trap equilibria co-exist.

The objective of this study was to develop an understanding of the effects of the construction of hydro dams on nearby communities. The construction of the 400 megawatt Bui dam (8o16I 42II N, 2o143I 9 I I W) in Ghana has inundated seven communities and nearly a quarter of Bui National Park, including the destruction of community resources that provide for the livelihood needs of the people living near the dam. The dam led to the resettlement of seven communities, coordinated by the Bui Power Authority. Concerns expressed about the resettlement process indicate some weakness in stakeholder consultations relating to the resettlement, as well as weakness in the development of opportunities to address the anticipated effects of the Bui dam, including effects on community assets. These issues were examined through a study of how the construction of Bui Dam was perceived by local communities representing several ethnic-linguistic groups, including the Ewe, Mo, and Nafana. A mixed methods approach was used in the research, including document analysis, quantitative interviews of 329 households, key informant interviews with 22 households, and case studies of four families, including two families each from resettled and non-resettled communities. Data was obtained from 13 nearby communities, 7 of which had been relocated because of the dam. The study considered examined how the Bui Dam was perceived to influence seven capital assets: cultural; natural; social; human; political; physical; and financial. Overall, people perceive these capital assets to be decreasing in most aspects as a result of the Bui Dam, with some variability among households. This variability was explored through analysis of a number of predictor variables: relocation, ethnicity, livelihood type, age, and gender. Villages not relocated tended to perceive effects less negatively, as did people of Nafana ethnicity, and those who rely mainly on a farming livelihood. Gender and age had little effect: gender mediated effects on some aspects of social and political capital, while age affected only some aspects of cultural capital. Further analysis through the use of multiple regression analysis was undertaken to determine the relative influence of each of these predictor variables. Overall, each multiple regression analysis was significant, with high R squared values ranging from 0.761 to 0.260. The most powerful predictor was whether communities had been relocated or not (“relocate”), which was significantly related to each capital asset, with beta values ranging from 0.826 to 0.418. “Livelihood” was the next most important predictor variable, significantly related to all capital assets and with beta values varying from 0.520 to 0.231. “Ethnicity” was a significant predictor for four of seven capital assets, with beta values ranging from 0.133 to 0.055. “Gender” was a significant predictor variable for two of seven capital assets (social capital, with a beta value of 0.084, and political capital, with a beta value of 0.119). “Age” was a significant variable for just one capital asset (cultural), with a beta value of 0.038. In summary, this study is consistent with other studies that have examined the effect of dams on the livelihoods of nearby communities in that for most households the consequences have been negative, although not as severe for those households that were not forced to relocate, people of Nafana ancestry, or people who rely mainly on farming. The presence of Bui National Park may have moderated these negative effects somewhat, through employment provided in the park; and through ecosystem services such as vegetative cover in the park supporting cloud formation and rain occurrence / Graduate / 0366 / 0534 / 0628 / jonesarthur2002@yahoo.co.uk

This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.

This dissertation asserts that American political culture faces a crisis of virtue and explores the role of citizens, journalists and politicians in fostering it. The historic election of Barack Obama on a platform of hope and change in 2008 suggests that Americans yearn for an infusion of virtue into political life. I assert, however, that we have lacked a lexicon of political virtue, or any systematic understanding of which virtues we value and which matter most to us. Nor have we understood whether groups who constitute key elements of our democracy—citizens, journalists, politicians, men and women, Democrats and Republicans—value virtues in politics similarly or differently. Without a working knowledge of the anatomy of virtue in the body politic, what is to prevent us from having to change again? By charting the virtue systems of these key groups, I have made explicit what is implicit to reveal that political virtue is more valued—and more present—than Americans likely realize. This exploration, I believe, contributes to the scholarship of political communication by enabling a fuller and more useful understanding of American political culture—and of the contradictions, curiosities, and surprises that enrich it. / text