The purpose of this thesis is to identify the reasons for Israeli and Palestinian religious objections to peaceful co-existence in a two-state solution to the conflict over the land between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea. Developing an understanding of the basic religious requirements and precedents, while consistently considering religious impact in politics, may help to open dialogue between Jewish Gush Emunim and Muslim Palestinian Hamas, strong opponents to land compromise. Arguments by Gush Emunim and Hamas from the two major religious works, the Jewish Tanakh and the Muslim Qur’an, and associated commentaries, the Jewish Talmud and Muslim Hadith, are compared and evaluated for religious insights into the disputed areas. Contemporary interpretations of each major writing and political objections based on religious argumentation create a strong context for modern conflict. The requirements and precedents for peace that come from religious texts also promote open dialogue. This thesis suggests ways to open dialogue between the Israeli and Palestinian cultures, comparing religious texts, interpretations, and concepts, in an effort to promote peaceful co-existence and build an effective strategic narrative.

This is a study of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī’s al-Durr al-manthūr fi-l-tafsīr bi-l-ma’thur (The scattered pearls of tradition-based exegesis), hereinafter al-Durr. In the present study, the distinctiveness of al-Durr becomes evident in comparison with the tafsīrs of al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923) and Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373). Al-Suyūṭī surpassed these exegetes by relying entirely on ḥadīth (tradition). Al-Suyūṭī rarely offers a comment of his own. Thus, in terms of its formal features, al-Durr is the culmination of tradition-based exegesis (tafsīr bi-l-ma’thūr). This study also shows that al-Suyūṭī intended in al-Durr to subtly challenge the tradition-based hermeneutics of Ibn Taymīyah (d. 728/1328). According to Ibn Taymīyah, the true, unified, interpretation of the Qurʼān must be sought in the Qurʼān itself, in the traditions of Muḥammad, and in the exegeses of the earliest Muslims. Moreover, Ibn Taymīyah strongly denounced opinion-based exegesis (tafsīr bi-l-ra’y). By means of the traditions in al-Durr, al-Suyūṭī supports several of his views in contradistinction to those of Ibn Taymīyah. Al-Suyūṭī’s traditions support the following views. First, opinion-based exegesis is a valid supplement to tradition-based exegesis. Second, the early Muslim community was not quite unified. Third, the earliest Qur’ānic exegetes did not offer a unified exegesis of the Qur’ān. Fourth, Qur’ānic exegesis is necessarily polyvalent since Muslims accept a number of readings of the Qur’ān, and variant readings give rise to various interpretations. Al-Suyūṭī collected his traditions from a wide variety of sources some of which are now lost. Two major exegetes, al-Shawkānī (d. 1250/1834) and al-Ālūsī (d. 1270/1854), copied some of these traditions from al-Durr into their Qur’ān commentaries. In this way, al-Suyūṭī has succeeded in shedding new light on rare, neglected, and previously scattered traditions.

The present study covers the causes of victory and defeat in the light of chapter eight of the Holy Qur'an. It has been prompted by the current situation facing Muslims in many parts of the world, which is characterized by despair, reversals and loss, This study is thus reflexive in nature. In order to obtain a satisfactory response to this predicament, the relevant text in addition to several of its commentaries were scrutinized. The latter search remained unsatisfactory since their focus of inquiry was merely exegetical and failed to reveal any didactic element, which is crucial for obtaining guidance. This work has successfully managed to deduce this aspect from the text which amplifies the importance of extensive sacrifice for gaining glory. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Islamic studies)

Islamic Jurisprudence comprises of the laws that govern a Muslims daily life. The Prophet Muhammad explained and practically demonstrated these laws. The jurists studied the Quran and the Prophet's life and they adopted a refined methodology which they used to extract legal rulings and verdicts. This methodology is known as the Principles of Jurisprudence. The jurists expanded on this methodology with some differences among them on the usage and the application of some aspects as acceptable forms of evidence. Eventually, the Muslim world was left with four schools of jurisprudence that are present to this day. There are differences between these schools on some issues but these differences never caused conflict, instead it provided us with a wealth of knowledge. We need to study these schools and its principles together with the objectives and intent of the Shariah and utilize this to find solutions to all new issues that arise. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M. A. (Islamic Studies)

This thesis gives an overview of Jesus in the basic sources of Islam, the Qur'an and Sunnah. In a brief biography of Prophet Muhammad, it deals with the influence of Christians in his life. It follows the creation of the Qur'an and mentions some aspects of its doctrine. The thesis selects the Qur'anic verses about Christians and especially those which are related directly or indirectly to Jesus. It analyzes the meaning of the names, which the Qur'an assigns to Jesus. The selected Hadiths, in which some of the names of Jesus appear, are systematized into thematic areas. The thesis observe the role that this Islamic tradition assigns to him. It compares the differences between the view on Jesus in Islam and Christianity. It notes that there are different meanings in both religions under the same sounding names and titles of Jesus. The thesis brings reason why the image of Jesus in Islam is different. It shows whether the person of Jesus can be the object and starting point for interreligious dialogue. In conclusion, it offers the possibilities of inspiration for restoring Christian faith by Muslim Jesus.

This study examines how the word ʾillā is treated in the Swedish Qur’ān translation from 1917 by Karl Vilhelm Zetterstéen. The analysis is based on Swedish and Arabic grammar and translation theory, and considers the fact that this Qur’ān translation is considered to be quite faithful to the source text. The study finds that the textual equivalent of ʾillā varies greatly in the target text, and further that it is not limited to exclusive conjunctions nor exceptives; rather, it often consists of a restrictive adverb in an affirmative clause, when ʾillā in the source text is in a negative clause. This points to a unique problematic of translation where ʾillā is concerned, which warrants further examination in future studies.

Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities.    This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.

Under sommaren 2023 präglades Sverige av koranbränningar och ett försämrat säkerhetsläge. Studien undersöker svenska partiledares kriskommunikation på plattformen Instagram under denna period och studiens syfte är således att undersöka hur svenska partiledare använde plattformen Instagram som kommunikationskanal för kriskommunikation under sommaren 2023. Med hjälp av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, med semiotiska och retoriska inslag, har vi analyserat sju svenska partiledares Instagram-inlägg under denna tidsperiod. Analysen gjordes med hjälp av ett kodschema och endast de inlägg som var relaterade till ämnet analyserades. Studien utgår från en socialkonstruktivistisk teori, gestaltningsteori, samt teorier om medialisering och medielogik. Med hjälp av retoriska begrepp som ethos, pathos och logos samt de semiotiska begreppen denotation, konnotation och myt kunde analysen utvecklas ytterligare. Studiens resultat visar att partiledarna främst använder Instagram för att förmedla information om krisen, upprätthålla en politisk och sakkunnig image, samt påvisa de åtgärder man gör gällande krisen. Partiledarna visar sällan upp en personlig sida utan är sakliga och opersonliga i sin kommunikation. I resultatet går det även att finna en pågående maktkamp, regeringen och oppositionen emellan. De två allianserna är i en påtaglig konflikt gällande vilka som gör mest för landet i krisen. Sammanfattningsvis går det att visa på att Instagram används av politiker för att förmedla fakta till befolkningen och detta sker genom en envägskommunikation. Även om tidigare forskning visar att det är fördelaktigt för en politiker att vara personlig och nära sin publik i en kriskommunikation, är detta inte något vi kan se hos de svenska partiledarna. / During the summer of 2023, Sweden was marked by Quran burnings and a deteriorating security situation. This study examines the crisis communication of Swedish party leaders on Instagram during this period, with the aim of investigating how Swedish party leaders used Instagram as a channel for crisis communication in the summer of 2023. Through a qualitative content analysis, with an incorporation of semiotic and rhetorical elements, we analyzed the Instagram posts of seven Swedish party leaders during this period. The analysis was conducted using a code scheme, and only posts related to the topic were analyzed. The study is based on a social constructivist theory, narrative theory, as well as theories of mediatization and media logic. Using rhetorical concepts such as ethos, pathos, and logos, as well as semiotic concepts like denotation, connation, and myth, the analysis was further developed.  The results of the study showed that Swedish party leaders primarily used Instagram to convey information about the crisis, maintain a political and knowledgeable image, and demonstrate the measures taken regarding the crisis. Party leaders rarely showed a personal side but rather maintained a factual and impersonal communication style. The results also reveal an ongoing power struggle between the government and the opposition. The two alliances are in a noticeable conflict regarding who is doing the right things for the country during the crisis. In summary, it can be shown that Instagram is used by politicans to convey facts to the population, and this occurs through one-way communication. Altough previous research indicates that it is advantageous for a politican to be personal and close to their audience in crisis communication, this is not observed among Swedish party leaders.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur filterbubblor och ekokammare skapar politisk polarisering. För att uppnå detta syfte appliceras en diskursanalys på debatten om koranbränning. Trådar på Flashback forum och kommentarsfält på Twitter undersöks för att urskilja eventuella retoriska strategier, diskursiva yttringar och sociokulturella aspekter som kan bidra till polarisering. För att uppnå detta appliceras Fairclough’s tredimensionella modell för att utföra en kritisk diskursanalys av innehållet på de definierade filterbubblorna / ekokammarna. / The aim of this study is to analyze how filterbubbles and echochambers affects political polarization. A discourse analysis will be applied on the debate that has broken out due to recent burnings of Qurans. More specifically, this method will be applied on Twitter and Flashback to study rhetorical strategies, discursive utterances and sociocultural views that is affecting polarization. Fairclough’s three-dimensional model will be applied to perform a critical discourse analysis on the defined filterbubbles / echochambers.

The purpose of this essay was to investigate how Quran burning is portrayed in Aftonbladet's reporting. The study is intended to examine three Quran burnings with each other in order to compare Aftonbladet's reporting. In addition to the portrayal of Quran burning, the study has investigated how the practitioners of Quran burning are portrayed in Aftonbladet. Using a thematic content analysis, the study's text material has been analyzed to produce a result. How an event is portrayed in the media in turn affects how the news is perceived by its audience. ​Therefore, we believe that it is socially relevant to investigate how Quran burning is portrayed, because in Sweden everyone has the right to express themselves freely. Based on the study's thematic analysis, we can see a connection in Aftobladet's reporting on Quran burning. Generally, violent protests and reactions are presented as a consequence of the Quran burnings. In Aftonbladets culture-, editorial- and commentary texts, the Quran burnings are portrayed as a hate crime, more than the right to express oneself freely. As Quran burning appears as a hate crime, the audience's attitude towards Quran burning tends to become more negative In the reporting about Rasmus Paludan and Salwan Momika, who both burned the Quran, Aftonbladet has made different choices in its presentation. Paludan is portrayed as a provocateur who uses freedom of speech in Sweden to provoke. His political affiliation is prominent in Aftonbladet's reporting and his gatherings are portrayed as provocative. Salwan Momika's nationality is not prominent and his Quran burning is not portrayed as provocative.