With the aim of contributing one aspect to the international relations enterprise of understanding the grounds for security policy action, this essay makes a theoretical exploration of the basis for security strategy-making on the political level, with the aid of a multidisciplinary framework for analysis (combining research on strategy, narratives and role theory). Developing the concept of strategic actor by assessing its constitution through aspects of strategic theory (e.g. theories of action), role enactment, and strategic narratives, enables the study to construct an analytical tool which can be utilized to assess the strategic reasoning of actors within international relations. This analytical tool is tested for relevance by being employed to empirically analyse public security strategies of states and intergovernmental organizations as presumed strategic actors. Empirical analysis guided by the framework for analysis is conducted vis-à-vis a selection of security strategies (a.k.a. strategic concepts) between 2000 and 2010, of state-actors: the Russian Federation, the United States, the United Kingdom, and IGO-actors: the European Union and NATO. The essay increases the understanding of strategic actors’ strategy-making in general and security strategy-making in particular. The findings augment the understanding of the complex choices facing political units if they aim to credibly cast themselves as a strategic actor – at least regarding the aspect of reasoning strategically – as well as shedding some more light on the particular policy material that security strategies represents.

The dissertation identifies and analyzes metamorphosis of the US foreign security policy in the 21st century. The main aim is also to identify whether the United States entered a new era with the attacks of 9/11 and whether so called the Bush doctrine was an appropriate reaction to the global terrorism. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter describes the US security strategies since WWII. In the second chapter, foreign security policy of George W. Bush and its metamorphosis is analyzed. The last chapter is devoted to the security strategies of Barack Obama.

This diploma thesis deals with the assessment of the company information system and the proposal of changes. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first, theoretical part, is focused on the explanation of the basic terms used in the thesis. The second, analytical part contains the introduction of the company, its analysis and also the analysis of the information system. Based on this information, the last, design part is compiled, the content of which is to increase the security of the information system of Tereos TTD, a.s. company.

One of the key features of the 2002 United States National Security Strategy was an abrupt shift from the traditional U.S. approach to proliferation threats that prioritized deterrence and promotion of nondiscriminatory nonproliferation norms, to an approach called counterproliferation that emphasized military preemption and direct challenges to adversarial state identity. This thesis asks the question, what caused counterproliferation to largely replace deterrence and nonproliferation as the central national security policies of the U.S. concerning unconventional weapons? The thesis argues that to understand this policy change requires not merely an appreciation of changes in the post-Cold War international security environment, but also an examination of how culturally shaped threat conceptions among American policymakers interacted with capabilities development and policy institutionalization within the U.S. military. As no current theory adequately addresses those dynamics, complimentary strategic culture and organizational theory models are presented as the framework for analysis. This thesis will contend that policy shift from NP to CP resulted from the merging of strategic cultural efforts aimed at legitimizing conceptions of proliferation threats as originating from state identity, with a military organizational drive to avoid uncertainty through the development of counterproliferation capabilities. Together these strategic cultural and organizational responses to shifting proliferation threats altered the menu of choice for policymakers by institutionalizing and legitimizing a policy response that directly challenged existing nonproliferation norms and practices. This thesis relies on a detailed case study of the evolution of counterproliferation policy from 1993 to 2002, with particular focus on the analysis of public discourse, declassified policy planning and Department of Defense documents, and participant interviews.

美國佈署飛彈防禦系統的爭議，在2001年12月，小布希決定佈署後已暫告一段落。實實上，發展飛彈防禦問題在過去半個世紀，一直是美國最受爭議的國家安全政策。這項攸關美國國安全的重要議題，在不同年代每次被提出，總是引起國際高度關注，和美國朝野兩極化反應和激烈爭辯。為了進一步了解美國飛彈防禦政策的形成過程和影響因素，筆者希望透過國際局勢演變、國家戰略思考、政府內部辯論、國會影響，以及飛彈科技發展等角度，分析後冷戰時期美國飛彈防禦政策的演進和發展。 　　冷戰時代，美蘇在各自擁有足以消滅彼此的核武彈頭數量後，雙方簽署「反彈道飛彈」（ABM）條約，以限制彼此發展飛彈防禦系統，「相互保證摧毀」（MAD）概念於是成為冷戰時期，美蘇維持戰略穩定的重要基礎。到了雷根政府時期，美國企圖發展太空飛彈防禦的「戰略防禦計畫」（SDI），以追求抵擋蘇聯核武攻擊的絕對安全，並進一步打破相互保證安全的「鐵律」。不過在科技水準不夠的情況下，使得這項計畫始終無法實現。 　　八零年代末期，隨著東歐期產政權逐一跨台，美國的宿敵蘇聯也在1991年解體，使得冷戰終於落幕。雖然後冷戰時期的美國，不再面臨成千上萬枚核彈攻擊的陰影，不過，1991年波灣戰爭時，伊拉克飛毛腿飛彈對盟軍構成的威脅，以及蘇聯解體前後，因局勢不穩，所引發的核彈處置保管和大規模毀滅性武器（WMD）擴散的問題，讓布希政府決定繼續支持發展飛彈防禦。不過，布希總統最後在國內經濟狀況不佳情況下連任失敗，使得美國發展飛彈防禦的計畫也就此受阻。 　　對於飛彈威脅的看法，布希政府和柯林頓政府之間有相當大的落差。柯林頓政府認為，美國只要發展「戰區飛彈防禦」（TMD），即能滿足國家安安全的需要。對於飛彈技術和WMD的擴散，則要靠國際間的合作以及國際機制的力量解決。不過柯林頓政府傾向理想主義處理國安事務的態度，在第二任期時，有了重大調整。在共和黨國會，以及北韓試射彈道飛彈的雙重壓力下，柯林頓政府宣布研發「全國飛彈防禦」（NMD），不過由於俄羅斯強烈反對，歐洲盟國普遍不支持，柯林頓政府終究沒有做出佈署NMD的決定。 　　小布希政府對美國國家安全的危機感，充份反映在支持佈署飛彈防禦的強烈立場。為了讓美國佈署保護全國的飛彈防禦系統，小布希政府上台後，展現勢在必得態度，對俄羅斯、以及主要盟國進行強力遊說。911恐怖攻擊的發生，雖然讓小布希政府對國家安全戰略進行調整，不過政府對飛彈防禦的重視和支持，並沒有受到影響，反而因為威脅來源的不確定而更加堅定這項計畫，並在同年宣布美國片面退出1973年和蘇聯簽署的ABM條約，解決法律上的約束，全力進行飛彈防禦系統的研發。 　　保護美國安全是每一位美國總統的首要責任。後冷戰時期的美國，雖然以全球唯一霸權姿態主導國際事務，不過911事件後，美國不顧其他主要國家反對，執意出兵伊拉克，造成無法收拾的窘境，卻也凸顯出美國國力的侷限，並不得不尋求國際社會的協助。另外，從客觀角度觀察，中共崛起造成的挑戰，以及未來可能有更多國家或非國家組織取得WMD和飛彈技術的情況下，美國為了維護在國際間的利益以及國家安全，飛彈防禦的研發、佈署已成未來政府不可逆轉的政策趨勢。

冷戰結束，使得美國全球安全環境發生了歷史性的巨變，在中共快速崛起，區域軍力與經濟力的發展愈形失調之際；從北韓核武威脅、台海主權爭議，到區域民族主義、分離主義與恐怖組織的推波助瀾，將原已嚴峻的亞太情勢推向更為複雜的形勢。基於全般世局的變因與發展，誘發吾人從事國際關係研究的動機，除期望取得一般性國際關係理論與實際知識之外，更期望就小布希政府主政前後美國全球、亞太戰略的主要政策內容，去嘗試發現東亞戰略之理論依據與其關聯性，俾利於我國防政策與戰略發展之研究參考。 經研究發現，促成美國戰略轉變的根源係在不同時空的敵情威脅、全球政經安全情勢與美國內部的政治等因素上；故如何審時度勢，厚植實力，睥睨時局，也就成為美國主導戰略發展的關鍵。 研究也發現，美國東亞安全戰略是其全球、亞太戰略與整體外交、安全戰略設計的一環。冷戰結束後，歐洲呈現安全穩定發展，亞洲則因中共國力竄升與北韓核武危機等新的威脅，既影響東亞區域的平衡穩定，且衝擊到美國的國家利益，迫使美國必須對其東亞安全戰略作出因應的調整，以持續維持美國在世界的領導地位。 「九一一事件」後，促使美國戰略做了重大的改變，對其東亞安全戰略的建構，也針對不同的威脅來源與挑戰，做出國家安全戰略與區域安全戰略的調整和強化；而兩岸三邊關係也出現了若干的調整，從歷史之觀點分析，美國之台海政策基本係依戰略環境之需求而變遷，故台灣如何因應美國戰略之轉變，調整戰略思維，落實「有效嚇阻、防衛固守」戰略構想，達到「預防戰爭」、「維持台海穩定」、「保衛國土安全」之國防目的，實為當務之急。 / Due to the end of cold war, the role of the US in global security environment occurred historic changes. The issues of the North Korea nuclear weapon’s threat, the Taiwan’s sovereignty dispute, regional nationalism, separatism and terrorist groups surged the severe situation of Asia Pacific region more complicate. Owing to the overall variants and developments of the world, I am motivated to study international relation. I expect not only to consume general international relation theory and genuine knowledge but also to explore the theory’s basis and connections of East Asia strategy from those primary policies of the US global and Asia Pacific strategies before and after President George W. Bush assumed his office. This study may useful to the research and reference in our national defense policy and strategy development. Through the study, we discover the fountainheads of promoting the changes of the US strategy are the causes of enemy’s threat, global political & economic security situation and the US domestic politics. So, how to evaluate the world trend, build up immense capability and overwhelm the present posture of affairs become the key factors for the US to lead the strategic development. According to my study, we also discover the US’s East Asia security strategy is a part of its global, Asia Pacific strategies and strategic designs of overall diplomacy and security strategy. After cold war, the Europe develops safely and steadily. But in Asia, the unprecedented threats from the arisen PRC national power and North Korea nuclear weapon’s crisis affect the balance and steady of the East Asia, also pose great influence to the US interests. Thus, the US is forced to make certain adjustments on the East Asia security strategy for dealing with those aforementioned issues in order to maintain its leading status in the world. Post “September 11, terrorist attack”, the US made significant changes on its strategies. The US adjusted and strengthened its national and regional security strategies on East Asia security strategy construction and different threat resources and challenge. Also the US is induced to adjust trilateral relations with Taiwan and China. The US basic policy toward Taiwan Straits, analyzed from historical viewpoints, is changed by the strategic environment need. The ultimate work of Taiwan now, is to response the changes of the US strategy, adjust strategic thinking, fulfill the strategic concepts of “effective deterrence, solid defense” to achieve the national defense goals of “prevention of war”, “maintaining stabilization in Taiwan Straits” and “defending homeland”.

During the Cold War, the largest threat against the countries of Europe was an enemy attack or invasion. After the end of the Cold War, the strategic environment changed drastically. The impending threat of a large-scale war was gone and the countries of Europe approached each other in the hope of cooperation with mutual benefits. As the old threat faded away, new threats which were significantly more dynamic and complex emerged. Threats such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, organised crime over the boarders and state failure became more apparent, both, in Europe and in its proximity. Irregular conflicts as in Kosovo and Afghanistan showed an assortment of the various threats. This complexity poses as a big challenge for the officers of today and tomorrow. It is of vital importance that both current and future military commanders are well educated in the complexities of their line of work. The first step to achieve this is ensuring that adequate education in the subject is given. In this thesis, the author researches to what extent the Swedish National Defence College and the Theresan Military Academy choose to educate their officer cadets regarding the new threats. The purpose of researching more than one country is to enable a discussion on eventual areas of improvement in the two countries’ curricula, within the context of the common threats. The author chose Austria because of its many similarities to Sweden. The methodological approach of the thesis is mainly of a quantitative nature. The author researches whether the different threats are found in both national and military strategies as well as in the curricula of the two academies’ Basic Officer Education. The study shows that more education is needed regarding certain threats. More training is needed regarding cyber security as a result of the growing dependence on IT systems and digital information. In addition, an international collaboration could yield potential benefits for both officer cadets’ problem solving skills and their knowledge of the ESS. / Under det kalla kriget var det största hotet mot länderna i Europa ett fientligt angrepp eller invasion. Efter det kalla krigets slut förändrades den säkerhetspolitiska miljön avsevärt. Det överhängande hotet om storskaligt krig var borta och Europas länder närmade sig varandra i hopp om samarbete med ömsesidig nytta. I takt med att det gamla hotet bleknade så växte det fram andra hot som var betydligt mer dynamiska och komplexa. Hot som terrorism, spridning av massförstörelsevapen, organiserad brottslighet över gränserna och nedbrytning av svaga stater blev allt mer påtagliga, både i Europa och i dess närområde. Irreguljära konflikter som i Kosovo och i Afghanistan uppvisade en blandning av de olika hoten. Denna komplexitet innebär stora utmaningar för både dagens och morgondagens officerare. Det är av yttersta vikt att både nutida och framtida militära chefer och beslutsfattare är väl insatta i hur komplexa uppgifterna faktiskt kan komma att vara i deras yrkesutövning. Det första steget för att nå detta är att adekvat utbildning i ämnet ges. I detta arbete undersöker författaren i vilken utsträckning Försvarshögskolan i Sverige och Theresianische Militärakademie i Österrike utbildar sina officersaspiranter gällande de nya hoten. Syftet med att undersöka mer än ett land är för att kunna diskutera eventuella förbättringsmöjligheter i de två ländernas utbildningar, kopplat till de EU- gemensamma hoten. Författaren valde Österrike för dess många likheter med Sverige. Arbetets tillvägagångssätt är främst genom en kvantitativ metod. Författaren undersöker huruvida de olika hoten återfinns i såväl nationella som militära strategier och i kursinnehållen för de båda ländernas grundläggande officersutbildning. Studien visar att mer utbildning behövs avseende vissa hot, bland annat gällande cybersäkerhet som ett resultat av det växande beroendet av IT-system och digital information. Dessutom hade ett internationellt samarbete inneburit potentiella fördelar gällande både kadetters förmåga till problemlösning samt deras kunskap om ESS. / <p>Erasmus</p>

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Trying to adapt to the post-9/11 challenges to Euro-Atlantic security, the Romanian Ministry of National Defense continues its efforts to modernize and professionalize the country's armed forces in accordance with NATO standards. Part of this process is the development of a Special Forces (SF) capability that is to accomplish initial operational readiness by FY 2005. With appropriate organizational arrangements and focused combat training, the Romanian SF will increase their performance during future deployments in joint and combined settings. This project analyzes Romania's strategic documents, identifies the missions that can be conducted by the country's General-Purpose Forces or other security services, and finally proposes five appropriate tasks for the SF: Combating Terrorism, Counterproliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction, Special Reconnaissance, Direct Action, and Security Detail for Romanian officials in crisis zones. In exploring what are the most effective structural arrangements for the Romanian Special Forces, this thesis uses a design program the recommendations of which lead to the proposal of a new organizational structure. Thus, it is determined that Romania's Special Forces elements should develop into a flexible, highly-mobile and joint organization displaying a flat hierarchy and centralized command and control. / Lieutenant, Romanian Army

Under 2014 genomförde Ryssland framför ögonen på resten av världen en annektering av Krimhalvön i Ukraina. Västvärlden var i det som närmast kan beskrivas som en chock över detta offensiva beteende. Utan någon förvarning så flyttade Ryssland med stöd av "små gröna män" fram sina positioner på Krimhalvön. En ny taktik användes och strider blandades med andra medel och metoder i det som populärt kan uttryckas som gråzonen. Denna undersökning besvarar följande problemformulering med stöd av en kvalitativ textanalys i form av en dokumentundersökning. Utifrån ett säkerhetsstrategiskt perspektiv; Hur kan problamtiken med hybrida hot i gråzonen beskrivas och hur omhändertas dessa i den nationella säkerhetsstrategin? Genom att läsa i empiri och teori om gråzon, hybrida hot och säkerhetsstrategier skapar sig författarna en modell för analys. Denna analysmodell används sedan för att analysera den (Svenska) nationella säkerhetstrategin som publicerades 2017. Analysmodellen grundar sig på de av Treverton identifierade hybrida hoten: Desinformation, cyberattacker, ekonomiska påtryckningar, irreguljära beväpnade styrkor, reguljära beväpnade styrkor.Undersökningen visar att den nationella säkerhetsstrategin, trots en bristande tydlighet inom vissa områden och en bristande balans mellan mål, metoder och medel, identifierar och ger styrningar för omhändertagandet av de identifierade hybrida hoten. Vidare visar säkerhetsstrategin på en bred förståelse och tolkning av begreppen hybrida hot och gråzonen, utan att försöka definiera dessa komplexa begrepp. Då analysmodellen appliceras, belyses en möjlig hotbild; miljöhot. Resultaten av analysen visar också att det kan vara klokt att beskriva just de samtida hoten och utnyttjande av dessa, istället för att argumentera avseende definitioner. Författarna menar att det är av större vikt att skapa en större förståelse för fenomenen, i syfte att åstadkomma en allomfattande ansats för att motverka de verkliga effekterna av hoten. / In 2014 Russia, in front of the rest of the world, claimed and performed an annexing of Crimea. The larger parts of the western world were left in shock. Without any acknowledgment Russia moved forward with “little green men” and implied a different tactic. It was not officially war and nor peace, the fighting and the action took place in what was popularly named as the gray zone. This thesis is answering the following questions by using a qualitative document examination. From a strategic security perspective: How can the problem regarding hybrid threats in the gray zone be described and how does the national Swedish strategy respond to these threats? By reading and concluding existing theory about hybrid threats within the gray zone the authors have created their own model of analysis to utilize on the Swedish National Security Strategy. The model of analysis consists of the five main hybrid threats chosen from the theory presented by Treverton: Disinformation, Cyber-attacks, Economic pressure, Irregular armed forces and Regular forces.The thesis concludes that although unclear and found lacking in coherence regarding ends, ways and means; the National Security Strategy addresses and gives guidance on how to counter the effects of the above-mentioned threats. The Security Strategy also shows a consciousness regarding the complexity of the hybrid threats and the gray zone, without trying to define the actual area or methods utilized. When looked at through the model of analysis, it also highlights a possible new threat to be considered; environmental threats. The results of the analysis also indicate that it might be wise to use the term contemporary threats and the utilization of these, instead of arguing about definitions. The authors argue that it is of greater importance to create a larger understanding of the phenomena, in order to counter the actual effects by employing a truly comprehensive approach.

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.