[pt] O presente trabalho de dissertação tem como objetivo a compreensão do Controle Abstrato e Concentrado de Constitucionalidade, exercido pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal via ADI e ADC, sobre a Regra Matriz de Incidência Tributária, enquanto norma geral e abstrata, bem como os efeitos deste tipo de tutela constitucional sobre as relações jurídico-tributárias fundadas na norma tributária objeto de controle. Mais especificamente, tratar-se-á da influência das decisões de mérito que declaram a inconstitucionalidade da RMIT em sede de ADI e ADC, sobre a desconstituição dos respectivos créditos tributários via Ação de Repetição de Indébito Tributário. Para tanto faz-se necessária uma compreensão, sob o ponto de vista da teoria normativa, dos efeitos das normas de nulidade no tempo. / [en] This dissertation aims at understanding the Abstract and Concentrate Constitutionality Review performed by the Supreme Court in DAU (Direct Action of Unconstitutionality) and DAC (Declaratory Action of Constitutionality) over the Matrix Rule Incidence (MRI), as a general e abstract legal norm, as well, this kind of Judicial Review effects over tax legal relationships founded by the norm under judicial control. Specifying, it ll deal the influences of unconstitutionality declaration decisions over the MRI in DAU and DAC, and how it reflects over the tax credits deconstitutions by the Restitution of Overpaid Tax action. For this purpose it is necessary to understand, supported by the norm theory, the effects of the rules of invalidity over the time.

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The rights that govern a person's workplace relationship, worker rights, are an important part of everyday lifefor many people on earth. As these rights are violated, the safety of the workers livelihood is threatened and as such the lack of security undermines the social contract in society. The social contract approach to corruption, as championed by Bo Rothstein, holds that as the social contract is rejected, corruption ensues. This study examines the relationship between worker rights violations and corruption using OLS regressionwith a range of control variables. The essay finds that there is a relationship between the degree of worker right violations and corruption, but only in higher welfare countries. In the studied countries with the lowest welfare, the relationship does not manifest itself. The essay also finds that in comparison to other factors of rule of law worker right violations is perhaps not the most important one when finding determinants of corruption.

My research problem is that there are different ways to organize a chief guardians office at the same time as the Deputy Inquiry (2021:36) gives suggestions on making one type of organization form mandatory. The chief guardians are not uniform and the muncipalities can organize their chief guardians office in different ways. At the same time, the Deputy Inquiry (2021:36) have given a proposals to restrict municipal self government in order to ensure increased quality and legal certainty in the exercise of authority through a certain type of organization.The purpose of my thesis is to shed light on muncicipalities choice of organizational form for their chief guardians office and officials perceptions of its advantages and disadvantages of the same. The thesis theoretical framework is partly organizations as instruments, partly the values of democray, rule of law and efficiency. I use a qualitative reserach design where my material consists of interviews and public documents. My conclusion is that there are different reasons/purposes for the chosen forms of organization. The purposes are not identical with each other. The purposes also differs between whether the chief guardians office is conducted in-house or through collaboration.My thesis shows that the pros and cons of the different types of form of organization differs.Regardless of whether the organization is in collaboration or under its own auspeices, the bord of chief guardian or chief guardian can contribute to organizational structures that can have different advantages and disadvantages. Chief guardians that are organized via intermunicipal collboration can easily recruit personel, has judicial competence and has more personel. They also contribute to increased uniformity over a larger geographic area. But they can also have negative effects such as can be derived from structure. An unexpected but interesting finding that emerged during my work is to be ”made visible”. In my analysis Iargue that democracy maybe is the value that underlies efficieny and rule of law.There are perceptions about a most appropriate way to organize the chief guardians office of. My conclusion is that the joint committe is perceived to be the most appropriate form of organization.

Denna studie har undersökt advokaters uppfattning och erfarenheter av straffrabattens avskaffande för unga lagöverträdare mellan 18-20 år. Studiens syfte var att undersöka på vilket sätt advokater upplever att avskaffandet av straffrabatten har medfört några konsekvenser samt hur lagändringen fungerat i praktiken och hur lagändringen framställs av advokaterna. Studiens undersökningsmetod var semistrukturerade intervjuer, och resultatet analyserades med hjälp av en tematisk analys. Resultatet visade att advokaterna beskrev konsekvenser på flera nivåer och tre teman utvecklades ur materialet: konsekvenser för de unga lagöverträdarna, konsekvenser för advokater samt konsekvenser för samhället. Studiens slutsats är att advokaterna ställer sig kritiska till lagändringen, något som kan förklaras både utifrån ett instrumentellt perspektiv och ett rättighetsperspektiv. / This study has examined lawyers' perceptions and experiences of the abolition of the penalty discount for young offenders aged 18-20 years. The purpose of the study was to investigate how lawyers perceive the abolition of the penalty discount to have brought about any consequences, as well as how the legal amendment operates in practice and how it is portrayed by the lawyers. The study’s research method was semi-structured interviews, and the results were analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings revealed that the lawyers described consequences on multiple levels and three themes developed from the material: consequences for young offenders, consequences for lawyers, and consequences for society. The study's conclusion is that lawyers are critical of the legal amendment, which can be explained from both an instrumental perspective and a perspective of human rights.

Véritable dogme en droit interne et s’imposant comme un standard dans l’ordre juridique international, le concept d’« État de droit » est dépourvu d’une signification clairement déterminée. Différentes conceptions sont admises et dépendent des acceptions de l’État en question, d’une garantie hic et nunc de certains droits ainsi que d’une volonté politique des gouvernants. L’objet de cette recherche s’attache au droit administratif, précisément au rôle du juge administratif, comme vecteur de soumission de l’autorité de l’État afin de promouvoir les droits et libertés fondamentales des administrés en France. Si rien ne présageait une telle évolution au nom de la raison d’État, le Conseil d’État, par une pensée politique (néo)libérale, s’est imposé comme l’institution juridictionnelle majeure dans la construction du concept d’État de droit administratif. Au moyen d’une interprétation formelle et substantielle du principe de légalité, l’État de droit administratif légitime l’action publique des gouvernants tout en garantissant la sécurité juridique des administrés. Cette liaison de l’État et du droit administratif relève d’une construction inépuisable, appréhendée par l’État de contentieux qui s’analyse comme le kaléidoscope des faits sociaux. Ce dernier résulte d’une politique de la force, d’un conflit positif entre les Hommes, les institutions, les normes ou les pouvoirs institués. Ainsi, en conciliant l’Autorité et la Liberté, le concept d’État de droit administratif révèle le degré d’assujettissement de l’administration au droit administratif. Le développement objectif du concept d’État de droit administratif est bâti par l’État de justice et protégé par l’État légal, au profit d’une justice administrative garante des valeurs républicaines de l’État. Le perfectionnement de l’État de droit administratif par l’État de contentieux est agencé par l’État démocratique et régulé par l’État global, en libérant l’administré de toute servitude de la part de l’administration. L’illibéralisme administratif s’estompe au profit d’une société de(s) droit(s), d’une juridicisation et d’un normativisme absolus, au détriment de l’État. / The Rule of law concept is a real domestic law dogma and has established itself as a norm in the international judicial order. It is beneft of a clearly defined signification. Different concepts are accepted and depend on the agreements of the state, on a hic et nunc warranty of some rights as well as the rulers political will. This study aims to consider the administrative law, and more specifically the administrative judge’s role, as a means of control over the authority of the state so as to promote the rights and fundamental freedoms of the constituents in France. Even if nothing could portend such an evolution on the account of the state, the Conseil d’État, through a (neo)liberal political influence, became major judicial institution which builds the concept of domestic rule. The administrative juridiction legitimizes the public action of the governments while ensuring the legal security of the constituents through a formal and substantive interpretation of the principle of legality. This relation on between the state and the administrative law state of litigation which can be analyzed as a kaleidoscope of social facts. This stems from a power policy, of a positive conflict between men, the institutions, the normes or the instituted powers. Therefore, by accommodating authority and freedom, the administrative jurisdiction exposes the extent to which the administration is subjected to the administrative law. The objective construction of the administrative Rule of law allows the setting up of an administrative justice, which guarantees the republican values of the State thanks to legal Justice and Legal State. The upgrading of the administrative Rule of law by the democracy provide some freedom to the people vis-à-vis the state. The lack of liberalism fades away in favour of a litigious society, juridification and normatism to the detriment of the state.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of international investment law rules in the Economic Constitutional Law, especially those included in investment chapters of Peruvian’s Free Trade Treaties. In particular, it is expected to demonstrate the following (i) International Investment Law is part of Peruvian Legal System; (ii) provisions of these laws are mandatory and should be applied domestically; and (iii) interpretation and implementation of this legal right should be executed consistently with domestic legal system and Peruvian international obligations. This agreed Interpretation between Investment Law and Economic Constitution will have a positive effect in rationalization of public entities actions avoiding abuses and maltreatment to investors, in order to improve investment climate as a key element forachieving country’s sustainable development. / Este trabajo tiene como objeto explorar el impacto que tienen las normas del derecho internacional de las inversiones, en específico aquellas de los capítulos de inversiones de los Tratados de Libre Comercio celebrados por el Perú, en el derecho constitucional económico. En concreto, se pretende demostrar lo siguiente: (i) el derecho internacional de las inversiones es parte del Ordenamiento Jurídico del Perú; (ii) las disposiciones de este derecho son obligatorias y deben aplicarse a nivel interno, y (iii) este derecho debe interpretarse e implementarse de manera coherente con el resto del ordenamiento interno y con las obligaciones internacionales del Perú. Esta interpretación concordada del derecho de inversiones y la Constitución económica tendrá un impacto positivo en la racionalización de la actuaciónde los órganos estatales, evitando arbitrariedades cuando sus medidas puedan afectar a un inversionista. De esta manera mejorará el clima de inversiones, el cual es un elemento necesario para lograr el desarrollo sostenible del país.

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD