Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur två svenska modeföretag, Modefabriken och Klädverket, som båda påstår sig vara kroppspositiva visar detta i praktiken. Studien är genomförd inom ämnet textilt management. Studien är ur ett företagsperspektiv, men har även genererat inblickar från ett konsumentperspektiv. Data har samlats in genom primär- och sekundärdata. Studiens sekundära data har genererat ett teoretiskt ramverk som återfinns inom studier av ett västerländskt smalhetsideal och massmedias påverkan, modeindustrin och storlekar, vardagliga modeller och retuscherade modeller, kroppsideal och kroppspositivism. Studiens primära data har samlats in genom semistrukturerade intervjuer, strukturerade observationer i butik samt analys av fyra produktkategorier online. Studiens insamlade data har resulterat i en modifierad kommunikationsmodell för att undersöka hur företagen använder sig av provdockor i butik och modeller online för att visa sitt storleksspann. Judith Butlers Queerteori appliceras för att se om företagen har brutit sig loss från smalhetsidealet. Studiens resultat visar att både Modefabriken och Klädverket använder sig av provdockor i två storlekar, en normativ och en över norm. Båda dessa visar plagg med ett storleksspann från den minsta till den största storleken som företagen har. Slutsatsen av studien är att Klädverket visar sin kroppspositiva inställning i större utsträckning än Modefabriken, detta främst genom att använda sig av fler större modeller online, men även större provdockor i butik. Förslag till vidare forskning är att göra en liknande studie men ur ett konsumentperspektiv. Detta för att komplettera studiens resultat med hur konsumenter uppfattar användandet av större provdockor och modeller. / The purpose of this study is to investigate how two Swedish fashion companies, Modefabriken and Klädverket, who claims to be body positive shows that in practice. The study is conducted within the subject Textile Management. The study is from a corporate perspective but has also generated some insights from a customer perspective. The data has been collected through primary and secondary data. The studies secondary data has generated a theoretical framework which includes a western society ideal of being skinny and the impact of media, the fashion industry and sizes, everyday models and edited models, body ideals and body activism. The primary data of the study has been collected through semi structured interviews, structured observations in store as well as analysis of four different product categories online. The collected data of the study has resulted in a modified communications model to investigate how companies uses mannequins in store and models online to show their range of sizes. Judith Butlers Queer theory is applied to see if companies have broken away from the skinny ideal. The result of the study shows that both Modefabriken and Klädverket use mannequins in two sizes. In their stores and online, they use one normative size and one size above the norm. Both shows garments with a size range from the smallest to the biggest size that the companies offer. The conclusion of the study is that Klädverket shows their body positive approach in greater extent than Modefabriken, mainly by using more plus sized models online but also bigger mannequins in store.

教育行政學興起於十九世紀末。本世紀初教育行政學處於規範時期，其理論與實踐皆以其他領域（管理學、行政學）之常識做為基礎。二次世界大戰後，以邏輯實證論為理念基礎的理論運動(theory movement)如火如荼地展開，其目的在建立系統性與普遍性的原理原則，並將行政中之主觀成分（價值、倫理）排除。1970年代開始，科學哲學中之後實證論觀點波及教育行政研究，使得其原有的方法論格局產生了極大的變化。尤其是Greenfield、Bates、Hodgkinson等人所提出的批判性觀點，使整個教育行政領域開始對行政科學化的方法論進行大幅度反省與修正，也造成教育行政方法論由原來的單一典範時期轉入多元典範時期。 本研究之主要目的在於對教育行政方法論之典範變遷之歷史發展進行檢視，以進一步瞭解一些大型典範（包括實證論、後實證論、與後現代主義等）對教育行政理論發展影響之實際情形，並從各典範間之對話與爭辯中對當前教育行政研究發展上的問題加以論述與分析。研究過程採用了文獻分析法、歷史研究法與批判性觀點來達成研究目的。 本研究之主要發現有以下幾點： 一、實證典範至今仍然是教育行政研究最具影響力、最為普遍被使用的研究典範，多元典範的觀念尚有待進一步的推動與落實； 二、雖然大部分學者抨擊邏輯實證論的科學化主張，但大致上同意其對教育行政理論發展有一定之貢獻； 三、教育行政方法論的爭辯中，學者們偏向同意典範的多元並存而非相互替代； 四、對於後現代主義方法論，教育行政學者多採取了保留的態度； 五、教育行政研究範圍愈趨複雜而多元，研究方法則逐漸傾向於使用質化方法； 六、教育行政學術發展有賴於專業團體的積極推動； 七、過去的研究由於過份強調客觀性，忽視倫理與價值的研究面向； 八、過去的教育行政理論忽略了技藝層面、以及理論與實務的結合； 依以上之研究發現，本文提出以下建議做為台灣地區未來教育行政研究發展的參考： 一、在方法論發展方面，研究者應多瞭解最新的方法論發展趨勢並相互接納不同觀點； 二、在研究方法使用方面，應尊重不同方法的使用，避免再陷入一元主義的巢臼； 三、在教育行政學術發展方面，應積極推動與發揮學術性組織的功能； 四、關於理論發展的傳播方面，應定期舉辦關於教育行政學術的座談會，並落實學術刊物的定期發行； 五、在研究資料與事務的整合上，應成立具全國性質的教育研究專責研究單位； 六、在研究取向方面，應重視倫理、價值、與技藝層面的研究； 七、在研究態度方面，應放棄彼此成見，注重國內外學術的交流； 八、關於未來研究方面，研究者也提供了五點看法作為未來研究的參考。 / At the beginning of the 20th century, educational administration had just begun to emerge as a recognizable discipline and was therefore in a sort of "prescriptive era." After World War II, the theory movement which was based on the foundation of Logic Positivism started with great swiftness. The movement aimed to establish general and systematic rules for the administration practices, while excluding the subjective elements (values and ethics) of educational administration research. In 1970, the philosophy of science shifts to the postpositivism era and begins to rapidly influence the research of educational administration, thus greatly altering the original methodology. Greenfield, Bates, and Hodgkinson, the key scholars of this movement, criticize the scientific view, and hence influence educational administration methodology away from the dominant positivistic era and into the multi-paradigm era. The purpose of this study is to explore the historical development of paradigm shifts in educational administration methodology, and to explain how the paradigms (including positivism, postpositivism, and postmodernism) have influenced the theory development of education administration. Using the paradigm debates as a main source, this study will reveal the problematic issue of theory development of educational administration and then analyze the problematic issue of contemporarily studies in educational administration. The methods of this study consist primarily of documentary analysis, historical approach, as well as critical analysis. The major findings of this study include: 1. Logic Positivism is still the most influential paradigm in educational administration research, the multi-paradigmatic view needs further enforcement. 2. Most scholars confirm that the scientific view in fact does contribute to the theory development of educational administration. 3. In contemporary paradigm debates, most scholars prefer theoretical pluralism to theory replacement. 4. Postmodernism is still an underdeveloped concept in educational administration research. 5. The range of research of educational administration has become more complicated, therefore leading to the growing popularity of the qualitative method. 6. The improvement of studies in educational administration is dependent on the professional committee's push. 7. The unavoidable dimensions of "values" and "ethics" have erroneously been neglected in previous research. 8. The "craft" dimension of educational administration and the thought of the inability to link together theory and practice, have been widely neglected in previous research. Based upon the previous discussion and analysis, several recommendations for improving the development of educational administration in Taiwan are made: 1. Latest methodological tendency should be known and different paradigms should be mutually adopted. 2. Different research methods should be respected, thus avoiding falling into the single methodology trap again. 3. Educational Administration professional organizations should come into effect and enforce the academic development. 4. There is a need for academic conferences to be held periodically, as well as the publication of periodicals in order to broadcast the newest theory development. 5. National College of Educational Research should be set up for data synthesis and the development of relevant research affairs. 6. Dimensions of "ethics", "values", and "craft" should be emphasized on. 7. National or international academic interaction should be encouraged and the biases of different groups should be eliminated. 8. Four recommendations are made for further research.

本文的主旨再於探討當代研究政治的三個層面：哲學、基礎、研究途徑、以及研究方法，從而瞭解政治研究的未來發展方向。整個研究乃係採用「後實證觀點」為論述基準，而研究範圍則侷限於經驗─分析模式和歷史─詮釋模式兩類。全文共有五章，分別略述如下： 第一章導論。旨在說明研究緣起及目的、研究範圍與方法、以及研究架構。 第二章政治研究的哲學基礎。介紹當代四個主要的哲學流派：實證主義、否政論、科學歷史主義、科學實論：並企圖建構一個提示性的分析架構。 第三章政治研究的分析途徑。分成行為論和後行為論兩類取向途徑，繼而論列四個政治研究的概念途徑：心理研究途徑、系統論和、結構功能途徑、理性抉擇途徑、現象學和符號互動途徑。 第四章政治研究的方法技術。討論政治研究中五種常用的方法類型：歷史文獻法、個案研究法、內容分析法、樣本調查法、以及自然觀察法；並試圖研究量的研究與質的研究整合的可能性及策略。 第五章結論。提出四項研究發現，並擬定五點建議。

Sociology has always been forced to establish its "scientific" legitimacy, but this need has never been more strongly felt than today. Constant theoretical shifts and disciplinary fragmentation are viewed as symptoms of some fundamental problems. Assuming the precariousness of the present condition of sociology, this dissertation seeks to understand and explain the driving force behind theoretical shifts in sociology, for they are blamed for many of the problems in the discipline. Through a close reading of Michel Foucault's works, I argue that sociology, like many other forms of knowledge, has attempted to shape the modern person as an ethical subject. Pursuant to this objective, early sociologists attempted to establish a balance between two different kinds of orientation within the discipline, one of which was epistemological and scientific while the other was ontological and discursive. This position was in line with the critical attitude of the time and the emancipatory promises of the Enlightenment, which were nurtured by the early sociologists. In other words, the dual characteristic of sociology was due to a critical interest in changing and shaping the modern social subject. However, this duality gave rise to a tension within the discipline that was extremely difficult to manage, if not impossible. This dissertation examines the tension between the two orientations that has shaped the history of sociology. I read classical sociologists such as Auguste Comte, Emile Durkheim, and Max Weber to show that even these positivistic sociologists' theories can best be understood as a form of critique. In particular, I explain how they sought to manage the tension between the epistemological and the ontological aspects of their theories. I also examine Karl Popper's critical philosophy as a more recent attempt to keep science politically relevant. However, I will show that the dilemmas created in sociology are mainly due to a strong epistemological orientation beyond which most contemporary sociologists are not able to move. Sociology may avoid some of its present dilemmas by shifting its critical interest to an ontological path. To show the possibility and merits o f the ontological approach to politics, I read Karl Marx as a classical sociologist whose theory exhibits a strong ontological tendency. I above all discuss Michel Foucault's work extensively in order to both explain the nature of sociological theories and to explore the possibility and the prospects of the separation of the epistemological and the ontological sociologies more systematically. My aim is to show that while scientific sociology tries to advance without becoming intrinsically political, an explicitly discursive or ontological approach to contemporary political questions can be adopted by interested political actors and sociologists alike.

This thesis argues that the role of the United Nations’ (UN) human rights regime is to constitute all peoples into a specific universal standard of civilization, which this thesis identifies as the UN meta-civilization. Meta-civilization is defined as the UN’s colonial and imperial impulse to legislate, implement and enforce human rights in ways which are meant to uniquely ‘civilize’. Analysis of the doctrinal and theoretical foundations of international law illustrates the historical and contemporary power dynamics that enable the UN to ‘universalize’ human rights. As a case in point, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAoC) political dialogue highlights the UN’s constitution of the meta-civilization. The case study proves the UN meta-civilization is hegemonic in its claim to universality. In the end, this analysis demonstrates that more consideration about the appropriate utility of human rights within the theories and practices of international relations and international law is required. / Graduate

This study examines the relativistic aspects of Arnold Schoenberg's harmonic and aesthetic theories in the light of a framework of ideas presented in the early writings of Ludwig Wittgenstein, the logician, philosopher of language, and Schoenberg's contemporary and Austrian compatriot. The author has identified correspondences between the writings of Schoenberg, the early Wittgenstein (the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, in particular), and the Vienna Circle of philosophers, on a wide range of topics and themes. Issues discussed include the nature and limits of language, musical universals, theoretical conventionalism, word-to-world correspondence in language, the need for a fact- and comparison-based approach to art criticism, and the nature of music-theoretical formalism and mathematical modeling. Schoenberg and Wittgenstein are shown to have shared a vision that is remarkable for its uniformity and balance, one that points toward the reconciliation of the positivist-relativist dualism that has dominated recent discourse in music theory. Contrary to earlier accounts of Schoenberg's harmonic and aesthetic relativism, this study identifies a solid epistemological core underlying his thought, a view that was very much in step with Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle, and thereby with the most vigorous and forward-looking stream in early twentieth century intellectual history.

Malgré sa condamnation post-positiviste et sa réception négative par la gauche, l’empirisme logique regagne en intérêt. Cette thèse est une contribution à la littérature émergente du «Cercle de Vienne de gauche» (CVG). Autour de Neurath et quelques autres personnalités de l’aile gauche du Cercle (Carnap, Frank, Hahn, Zilsel), nous proposons de repenser la relation de l’empirisme logique avec le marxisme. Ces deux courants se rejoignent dans leur défense d’une «conception scientifique du monde» et leur sécularisme radical. Les critiques communistes et néo-marxistes (l’École de Francfort, l’épistémologie féministe) adressées à l’empirisme logique sont recensées et leur pertinence questionnée à travers les données de l’historiographie du CVG. La politique de l’empirisme logique est examinée à travers les textes économiques de Neurath et son œuvre d’infographiste. Son engagement pour l’économie socialiste planifiée et ses efforts en graphisme pour la popularisation des méthodes quantitatives (la méthode Isotype pour la visualisation des statistiques sociales) sont présentés en vue d’une évaluation politique du CVG, ainsi que les connexions de l’empirisme logique avec le mouvement pour une langue auxiliaire internationale. / Despite logical empiricism’s dismissal by ambient postpositivism in academia as well as by the Far Left, a growing interest in its previously unknown socialist origins has resulted in a new topic in the history of philosophy of science : «Left Vienna Circle» (LVC). This thesis dedicated to LVC studies aims to clarify the politics of European logical empiricism. A presentation of its major critics from the Left (from communist parties to neo-Marxist trends like Frankfurt School and feminist epistemology) is followed by more recent arguments about its socialist politics. The «scientific world conceptions» of logical empiricism and Marxism will be compared through the work of Neurath and some other representatives of LVC (Carnap, Frank, Zilsel, Hahn). Alongside the connections of logical empiricism to the movement for an international auxiliary language, Neurath’s economical writings and his efforts to popularize quantitative methods in social sciences (the Isotype method of visual statistics) will be presented in an attempt to evaluate the politics of logical empiricism.

Kalla krigets slut innebar helt förändrade säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar för de flesta stater. Då var världen uppdelad i två tydliga block med två styrande supermakter i ständig dragkamp medan vi idag har en annan verklighet med många olika allianser och asymmetriska hot av olika slag. Denna säkerhetspoltiska omdaning har också påverkat det vetenskapliga studiet av internationella relationer och framförallt under 90-talet deklarerade flera forskare det liberala perspektivets seger över realismen.  Denna uppsats är en fallstudie som tittar närmare på Europeiska unionens första marina insats, EUNAVFOR - Operation Atalanta och särskilt på Sveriges deltagande i den samma. Syftet är att söka efter de motiv som läggs fram för insatsen i såväl FNs resolutioner som EUs och Sveriges riksdags beslut för att sedan analysera dessa utifrån de två grundläggande vetenskapliga perspektiven inom internationella relationer.  Studien visar att sanningen ligger någonstans mitt emellan dessa två motsatta perspektiv. Båda förhållningsätten innebär ett antal antaganden och förenklingar vilka leder till blinda fläckar i studien och först när man ställer dem emot varandra framkommer helheten. Sveriges deltagande i operation Atalanta kan alltså förklaras av både strikt nationella motiv och av ett delat ansvar inom världssamfundet. / The end of the Cold War meant fundamentally changed conditions for policymaking in security matters for most states. Before, the world was divided between two blocks with two ruling superpowers in a constant tug-of-war, whiles we today have another reality with many different alliances and asymmetric threats of different kinds. This security transformation have also affected the academic study of international relations and in particular during the 90th many scholars declared the victory of the liberal perspective over realism. This thesis is a case study of the European Unions first naval operation, EUNAVFOR – Operation Atalanta and in particular the Swedish participation in this operation. The purpose of the study is to look for the motives in the decisions on different levels, from the UN security council, to the EU council and the Swedish parliament, and to analyze those motives according to the to major perspectives in IR-studies.  The thesis show that truth lies somewhere in between this two opposing perspectives. Both viewpoints result in a number of assumptions and simplifications that lead to blind spots in the study. Not until the two perspectives are compared with each other the whole picture will emerge. Sweden’s participation in operation Atalanta can be explained both with strictly national motives and with a concept of shared responsibility within the international community.

This work deals with the life and work of historian, educator, and priest Josef Sakař. Josef Sakař is one of the most prominent Týn nad Vltavou natives. His monumental four-volume work, The History of the town Tyn nad Vltavou and the Surrounding Area, includes the building blocks of South Bohemian regional history. Even though the greater balance of the work was written in the 1930s, to this day it has not been surpassed. Pardubice, like Týn nad Vltavou, owes much to Josef Sakař. It is the city where he spent most of his productive years and where he worked as a secondary school teacher. He wrote his major works here, among them a six-volume history of Pardubice nad Labem. Josef Sakař's activity was more than merely regional: for his efforts to protect historical monuments he was appointed (as the only one of thirty candidates from across the country) an honorary member of the Club for Old Prague in 1925.This thesis analyzes and compares sources, and it determines the importance and value of key events, family ties, friends and personalities that influenced Josef Sakař's life. For 21st-century educators, the thesis looks for inspiration that can be taken from his life and works. The work focuses on Josef Sakař's relationships with relatives, his life's story and activities in Týn nad Vltavou and Pardubice. It is organized chronologically, from his birth to his death. The last part concerns itself with seeking traces of evidence of Josef Sakař in contemporary life. A separate section is devoted to an analysis of four of his key works. The work includes all biographical data and important life milestones of Josef Sakař and contains a complete bibliography.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-16T19:10:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Pinto.pdf: 25625897 bytes, checksum: 70221ebb16614d571a595df69e025cec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:26:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Pinto.pdf: 25625897 bytes, checksum: 70221ebb16614d571a595df69e025cec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:26:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Pinto.pdf: 25625897 bytes, checksum: 70221ebb16614d571a595df69e025cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Esta dissertação foi elaborada por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e aborda aspectos atinentes à espécie de responsabilização civil pela violação ao direito à intimidade genética nas relações de consumo e de emprego. Através de interpretação extensiva do direito à intimidade, previsto no art. 5º, inciso X, da Constituição Federal do Brasil de 1988, com supedâneo no princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, justifica-se e fundamenta-se o direito à intimidade genética, que somente se tornou visível em razão dos avanços tecnológicos, em especial no campo da medicina e da genética. Trabalha-se dentro de um paradigma de transição: da forma positivista de encarar o direito para a pós-positivista, na qual o direito é flexível, permeável aos valores, a ética e a noção de justiça, concedendo guarida especial aos princípios na normatividade jurídica, fugindo, pois, do reducionismo do direito à lei. O uso da informação genética de forma indevida constitui prática discriminatória, seja nas relações de emprego, seja nas relações de consumo, ainda que na fase pré-contratual. Desapega-se, assim, da natureza individualista do direito à intimidade genética para investigá-lo por meio de um olhar macrobioético, sob o prisma da exclusão e da marginalização, que a sua violação pode produzir, em especial nos países periféricos como no Brasil. É importante buscar formas de responsabilização que inibam a prática indevida de acesso à informação genética para fins incompatíveis com os direitos humanos e que, ao mesmo tempo, assegurem a devida reparação às vítimas. É imperioso discutir, portanto, qual o fundamento do dever de indenizar que melhor se coaduna com a vulnerabilidade, característica iminente em um dos pólos dos contratos de emprego e de consumo: a culpa, o risco, a dignidade humana ou a própria vulnerabilidade no seu viés princípio. Por fim, podemos afirmar que a intimidade genética constitui direito da personalidade, o qual uma vez lesionado implicaria em dano moral in re ipsa, sem prejuízo do dano material mensurado, podendo, ambas as espécies dos danos atingirem a terceiros por via reflexa. / Salvador