何繼文. / 呈交日期: 2003年5月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大学, 2002. / 參考文獻 (p. 221-235). / 中英文摘要. / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2003 nian 5 yue. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / He Jiwen. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)-Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 221-235).

Chinese people, like those of many other cultures, understand themselves as belonging to a specific gender, one with social rules and positions that can be difficult to stray from. Such gender norms have existed in China for millennia. There are a number of ways to examine what these gender norms are (or have been), and a number of ways in which one can understand how they dictated the lives of the Chinese people they defined. The present thesis is a translation and study of two Chinese hagiographical collections from the late Song or early Yuan Dynasty. These collections detail the exploits of Daoist transcendents. The first collection translated is concerned with male transcendents, the second with female transcendents. In translating these texts, I seek to understand how gender is portrayed in the lives of exceptional religious figures. As an examination of gender within a patriarchal—or at least male-dominant—society, I expected the female transcendents to be relegated, somehow, to a lesser station. Through my translations I argue that, though they could not wholly extricate themselves from gender norms, religious Daoism, as portrayed in the hagiographies, offered both men and women from certain social obligations. These social obligations include such institutions as marriage and reproduction (for both men and women). The hagiographies also depict a greater sense of equality for Daoist women than they might have found otherwise. At its most ambitious, Narrating Transcendents serves to demonstrate the multivalent function of hagiographies as tools religious communities used to define and guide themselves. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This study examines representations of Wu Zetian in the biographical tradition of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, as well as within the subsequent vernacular literature of the Ming and Qing periods. I analyze the traditional use and construction of female stereotypes (and female-oriented flaws and vices) in the rhetoric of official histories and fictional narratives and their application to representations of Wu Zetian. I argue that authors, anxious of discord engendered and caused by women occupying positions of political authority, sought to delegitimize Wu Zetian’s reign and subsequently cultivated a “rhetoric of female transgression.” I further argue that the image of Wu Zetian has become a cultural signifier of the dangers of female rule. Thus, my research broadly has two foci: (1) it traces the history of delegitimizing female rulership by examining the creation and codification of topoi, and (2) by focusing on images of Wu Zetian, this study examines how these topoi influence contemporary cultural and cross-cultural values, memory, and political rhetoric. This study is divided into three chapters. Chapter one lays out the history of Wu Zetian in the Tang dynasty and an assessment of women in Tang society, which will inform the analysis of literary portrayals of Wu Zetian in chapters two and three. The second chapter examines the earliest representations of Wu Zetian. Thematically, the second chapter explores the biographical interpretation of female authority and the discursive tradition of negotiating historic fact with formulaic and reoccurring tropes. The third chapter looks at representations of Wu Zetian in the literature of the Ming and Qing periods, in which narratives are encoded with the topoi previously established in earlier historical accounts. Ultimately, although this study examines the persistence of rhetorical topoi regarding Wu Zetian, it also addresses the contested and fluid nature of her representations in non-traditional media.

No description available.

凡一冊，約二十萬字，分上下編。上編分二章，不分節，下編分三章十一節。主要內 容包括：上編，一為弟子述略，計百餘人。一為大事繫年，起北宋天聖九年，迄南宋 紹興二十三年，凡一二二年。下編思想研究，包括二主題：涵養與察識、窮理說、心 性論。資料來源除各家文集語錄外，復廣蒐散佚，稍為補亡。人物則以呂大臨、楊時 、謝良佐、胡安國為主，而兼及其餘。論述方式著重發展及比較，於各家思想必考明 其源流，參校其異同，以凸顯各家思想之特質，及思想史演進之過程，庶幾明瞭宋室 南渡前後，洛學發展之軌轍及概況。

本論文旨在探討南宋古文評點之批評方法及其價值，全文共一冊，約十四萬字。分七 章： 第一章：緒論。分三節，依次為：何謂評點、評點源流概述、研究旨趣與方法。 第二章：呂祖謙與《古文關鍵》、分五節，第一節：呂祖謙生平及《古文關鍵》庂作 成年代。第二、三、四節，依次論述《古文關鍵》之版本、選文特色、評點內容及其 標準。第五節：小結。 第三章：樓昉與《崇古文訣》。第四章：真德秀與《文章正宗》、第五章：謝枋得與 《文章軌範》。亦各分五節，體例與第二章同。 第六章：呂、樓、真、謝四家評點之比較、分三節，依次就編篡目的、選文特色、評 點標準加以比較研究。 第七章：結論。綜述南宋古文評點之特笆與價值。

第一章： 理學之先驅：第一節 韓愈與佛學：一、韓愈與理學，二、韓愈與佛；第二 節 李翱與佛學；第三節 柳宗元與佛學。 第二章 朱子理學之淵源：第一節：周敦頤與佛學（西元１０１７∼１０７３）：一、太極圖 二、通書；第二節 張載與佛學（西元１０２１∼１０７８）：一、西銘，二、正蒙 ； 第三節 程顥與佛學（西元１０２３∼１０８５）：一、識仁篇，二、定性書，三性一元論； 第四節 程頤與佛學（西元１０３３∼１１０７）：一、理氣說，三、主敬、窮理說，四、主 敬、理氣說與佛學；第五節 楊時與佛學（西元１０５３∼１１３５）；第六節 羅 從彥豫章、李侗（延平）與佛學：一、羅從彥西元１０７２∼１１３５），二、李侗 （西元１０９３∼１１６３），三、劉勉之（白水）、胡憲（藉溪）、劉子 （屏山 ）。第三章 朱子理學與佛學之關係：一、朱子西元１１３０∼１２００）生平與學術，二、朱子 理學與佛學之淵源。壹、論心性理氣部份：第一節 太極說與佛學；第二節 理氣說與佛學；第三節 氣質說與佛學；第四節 心理、性 理說與佛學；第五節 性情說與佛學；二、論修養部份；第一節 涵養、省察說佛學 第二節 主靜、主敬說與佛學；第三節 天理、人欲說與佛學；第四節 知、行說與 佛學。 第四章 朱子闢佛之研討：壹、學理部份；第一節 從宇宙觀探討朱子之闢佛：一 、朱子之宇宙觀，二、從朱子之宇宙觀論其闢佛，三、佛氏之宇宙觀；第二節 從本 體論探討朱子之闢佛：一、朱子之本體論 ，二從朱子之本體論論其闢佛 ，三、佛氏 之本體論；第三節從教育學探討朱子之闢佛：一、從心性論看，二從教育之宗旨與階 次看，從教育之目的與步驟看，四、從教育之內容看，五、從修養論看，六從施教之 深淺次第看；第四節 從倫理學探討朱子之闢佛：一、佛氏有關孝道之倫理，二、佛 氏有關君臣之倫理，三、佛氏有關夫婦之倫理，四佛氏有關兄弟、朋友之倫理，五、 佛氏有關師弟之倫理。 貳、存養部份：第一節 辨釋氏以知覺運動言性之非，第二節 辨釋氏以心求心之非 ，第三節 辨釋氏有上達無下學之非，第四節 辨釋氏有敬以直內無義以方外之非， 第五節 辨釋氏有克己工夫而無復禮之非，第六節辨釋氏頓悟求速之非，第七節 辨 釋氏一覺之外不復事事非非，第八節 辨釋氏參話頭終日味無義語之非。 結論。

臣下敢在君主深惡痛絕之下結黨爭權，君主的領導方法或能力，一定有所欠缺，縱使英明強幹的君主，如其在重大問題上遲疑不決，或已決定而又起動搖，臣下即可能結黨相爭，如果君主採用「分而治之」的手段，利用臣下的對立，以維護君權，也可能引起黨爭；如果君主不能明斷，則君主已失其定分止爭的作用。臣下為求取勝利，自不免結黨以爭，如果君權已經旁落，則君主為求收回權力、或臣僚中之不滿於竊取權力者，亦將結黨以爭，漢、唐、宋、明各代的黨爭無不如此。 故就東漢、中唐、北宋、晚明等黨爭的形成原因來說，均難謂為出於某一單純原因而係由於各種因素的湊合，例如東漢黨爭的形成，君權旁落與取士制度關係取大，仕途壅塞則其助力，中唐牛李黨爭的形成，政策的不同，取士制度，均為主要原因，而君主所採「分而治之」的手段，君不明斷，仕途壅塞，均有助力，北宋的范仲淹、王安石及其反對者的鬥爭，主因即在學術政策的不同，地域的不同，君主的領導方式，亦有重要關係，晚明黨爭的發生，君主的領導無方最為重要原因，品性、地域的不同， 仕途的壅塞，取士制度等，均有關係。 最後我們認為朋黨的形成，一般都是出於「弱者」意識，所謂弱者，亦即自認其利益未被照顧或未被妥善照顧的人，這種人往往構成一個「不滿的利益集團」，不論何時何地，只要有「不滿的利益集團」存在，即可能出現朋黨。

University of Macau / Faculty of Arts and Humanities. / Department of Chinese Language and Literature

張櫻. / 呈交日期: 2006年5月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 193-215). / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2006 nian 5 yue. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 193-215). / Zhang Ying.