Orientador: Marcia Reami Pechula / Resumo: Em 1935, a antropóloga norte americana Margaret Mead (1901-1978) publica Sexo e Temperamento em Três Sociedades Primitivas, na qual, é investigada a vida íntima de três tribos diferentes situadas na ilha de Nova Guiné, da infância à vida adulta. Para a autora, fica registrado a teoria de que as chamadas qualidades masculinas e femininas não são baseadas em diferenças sexuais fundamentais e determinantes, mas sim em reflexos de condicionamentos culturais de diferentes sociedades. De acordo com essa perspectiva, na contemporaneidade ocidental, a representação da mulher, social e culturalmente construída como um indivíduo de caraterísticas desabonadoras, possui implicações temporais que perpassam diversos contextos históricos, sobretudo o período final da Idade Média e o início da Idade Moderna, estando ainda presente nos dias atuais, disseminada pelas vias simbólicas da linguagem. Essa visão que se manteve no decorrer do processo histórico pode ser interpretada como uma construção social produzida não somente por instituições tradicionais como a escola, a religião e a família, como também pela mídia, com destaque para as redes sociais. Partindo de um olhar sobre a mulher inserida na história, tendo como base o conceito de violência simbólica do sociólogo francês Pierre Bordieu (1930-2002) e sua propagação através dos discursos nas redes sociais, o presente trabalho propõe uma análise desses meios enquanto espaços de formação humana, que utilizam mecanismos através dos quais o e... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In 1935, American anthropologist Margaret Mead (1901-1978) published Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies, in which the intimate life of three different tribes located on the island of New Guinea from infancy to adulthood is investigated. For the author, the theory is that the so-called masculine and feminine qualities are not based on fundamental and determinant sexual differences, but rather on reflections of cultural conditioning of different societies According to this perspective, in Western contemporaneity, the representation of women , socially and culturally constructed as an individual of dissenting characteristics, has temporal implications that permeate various historical contexts, especially the late period of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the Modern Age, being still present today, disseminated through the symbolic pathways of language. This vision that has remained in the course of the historical process can be interpreted as a social construction produced not only by traditional institutions such as school, religion and family, but also by the media, especially social networks. Based on the concept of symbolic violence of the French sociologist Pierre Bordieu (1930-202) and its propagation through discourse in social networks, the present work proposes an analysis of social networks as a space which uses mechanisms through which social stigma is exposed and reinforced through content published on Facebook with linguistic-discursive marks of ma... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

L’armée et la religion sont deux institutions dans lesquelles s’exerce la violence symbolique. Les femmes militaires comme la plupart des agents sociaux pratiquent la religion d’une part sur le plan individuel avec la subjectivité de leur rapport au religieux et d’autre part sur le plan collectif avec les pratiques cultuelles institutionnelles. Ce travail a pour but d’analyser l’utilisation du dispositif religieux ou le recours au religieux par les femmes militaires pour faire face à la violence symbolique. Nous avons choisi une démarche socio anthropologique adossée sur une perspective historique pour évaluer les incidences, les mutations ainsi que les ruptures d’une institution qui est présentée comme misogyne. Les analyses ont été produites à partir des enquêtes qualitatives et quantitatives sur le terrain principal que constitue la France notamment dans deux camps militaires de la région Rhône-Alpes au sein de trois régiments, et secondairement la Grande-Bretagne. Après un détour historique sur les enjeux de la féminisation des armées, nous axons notre étude sur les rapports entre les femmes militaires et le religieux. La subjectivité religieuse et les pratiques cultuelles institutionnelles des femmes militaires ont permis de mettre en exergue les ruptures ainsi que le simulacre des mutations des armées à l’égard de la gent féminine notamment en leur imposant une sorte de douane ou péage d’intégration. / The Army and religion are two institutions in which symbolic violence is exerted. Military women, like most other social agents practise religion. At the individual level, their religious practice is intertwined with the subjectivity of their own rapport with religion whereas, at the collective level, this religious practice stems from their cultural and institutional norms. This doctoral thesis aims to analyse the use of the religious device or religious recourse by military women in order to tackle symbolic violence. We have chosen a socio anthropological approach backed by a historical perspective to assess implications, mutations and « divides » of an institution that is presented as misogynist. Analyses were based on qualitative and quantitative surveys on the research field in France specifically in two military camps in the Region Rhône Alpes within two regiments and secondarily Great Britain. Religious subjectivity and cultural institutional practices of military women helped to highlight/stress the divides as well as the sham related to the mutations military women imposing on them a kind of a « cost » which compell military women to « bear the cost » of professional integration.

O eixo principal que estrutura este trabalho é, num sentido amplo, a busca pelo entendimento dos modos de dominação característicos das sociedades modernas. É nessa direção que retomamos a clássica noção de ideologia cunhada em seu teor crítico pela obra de Karl Marx , pois ela aponta, no interior das sociedades capitalistas, para o processo social de produção de ideias, valores e representações cuja função é ocultar e legitimar as divisões de uma determinada ordem social. Nosso objetivo é acompanhar os desdobramentos desse debate na cena francesa do século XX, elegendo duas importantes contribuições: uma fornecida pelo filósofo Claude Lefort, outra, pelo sociólogo Pierre Bourdieu. Embora situados em campos disciplinares diferentes, os trabalhos de Lefort e Bourdieu confluem em direção a uma reformulação das bases a partir das quais os fenômenos ideológicos são tratados, ampliando as perspectivas de análise e lançando uma nova luz sobre eles. Tecida por uma relação crítica com o marxismo, a trajetória lefortiana permite acompanhar o trabalho histórico de um pensamento que busca apreender o surgimento, a especificidade, as formas e as transformações da ideologia nas sociedades modernas. Os trabalhos de Bourdieu, por sua vez, desvelam e caracterizam o modo de dominação moderno concebido enquanto violência simbólica, fenômeno baseado no acordo objetivamente orquestrado entre as estruturas sociais objetivas e as estruturas cognitivas dos agentes. Envolvendo e ultrapassando a noção de ideologia, a violência simbólica é operante na medida em que os agentes participam da dominação e conferem a ela um reconhecimento baseado no desconhecimento dos mecanismos pelos quais a ordem social se produz, reproduz e se legitima. Situando suas heranças e distanciamentos perante a tradição inaugurada por Marx, buscamos refletir sobre o alcance das concepções que esses dois pensadores nos legaram: ideologia enquanto recusa da historicidade, do conflito e da indeterminação constitutiva do político, em Lefort, e enquanto conjunto de práticas e estilos de vida fundados na dominação simbólica, em Bourdieu. / This work is structured, in a broad sense, as an attempt to understand the modes of domination characteristic of modern societies. It is in this perspective that we take into account the classical notion of ideology, as it was critically developed by Karl Marx. This term points out the social process of production of ideas, values and representations within capitalist societies, whose function consists in hiding and legitimizing the divisions of a social order. Our aim is to follow the developments of this debate in the French philosophical scene of the twentieth century, choosing two important contributions in particular: one provided by the philosopher Claude Lefort, another by the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Although located in different fields, Bourdieu and Lefort\'s works converge towards a reformulation of the bases from which the ideological phenomena are conceived, by enlarging the analytical perspectives and casting a new light on them. In a constant critical relationship with the Marxism, the lefortian trajectory allows us to follow the historical movement of a thought, which seeks to apprehend the rise as well as the specificities, forms and transformations of ideology in modern societies. The work of Bourdieu, in turn, unveils and characterizes the modern way of domination conceived as a symbolic violence; it is a phenomenon based on the agreement objectively orchestrated between social structures and the cognitive structures of agents. Involving and overcoming the notion of ideology, the concept of symbolic violence becomes effective when the agents participate in the domination. They give it a recognition based on ignorance of the mechanisms by which social order is produced, reproduced and legitimized. Considering the heritages and distances of the two thinkers with reference to a tradition inaugurated by Marx, we try to reflect on the scope of the main concepts that they leaved us: ideology as a refusal of historicity, of conflict and of political indeterminacy in Lefort, and as a set of practices and styles of life grounded in symbolic domination in Bourdieu.

This research is a result of a nine week field study during spring 2012, with the purpose of highlighting the stories of Dalit women in Madhya Pradesh, India. Together with a fellow student at Södertörn University, I investigated the Garima Campaign, an ActionAid project working with Dalit women forced to endure the illegal practice of manual scavenging, the manual removal of human excreta from dry toilets. This research was funded by a Minor Field Study scholarship provided by Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). In this paper I investigate how these oppressed women may change their life situation and self-image through participation in a group of peers striving towards the same goal, asking the questions: how do they narrate their former life as manual scavengers, what is it that persuaded them to join the campaign, and what kind of attitudes did they encounter from other members of society? Following this, focus is on communication and how it can contribute to improving the life conditions of people of low social status. The theories used for this purpose are intersectionality and empowerment, as well as Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, field and symbolic violence. The data was drawn from interviews with female former manual scavengers, supported by observations of their life situation and on other background material. The results of this study corroborate the findings of much of the previous work in this field, especially in relation to the treatment of manual scavengers by the rest of society. However, there seemed to have been three major arguments that finally convinced the women to quit working as manual scavengers. The first one related to their feeling of dignity. The second one dealt with them being aware of their human rights, which supports the argument that awareness may lead to change. The third argument was an important pathos argument, and consisted of the fact that their children were mistreated in school and that the women did not want their children to feel bad about their social situation. In the Garima campaign the women are allowed to do things taboo for Indian women, especially for Dalit ones, like disturbing the existing system and standing up for their rights by kicking up a fuss. The campaign opened up a new arena in which they did not only work to abolish manual scavenging practices, but also worked to attack the caste system on the grass-roots level. In informing others, convincing them to stop the practice, the self-confidence of the women was strengthened further, as individuals and as a group.

THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE HAVE A RICH AND COMPLICATED HISTORY. MOVING FROM THIS HISTORY, THIS THESIS AIMS TO INVESTIGATE HOW PIERRE BOURDIEU, ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT SOCIOLOGISTS IN EUROPE, CAN BE READ ON THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE.ALTHOUGH THE TERM IDEOLOGY IS NOT PARTICULARLY CENTRAL TO BOURDIEU&#039 / S WORK, WE ASSERT THAT HIS CONCEPTUAL WORLD TELLS US A STORY WHICH IS PERTINENT TO THE ONES IN IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE DEBATES.MOVING FROM THIS AXIS, WE SHED LIGHT UPON BOURDIEU&#039 / S CONCEPTS SUCH AS HABITUS, DOXA, FIELD, SYMBOLIC POWER AND SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE. WE EXAMINE BOTH THE ANATOMY OF THE CONCEPTS MENTIONED AND THEIR RELATIONSHIPS WITH EACH OTHER.WE SHOW THAT HOW THESE CONCEPTS CAN BE OPERATIONAL FROM THE ANGLE OF THE DEBATES ON IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE. IN OUR STUDY, WE ARGUE THAT BOURDIEU&#039 / S CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK EXTENDS THE SOCIOLOGICAL DIMENSION OF THE DEBATES CONCERNING IDEOLOGY AND DISCOURSE AND PIERRE BOURDIEU CAN BE READ WITH THE OTHER MONUMENTAL NAMES, FROM MARX TO FOUCAULT, IN THE HISTORY OF THE DEBATES.

Denna uppsats belyser oavsiktliga konsekvenser som kan uppstå när skolpersonal rekommenderar läsvänliga böcker som skildrar utanförskap. Uppsatsen ämnar söka svar på om skolans pedagogiska åtgärd att rekommendera läsvänliga böcker kan ses som en oavsiktlig symbolisk våldföring samt undersöka vilka etiska dilemman som kan uppstå på grund av att böckerna skildrar utanförskap. Pierre Bourdieu och Jean-Claude Passerons teori om symboliskt våld och Donald Broadys teori om ”Den dolda läroplanen” visar att det finns en maktutövning mellan elever och lärare. Robert K. Mertons teori om oavsiktliga konsekvenser visar vilka konsekvenser som kan uppstå till följd av målmedvetna sociala handlingar. Den tidigare forskning som presenteras i uppsatsen pekar bland annat på att ungdomar ser ett samband mellan skolmisslyckanden och socialt utanförskap. Efter textanalys av Kim Olins bokserie samt blogginlägg skrivna av lärare och skolbibliotekarier har resultaten visat att tillhandahållandet av denna typ av läsvänlig litteratur kan ses som en form av symbolisk våldföring samt att det finns ett etiskt dilemma i böckernas innehåll i relation till den tänkta läsaren. / The aim of this essay is to seek an answer to if a schools educational measures in their recommendation of reader-friendly books can be seen as an utterance of symbolic violence and to examine what kind of ethical dilemmas can arise from a book that portrays social exclusion. Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron’s theories of symbolic violence and Donald Broady’s theory of the hidden curriculum show that teachers wield and exercise a kind of power against and in relation to their students. Robert K. Merton’s theory about unintended consequences exemplifies the kinds of consequences that purposive social action can have. Previous research presented in this essay show that young people often see a correlation between academic failures and social exclusion. After a textual analysis of Kim Olin’s book series about Simon, and blog posts written by teachers and school librarians, our results show that a provision of this type of reader-friendly literature can be seen as an action of symbolic violence against the reciever, and that there is an ethical dilemma to be found in the books subject matter in relation to the intended reader.

Cette recherche se présente comme une contribution à une philosophie sociale de la violence abordée sous l’angle des rapports entre violences et identités. Elle propose une réflexion descriptive et normative sur les enjeux contemporains que nous adressent les conflits identitaires violents et la multiplication des théâtres de guerre et de massacres qui mettent les identités à feu et à sang. Pour étudier ces enjeux, nous avons choisi de confronter la sociologie critique de Pierre Bourdieu et la philosophie de Axel Honneth. Sur cette question, la sociologie de Bourdieu fournit de précieuses ressources théoriques non seulement pour comprendre le pouvoir de la violence symbolique sur la construction sociale des identités, mais aussi pour déterminer les formes contemporaines de souffrances susceptibles de révéler le franchissement d’un seuil de violence extrême et l’effondrement des identités qui en résulte. Or, le concept normatif de reconnaissance, qui est au centre de la théorie de Honneth, permet de dégager non seulement les potentiels de résistance et de révolte qui se logent dans ces expériences négatives, mais aussi le pouvoir qu’ont les luttes pour la reconnaissance de conjurer ou réparer les effets dévastateurs de la violence sur la constitution des identités : ses analyses sur la réification interrogent, par exemple, les mécanismes de neutralisation empathique qui sont à l’œuvre dans les situations où l’humain semble réduit à une simple chose. Si notre enquête trouve son point de départ dans une commune vulnérabilité des sujets humains à différentes formes de violences, qui sont autant de blessures infligées à l’identité, c’est aussi le potentiel politique d’émancipation de la violence, à la fois sur les groupes en lutte et les ordres sociaux, qui fait l’objet de notre étude. Certaines formes de violences contestataires portent en effet des demandes de justice et de dignité qui en font des conflits de reconnaissance orientés vers l’émancipation. Cette recherche se donne ainsi pour horizon de penser le problème de la justification des violences dans la perspective ouverte par la grammaire morale des conflits sociaux. / This thesis is conceived as a contribution to the social philosophy of violence, focusing on the specific interplay between violence and identity. It offers a descriptive and normative reflection on the questions raised by modern-day, violent identity-based conflicts and the multiplication of wars and massacres where identities are brutalised. These questions are explored using two distinct models, Pierre Bourdieu’s critical sociology and Axel Honneth’s philosophy. Indeed, Bourdieu offers resources to understand the power of symbolic violence, that is to say constraints applied by social forces, over the social construction of identities. Bourdieu’s sociology also assists the examination of modern forms of social suffering, which may entail a collapse of identities and experiences of extreme violence. The normative concept of recognition, which Honneth puts at the centre of his theory, then allows for a consideration of the potential for revolt and resistance nested in these negative experiences, as well as of the ability of struggles for recognition to offset or repair the devastating effects of violence on identity formation. Honneth’s analyses of reification investigate the mechanisms of neutralisation of empathy operating when human beings seem to be reduced to mere things. Although this study is grounded in the shared vulnerability of human beings subjected to different forms of violence which inflict damage to their identities, it also explores the political power of violence, both in groups involved in struggles and in the social order. Some forms of violent protest carry with them demands for justice and dignity, and can therefore be conceptualised as recognition struggles aiming at emancipation. This thesis therefore recasts the question of the justification of violence, building on the perspectives opened by the moral grammar of social conflicts.

[pt] Este trabalho procura verificar o consumo do sofá da sala por agentes posicionados entre as camadas popular ou média baixa no espaço social carioca sob a ótica da dominação simbólica proposta por Bourdieu. Nesse contexto entendemos que simbolicamente esse consumo poderia ser reflexo da expressão individual desse sujeito ou fruto de um processo coercitivo de inculcação gerado pelas instâncias de legitimação e consagração que atuam no campo de design. Para essa verificação, além do apoio da teoria de Pierre Bourdieu, lançamos mão de uma investigação sobre a produção e uso social, no ocidente, dos assentos próximos ao que hoje entendemos ser um sofá, bem como procuramos averiguar como se deu a formação do que chamamos de sala da casa no Brasil. Juntamente a esse aporte teórico realizamos uma pequena pesquisa de campo, de caráter qualitativo, em um primeiro momento com indústrias de sofá, para conhecer como esse produto é elaborado, e, posteriormente, com consumidores, para entender como se dava sua decisão de escolha do sofá. Assim sendo, com a conjugação da teoria supracitada ao trabalho de campo, foi possível confirmar a presença de violência simbólica oriunda dos processos de inculcação, que, associada ao arbitrário social de como uma casa deve ser, exerce forte pressão sobre esses agentes pela aquisição de um modelo hegemônico de sofá. / [en] This work aims to verify the living room sofa consumption by agents positioned between the popular and lower middle layers in the Carioca social space from the perspective of symbolic domination proposed by Bourdieu. In this context, we understand that symbolically this consumption could be a reflection of individual expression of this subject or the result of a coercive process of inculcation generated by instances of legitimation and consecration working in the design field. To check this with the support of Pierre Bourdieu s theory we employ an investigation about the social production and use of it, in the West, of the seats next to what we now understand to be a sofa and tried to figure out how the formation of what we call living room in a brazilian home came to be. Along with this theoretical framework, we conducted a small field research, qualitative at first, with sofa industries, to know how this product is prepared, and later with consumers, to understand how your decision to choose the sofa was made. Thus, with the combination of the above mentioned theory with the field work, it was possible to confirm the presence of symbolic violence that, coming from the inculcation processes associated with the social arbitrary as a home should be, puts strong pressure on these agents for the acquisition of a hegemonic model of sofa.

This article discusses how legal education extends the symbolic violence intrinsic to the law and legal discourse. The article, while keeping in mind power relations inherent to legal education, discusses how disciplinary approaches reinforce the symbolic violence conveyed through legal education. The article presents «Interdisciplinarity» in contrast to a structuring and compartmentalized view of the law, and explains how interdisciplinarity can attenuate symbolic violence in legal education. Having this in mind, the author proposes an «ethics of violence» in legal education that suggests professors should moderate the levels of symbolic violence channeled during the educational process and participate in the unveiling of symbolic violence-generating structures. The article concludes with views on the limits of such an ethical proposition, particularly when considering how an ethics of violence could end up legitimizing the issues it initially sought to oppose. / El artículo explora cómo la violencia simbólica del derecho y del discurso jurídico se puede trasladar a la educación legal. Con tal objeto, y tomando en cuenta las relaciones de poder inherentes a la enseñanza del derecho, se analiza en qué medida el pensamiento disciplinario puede reforzar la violencia simbólica transmitida en la enseñanza del derecho. Frente al pensamiento disciplinario, se estudia cómo la interdisciplinariedad se presenta como una contracorriente a una perspectiva estructurante y aislacionista, propiciada por una visión formalista del derecho y de las disciplinas en general. Se expone cómo la interdisciplinariedad permitiría atenuar la violencia simbólica de la enseñanza del derecho. Ante esas observaciones se esboza una pistas de solución desde una ética de la violenciaen la educación legal que consiste principalmente en la moderación de la aplicación de la violencia del derecho y en el desvelamiento de las estructuras generadoras de violencia simbólica. Se concluye observando los límites de esta ética, pues podría resultar un instrumento de legitimación de la misma violencia simbólica.

Since the industrialization, the role of breadwinning has been part of the male gender identity. Even though it today has become more common with female breadwinners, the previous assumption of the man as a breadwinner is still a norm in society. This study examines what this norm breaking means for women and their relationships with their men. The purpose is to study Swedish women's experiences of being a breadwinner, how it affects the relationship and the roles one has in a relationship. Previous research has mainly been focused on objective financial aspects of female breadwinning but there is a lack of women's subjective experiences. This study is based on qualitative interviews with seven Swedish female breadwinners. The study shows that education is fundamental to explaining their role as female breadwinner. It also shows that the women's personal traits and good relationships with their men explains their experiences of being a female breadwinner. / Rollen som familjeförsörjare har sedan industrialiseringen varit en del av den manliga könsidentiteten. Trots att det idag blivit vanligare med kvinnliga familjeförsörjare, är den tidigare föreställningen om mannen som försörjare fortsatt en norm i samhället. I denna studie undersöks vad denna normbrytning betyder för kvinnorna och deras relationer till sina män. Syftet är att studera svenska kvinnors upplevelser av att vara familjeförsörjare, hur det påverkar relationen och de roller man har i en relation. Tidigare forskning har i hög grad fokuserat på objektiva finansiella aspekter av kvinnlig familjeförsörjning där det finns en avsaknad av kvinnors subjektiva upplevelser. Den här studien är baserad på kvalitativa intervjuer med sju svenska kvinnliga familjeförsörjare. Studien visar att utbildning är grundläggande för att förklara deras roll som familjeförsörjare. Studien visar också att kvinnornas personliga egenskaper och goda relationer till sina män förklarar deras upplevelser av att vara familjeförsörjare.