This essay examines the use of literary theory when teaching literature before higher education. The objective isto see how and if the integration of literary theory facilitates students’ engagement with and understanding of literature. The study is conducted with the qualitative method of interviews. Four teachers, certified for upper secondary school, were deemed appropriate to interview about their current use of literary theory, as well as their attitudes towards an increased use of literary theory. Besides the data collected through interviews, this study finds its theoretical foundation in the literary theories feminist, Marxist and postcolonial theory as well as in the Swedish curriculum for English at upper secondary level. Presently, the teachers do not use literary theory distinctly; however, they do consider the use of literary theory together with literature to be beneficial for the students’ understanding of literature and the world around them. Teachers stated that while some students only will grasp the idea of the theories, other students will be able to use and apply them. The curriculum supports the use of literary theory in the core values for students of upper secondary level.

The purpose of the paper is to investigate how different religious groups such as Muslims and Christians are presented in the digital magazine Samtiden. Furthermore, the purpose is to investigate whether and how different religions differ in their presentation and whether there is a clear agenda related to emerging beliefs.  The actual selection I chose to start from is the year 2018 where articles in relation to my keywords and delimitations have been shown. They have then been analyzed through a qualitative text analysis with the ambition to be able to answer my questions and the purpose of investigating how different religious groups such as Muslims and Christians are portrayed in the digital magazine Samtiden. By starting from my theoretical starting points about postcolonial theory, anti-emigration, post-secular theory and gender perspective, I, along with methodological approaches, have got tools to be able to analyze the material in a successful way.  My results show how the representation of religions is manifested and what distinguishes them from where it appears that stereotypical categorizations such as Muslims are cruel, violent and perceived as a threat while Christians appear to be victims of Muslim aggression. The Christian and "Swedish" appear to be intertwined and constitute "we" while Muslims are portrayed as "them".

Studien syftar till att undersöka om, och i så fall hur, Sametingets egna myndighetskommunikation bidrar till att konstruera ojämlika maktrelationer mellan samer och den svenska staten. Remissvar och pressmeddelanden med Sametinget som avsändare studeras genom en kritisk diskursanalys med fokus på hur kunskap, handlingsmöjligheter och handlingsbegränsningar framställs för de båda aktörerna. Studien görs med ett teoretiskt ramverk som inbegriper diskursteori, representationsteori och postkolonial teori. Resultatet visar att det i Sametingets diskurs framkommer fyra teman: Distans till en passiv stat och närhet till ett aktivt Sameting; Samer har en särställd kultur och unik kunskap som inte iakttas av staten; Statens handling och makt är inte legitim och Rovdjurspolitiken är ett problem som behöver åtgärdas. Genom dessa teman framkommer att kunskap som samer besitter inte framställs på samma sätt som kunskap som svenska staten besitter. Samernas unika kunskap framställs som något som borde ligga till grund för politiska beslut och myndighetsutövning medan statens kunskap framställs vara ogrundad och otillräcklig. Detsamma gäller för framställningen av handlingsutrymme, aktörernas handlingsmöjligheter framställs olika. Samernas och Sametingets handlingsmöjligheter framställs ofta som begränsade medan staten framställs ha för stora handlingsmöjligheter särskilt mot bakgrund av att staten varken själva har tillräcklig kunskap eller tar samernas kunskap i beaktande. Slutligen visar studien att Sametinget ifrågasätter den rådande maktrelationen mellan samer och staten och således i stora drag inte bidrar till att bibehålla rådande maktrelation. / This thesis aims to study if communication from Sametinget contribute to the construction of unequal power relations between Sámi people and the Swedish government. In a critical discourse analysis comment letters and press releases from Sametinget where analysed with a focus on how both of the actors’ knowledge and scope of action is depicted. The thesis’ theoretical framework consists of discourse theory, theory of representation and postcolonial theory.  The results show four main themes in Sametinget’s discourse: Distance from a passive government and proximity to the active Sametinget; The Sámi people has a specific culture and unique knowledge that is not sufficiently observed by the government; The government’s actions and power are not legitimate and The current politics of predatory animals is a problem that needs to be solved. Furthermore, the themes show that knowledge of the Sámi people is depicted differently from the government’s knowledge. The Sámi people’s unique knowledge is depicted as something that should, make up the foundation for political decisions and legislation. Meanwhile, the government’s knowledge is depicted to be unfounded and insufficient. The same goes for the depiction of scope of action, where the actors scope of action is depicted differently. The Sámi people’s and Sametinget’s scope of action is often depicted as limited while the government’s scope of action is depicted as being to large. Lastly, the thesis concludes that Sametinget questions the current power relation between the Sámi people and the government and is therefore generally not contributing to the maintaining of current power relations.

The protagonist Martha in Doris Lessing’s Martha Quest is born to white British settler parents and grows up in a British colony in southern Africa in the 1930s. Although officially the coloniser rather than the colonised, Martha tries to reject this role mentally, verbally, and physically. This essay aims to show that a postcolonial reading of Martha in relation to the colonial context helps in understanding her double consciousness and, more specifically, her inability to find a real or lasting sense of home. Using Homi Bhabha’s concept of unhomeliness, the essay argues that Martha does not truly feel at home anywhere, because the “unhomely” always disturbs the “homely.” Through close reading of the text, it shows how Martha tries to find a sense of home in four areas of her life: her physical home, nature, her body, and her mind. This essay finds that despite Martha’s efforts in moving from her family home to rented accommodation, from the bush to the city, from girlhood to womanhood, and from her individual thoughts to the solidarity of others, she still does not feel at home anywhere. Whenever she starts to feel comfortable in a place or situation, unhomely moments, such as reminders of her nationality, race, or class, always disturb the homely feelings of belonging. Ultimately, Martha cannot escape her unhomeliness. / Huvudpersonen Martha i Doris Lessings Martha Quest är dotter till vita brittiska bosättare och växer upp i en brittisk koloni i södra Afrika på 1930-talet. Trots att hon formellt sett är kolonisatören snarare än den koloniserade, försöker Martha att avvisa denna roll mentalt, verbalt och fysiskt. Denna uppsats syftar till att visa att en postkolonial tolkning av Martha i förhållande till det koloniala sammanhanget bidrar till en förståelse av hennes dubbla medvetande och mer specifikt hennes oförmåga att hitta en verklig, eller bestående, känsla av hemma. Med hjälp av Homi Bhabhas koncept gällande o-hemlikhet argumenterar uppsatsen för att Martha inte känner sig riktigt hemma någonstans, eftersom det ”o-hemlika” alltid stör det ”hemlika.” Genom en noggrann läsning av texten visar den hur Martha försöker hitta känslan av ett hem inom fyra områden av sitt liv: sitt fysiska hem, naturen, sin kropp och sitt sinne. Denna uppsats konstaterar att trots Marthas ansträngningar att flytta från sitt familjehem till ett hyresrum, från land till stad, från ung flicka till kvinna och från sina individuella tankar till solidaritet med andra, känner hon sig fortfarande inte hemma någonstans. När hon börjar känna sig bekväm på ett ställe eller i ett läge, stör o-hemlika ögonblick i form av påminnelser om hennes nationalitet, ras eller klass alltid hennes hemlika känslor av tillhörighet. I slutändan kan Martha inte undgå sin o-hemlikhet.

Cette thèse porte sur la pensée juridique des comparatistes euro-américains. Elle analyse les travaux d’un nombre important de comparatistes, qui ont eu une place significative au sein de la discipline en Europe et aux Etats-Unis entre les années 1860 et le début des années 2000. En examinant les représentations du monde non-occidental, elle met en avant les tensions entre l’inclusion et l’exclusion des spécificités non-occidentales, tout en insistant sur la nécessité de développer une pratique critique de résistance. En s’inspirant des théories postcoloniales, ce travail aborde les questions suivantes: comment le savoir sur les sociétés non-occidentales est-il construit dans la pensée juridique des comparatistes euro-américains ? Quelles sont les préconceptions qui facilitent la production de ce savoir ? Quel est le fondement théorique qui anime ces constructions et quelles sont leurs implications politiques ? Dans quelle mesure la pensée juridique comparative alimente-t-elle les attitudes de domination ou bien les remet-elle en question ? De quelle manière les réponses à ces questions sont-elles reproduites ou modifiées d’une époque à l’autre, d’un auteur à l’autre ? / This dissertation focuses on Euro-American comparative legal thought. It analyses the works of an important number of comparatists operating in Europe and in the United States, roughly from the 1860s to the early 2000s. Examining their representations of non-Western societies, it puts emphasis on the tensions between inclusion and exclusion of particularism and it argues in favor of a critical praxis of particularism. Inspired from postcolonial theories, it addresses the following questions: how are non-Western societies constructed in Euro-American comparative legal thought? What are the preconceptions that make the production of such knowledge possible? What is the theoretical framework that animates these constructions and what are their political implications? What elements internal to comparative legal knowledge fuel attitudes of domination or/and challenge them? How do they change and how are they reproduced from one epoch to another, from one author to another?

This thesis is a study of constructions of home and nation in selected works by Patrick White, Peter Carey, Xavier Herbert and James Bardon. Drawing on the work of postcolonial theorists, it examines ways in which the selected texts engage with national mythologies in the imagining of the Australian nation. It notes the deployment of racial discourses informing constructions of national identity that work to marginalise Indigenous Australians and other cultural minority groups. The texts are arranged in thematic rather than chronological order. White’s treatment of the overland journey, and his representations of Aboriginality, discussed in Chapter One, are contrasted with Carey’s revisiting of the overland journey motif in Oscar and Lucinda in Chapter Two. Whereas White’s representations of Indigenous culture in Voss are static and essentialised, as is the case in Riders in the Chariot and A Fringe of Leaves, Carey’s representation of Australia’s contact history is characterised by a cultural hybridity. In White’s texts, Indigenous culture is depicted as an anachronism in the contemporary Australian nation, while in Carey’s, the words of the coloniser are appropriated and employed to subvert the ideological colonial paradigm. Carey’s use of heteroglossia is examined further in the analysis of Illywhacker in Chapter Three. Whereas Carey treats Australian types ironically in Illywhacker’s pet emporium, the protagonist of Xavier Herbert’s Poor Fellow My Country, Jeremy Delacy, is depicted as an expert on Australian types. The intertextuality between Herbert’s novel and the work of social Darwinist anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s is discussed in Chapter Four, providing a historical context to appreciate a shift from modernist to postmodernist narrative strategies in Carey’s fiction. James Bardon’s fictional treatment of the Papunya Tula painting movement in Revolution by Night is seen to continue to frame Indigenous culture in a modernist grammar of representation through its portrayal of the work of Papunya Tula artists in the terms of ‘the fourth dimension’. Bardon’s novel is nevertheless a fascinating postcolonial engagement with Sturt’s architectural construction of landscape in his maps and journals, a discussion of which leads to Tony Birch’s analysis of the politics of name reclamation in contemporary tourism discourses.

This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.

This dissertation examines how young people with Kurdish backgrounds form their identity in Sweden with regards to processes of inclusion and exclusion. It also sheds light on the ways these young people deal with ethnic discrimination and racism. Further, the study outlines the importance of these social processes for the discipline of social work and the ways social workers can work with disadvantaged and marginalized groups and endorse their struggle for social justice and full equal citizenship beyond racist and discriminatory practices. The empirical analysis is built on interviews with 28 young men and women with Kurdish backgrounds in Sweden. Postcolonial theory, belonging and identity formation constitute the central conceptual framework of this study. The young people referred to different sites in which they experienced ethnic discrimination and stigmatization. These experiences involved the labor market, mass media, housing segregation, legal system and school system. The interviewees also referred to the roles of ‘ordinary’ Swedes in obstructing their participation in the Swedish society through exclusionary discourses relating to Swedish identity. The interviewees’ life situation in Sweden, sense of ethnic discrimination as well as disputes over identity making with other young people with Middle-Eastern background are among the most important reasons for fostering strong Kurdish nationalist sentiments, issues that are related to the ways they can exercise their citizenship rights in Sweden and how they deal with exclusionary practices in their everyday life. The study shows that the interviewees respond to and resist ethnic discrimination in a variety of ways including interpersonal debates and discussions, changing their names to Swedish names, strengthening differences between the self and the other, violence, silence and deliberately ignoring racism. They also challenged and spoke out against the gendered racism that they were subjected to in their daily lives due to the paternalist discourse of ”honor-killing”. The research participants had been denied an equal place within the boundary of Swedishness partly due to a racist postcolonial discourse that valued whiteness highly. Paradoxically, some interviewees reproduced the same discourse through choosing to use it against black people, Africans, newly-arrived Kurdish immigrants (”imports”), ”Gypsies” and Islam in order to claim a modern Kurdish identity as near to whiteness as possible. This indicates the multiple dimensions of racism. Those who are subjected to racism and ethnic discrimination can be discriminatory and reproduce the racist discourse. Despite unequal power relations, both dominant and minoritized subjects are all marked by the postcolonial condition in structuring subjectivities, belonging and identification.

This study analyses the history of a large hydroelectric scheme – the Great Ruaha power project in Tanzania. The objective is to establish why and how this specific scheme came about, and as part of this to identify the key actors involved in the decision-making process, including the ideological contexts within which they acted. Although the Tanzanian actors and the World Bank (IBRD) are discussed, main focus is on the Swedish actors on project level.Kidatu, the first phase of the Great Ruaha power project (constructed between1970-1975), became the first large-scale hydropower station in Tanzania. As such, it paved the way for Tanzanian entrance into the Big Dam Era and significant changes within the Tanzanian landscape. As well as the dry river bed at Kidatu, and the small reservoir that precedes it, the Great Ruaha power project also involved the creation of a huge artificial lake, the Mtera reservoir. The Kidatu hydropower station was the first large undertaking within Swedish bilateral aid, and implied the takeover of control of hydropower construction in Tanzania by Swedish enterprises, replacing the enterprises of the former colonial power. A hydropower plant is a complex technoscientific artefact. The construction of a hydropower plant is preceded by a large number of technological choices, scientific prestudies and estimations of costs and revenues. A hydropower plant is also a complex social creation, and is as such filled with social actors engaged in conflicts, compromises and power structures. The decision to construct Kidatu hydropower station was a result of negotiations and activities within what is called “development assistance”. This brings in yet another dimension, the political one, involving export and import of technology, foreign capital, and foreign influence in decision-making processes, as well as ideas about how to bring development and progress to a people supposed to be living in “poverty and misery”. The study is divided into three main parts. The first part analyses the context of Swedish development assistance in the support to the construction of hydropower plants. This part discusses Swedish state-supported hydropower exploitation of indigenous people’s territory within Sweden’s borders in the 20th century and the background of Swedish development assistance, from the 1950s to the early 1960s. The second part analyses the event of Swedish development assistance entering Tanzania and the Great Ruaha power project, with the main focus being on the period 1965 – 1970. The third part is an analysis of the technoscientific basis for the decisions taken to implement the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme. Main focus is on the period 1969-1974, discussed against the backdrop of precolonial and colonial studies. While focus is on the 1960s and 1970s, in both part two and three events in the 1980s and 1990s are discussed. The study shows that although Sweden was not a colonial power in Tanzania, colonial imagery, and relations to the colonial era, as well as Sweden’s background of internal colonialisation, exerted an influence on the decision-making process and the actors involved in the Great Ruaha power project.The study is mainly based on archival sources, complemented with oral sources from Tanzania and Sweden. Recognizing the complexity of large-scale hydropower and the attempts to control watercourses that large scale hydropower necessitates, in the specific context of decolonisation and development assistance that the decision-making process behind the Great Ruaha hydropower scheme reveals, the analysis of the actors involved is based on feminist and postcolonial perspectives. / QC 20100825

In his groundbreaking work of postcolonial theory, Orientalism, Edward Said puts forth the idea that imperial Europe asserted an identity by constructing the character of its colonized subjects. Said writes that his book tries to “show that European culture gained in strength and identity by setting itself off against the Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground self” (3). The object of this thesis is a related project, for it too is a search for imperial Britain’s surrogate or underground self. Yet rather than positioning this search within the British colonies, this thesis takes as its context a land and people that were at once more intimate and more alien: the races and landscapes of Fairyland. This Thesis attempts to situate the fairy folklore and literature from the Victorian era within the context of greater social and political ideologies of the age, specifically those pertaining to national identity, imperial power and race. In doing so it will analyze Charles Kingsley’s Water-Babies, Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Kenneth Grahame’s The Golden Age, George MacDonald’s The Princess and the Goblin, Charlotte Brontë’s Jane Eyre and Frances Hodgson Burnett’s The Secret Garden concluding that the British self proposed by these works was an uncomfortable manifestation, and haunted by the anxieties and discontinuities that arose as imperial Britain attempted to navigate an identity within Victorian conceptions of race and power.