La réduction importante de l'aide internationale au développement et le processus de mondialisation ont fait en sorte que les investissements étrangers directs (IBD) sont considérés de nos jours comme une source importante de capital et de croissance économique dans un pays d'accueil comme la Serbie. Les IBD sont réputés stimuler la concurrence, l'innovation, l'épargne, la création d'emplois et le développement des ressources humaines dans les pays les plus pauvres et ceux en transition. Les institutions internationales encouragent la promotion des IBD dans tels pays et incitent leurs gouvernements à œuvrer à leur promotion active en tant que localité attrayante pour les obtenir. Il existe aussi un consensus selon lequel les investisseurs étrangers sont attirés par les pays dont le système juridique est stable et prévisible et qui réglemente l'économie selon le modèle d'une économie de marché. Si les réformes juridiques sont incontestablement importantes pour attirer les IBD, notre étude cherche à vérifier quel est le véritable impact du droit interne et des institutions étatiques du pays d'accueil sur l'établissement des entreprises étrangères et sur l'exercice de leur activité économique dans ce pays. Il s'agit de voir de quelle manière la présence des investisseurs étrangers contribue à la consolidation de l'État de droit dans le pays d'accueil. Pour analyser ces questions de plus près, nous avons choisi l'étude de cas de la Serbie, dont le système juridique est en chantier depuis le changement de régime en 2000. Notre hypothèse de travail a supposé que l'instauration de l'État de droit était importante pour l'implantation des investisseurs étrangers dans le pays, car les institutions étatiques et juridiques pourraient offrir des garanties pour le bon déroulement de l'activité économique étrangère. Après avoir étudié le cas de la Serbie, il y a lieu de conclure que la réforme du cadre juridique interne joue un rôle important, mais toutefois non déterminant dans le choix de la localisation d'un investissement étranger. Notre étude montre que la motivation en matière d'investissement ne tient généralement pas compte de la normativité juridique comme facteur à considérer, c'est-à-dire parmi les facteurs définis par la théorie du OLI Paradigm de John Dunning. Toutefois, ce facteur joue un rôle politique par le fait qu'il est véhiculé dans le droit international et dans le discours des organisations internationales. Les investisseurs demeurent également attentifs à la législation pouvant influencer leur propre activité économique. Nos entretiens ont révélé l'existence d'une véritable volonté de la part des investisseurs de favoriser les réformes juridiques du pays d'accueil. Leur perception du cadre juridique favorable au plan économique peut éventuellement jouer un certain rôle dans la transformation de l'État de droit et des institutions juridiques du pays d'accueil. Mais les entrepreneurs n'attendent pas un cadre juridique reformé dans le pays d'accueil pour décider d'y investir. En résumé, l'amélioration des institutions de l'État de droit concerne au premier chef des services sociaux de qualité et des meilleures conditions économiques pour ses citoyens. La promotion des IBD dans le pays ne constitue pas un objectif en soi mais s'inscrit dans la politique d'un État de droit en tant qu'outil indispensable de réformes et constitue un facteur favorable au développement économique. / Foreign direct investments (FDI) are considered an important source of capital and economic growth, due notably to significant restrictions of development aid in poor countries and countries in transition and to globalization. FDI are presumed to stimulate competition, innovation, savings, employment and quality of human resources. International financial institutions encourage governments to promote their countries as an attractive destination to FDI. At the same time, they insist on the fact, in states in transition, that FDI require the respect of the Rule of Law and predictable local legal norms suitable to the market economy. If the reform of law is of crucial importance to attract FDI, our thesis is trying to evaluate and analyze the impact of law and stable state institutions on FDI entry and economic growth in Serbia, our case study. It is also exploring to what extent the presence of the FDI contributes to the consolidation of the Rule of Law in this country. It is studying the legal system that has been put in place in Serbia between 2000 and 2007 and since the change of political regime. Our hypothesis was that the Rule of Law is important for FDI as it offers a good starting point for the increasing of economic activity in the host state. But our conclusion is that the improvement of the local legal system plays an important but not decisive role in localization of foreign investments. The case study shows that investors' motivation to invest is complex and determined by more than one factor. Sometimes, investors are not considering the fragile state of the legal system of the host country to invest. Our thesis confirms Dunning's OLI Paradigm. However, our interviews have revealed that investors can pay special attention to the improvement of legislation that has a specific impact on their own economic activity and may influence the reform of private law in the host state. At the same time, investors do not fear that the deficiencies of local law will have a detrimental impact on their investments. In conclusion, States in transition must be concerned, first of all, by the improvement of social and economic services to their citizens. Therefore, FDI promotion should also be tied to this aim to promote legal reform and economic development in states in transition.

La letteratura economica e politologica evidenzia un ampio consenso sull’esistenza di un effetto positivo sulla crescita di lungo periodo da parte di diritti di proprietà, stato di diritto e, in generale, istituzioni economiche. Contestualmente, il rapporto tra democrazia e crescita rimane teoricamente poco chiaro mentre l'evidenza empirica è in gran parte inconcludente. Questo studio cerca di riconciliare i fatti stilizzati su crescita e democrazia qui evidenziati, che dimostrano l'esistenza di un "successo sinergico" negli ultimi trent'anni, con la teoria esistente e l’evidenza empirica. Dopo aver dettagliatamente scandagliato la letteratura esistente, questo studio suggerisce che l’effetto della democrazia sulla crescita di lungo periodo sia indiretto, mediato dalle istituzioni. Per testare questa ipotesi si propone un modello di analisi originale, applicato ad un panel di 194 paesi osservati nel periodo 1961-2010, utilizzando lo stimatore System-GMM e una vasta gamma di controlli. I risultati dell’analisi suggeriscono che la democrazia è positivamente correlata a istituzioni “più favorevoli” alla crescita economica, in particolare diritti di proprietà e stato di diritto. Inoltre, l’evidenza empirica supporta la tesi di un effetto indiretto complessivamente positivo della democrazia sulla crescita. Infine, si propone uno sviluppo ulteriore dell’analisi, concentrato sulle determinanti della democrazia, ricercando possibili concause nell’interazione con i processi economici. / Economic and political science literature show a wide consensus about the positive effect of property rights, contract enforcing arrangements and, more generally, economic institutions to long-run growth. Conversely, the linkage between democracy and growth remains unclear and not conclusively supported by empirical research. This work is an attempt to reconcile the stylized facts about democracy and growth –evidencing a long-run “synergic success” between the two terms – with theoretical and empirical literature. After thoroughly surveying the relevant literature on the topic, this study claims that the effect of democracy on long-run growth is indirect, channeled by the means of institutions. To test this hypothesis, the thesis provides an original analytical framework which is applied to a panel of 194 countries over the period 1961-2010, adopting a System-GMM estimation technique and a wide range of robustness controls. The results suggest that democracy is positively related to “better” (namely more growth-enhancing) institutions, especially with respect to economic institutions and rule of law. Hence, the findings suggest that the overall effect on growth is positive, indirect and channeled by institutions. However, since the results are not completely conclusive, a further investigation is suggested, on further determinants of democracy, potentially affecting its pro-growth effect.

There is growing consensus that unless resource-rich developing countries improve their domestic governance systems, rising exploitation of mineral, oil and gas resources may result in long-term adverse developmental outcomes associated with the “resource curse”. Despite the consensus, reforms do not abound. This dissertation investigates the obstacles to such reforms, and the mechanisms and strategies that can possibly overcome these obstacles. I argue that two trapping mechanisms are binding these countries to a “weak governance curse”. One mechanism is the phenomenon of path dependence, which makes a dysfunctional governance path initiated at a past historical juncture resistant to change over time. The other mechanism is rent-seeking behaviour associated with high resource rents, which creates perverse incentives for political and economic actors to resist reforms. The Law and Development literature has recently produced a rich body of knowledge on governance reform in developing countries, yet it has largely neglected the potential role of innovative global regulatory mechanisms, beyond development assistance, in this process. I argue that this evolving literature ought to draw from global regulation studies to investigate the interaction between unconventional global regulatory mechanisms and domestic governance reform. In this thesis I analyze whether extraterritorial home country regulations, such as anti-bribery, anti-money laundering and securities disclosure regulations, and transnational public-private partnerships, such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, may offer institutional opportunities for external and internal actors to facilitate policy reforms in resource-rich and governance-poor countries. My conclusion is twofold. First, there is reason for cautious optimism regarding the potential for unconventional global regulatory mechanisms to provoke positive feedback effects in domestic governance reform. These mechanisms can open innovative institutional pathways of influence to outsiders and insiders promoting governance reform. Second, instead of searching for a regulatory silver bullet, the most promising way to promote reforms in resilient dysfunctional governance systems is to make use of the wide range of conventional and unconventional mechanisms available. A constellation of regulatory instruments opens up the possibility for outside and inside reformers to benefit from a different policy mix of available mechanisms, depending on the specific circumstances of a given country at a particular time.

L’Indonésie reconnait la liberté d’expression depuis 1945 ou trois ans avant l’adoption de la DUDH par l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU. Malgré cela, la protection au droit de la liberté d’expression est présente réellement à la société depuis 1999 ou quelques mois après la période de la réforme nationale contre le régime autoritaire du nouvel ordre du Président Suharto. Les articles 19 de DUDH et du pacte ont été ratifiés par le gouvernement indonésien à travers la loi numéro 15 de 2005. Pour l’Indonésie, la liberté d’expression consiste en la liberté de rechercher, de recevoir, et de diffuser des informations et des idées. Cependant, la conception de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie possède ses propres spécificités par rapport à d’autre pays. La particularité de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie est influencée par l’idéologie du pays, le « Pancasila », et par l’esprit de l’archipel indonésien le « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unité dans la diversité). D’autres éléments importants de l’exceptionnalité indonésienne sont les valeurs nationales : les valeurs de la religion, les valeurs des cultures et le droit de coutume. Les limites à la liberté d’expression en Indonésie sont également influencées par ces trois éléments. Le gouvernement indonésien est face à deux principes importants : le droit international et les normes locales. Le travail le plus délicat qui revient au gouvernement indonésien est de concilier les instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’homme et les valeurs nationales qui sont vues comme les éléments essentiels du pays. Il convient de donner un raisonnement aux pays à l’origine de la pression internationale / Indonesia has recognized freedom of expression since 1945 or three years before the adoption of the UDHR by the UN General Assembly. In spite of this, the protection to the right of the freedom of expression is really present to the society since 1999 or some months after the period of the National reform against the authoritarian regime of the New Order of President Suharto. Articles 19 of the UDHR and the covenant are the cornerstones of freedom of expression. They have been ratified by the Indonesian government through law number 15 of 2005. For Indonesia, freedom of expression is the freedom to seek, receive, and disseminate information and ideas. However, the concept of freedom of expression in Indonesia has its own specificities compared to other countries. The particularity of freedom of expression in Indonesia is influenced by the country's ideology: « Pancasila » and by the Indonesian archipelago « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unity in diversity). Other important elements of Indonesian exceptionality are national values: the values of religion, the values of cultures and the right of custom. The limits to freedom of expression in Indonesia are also influenced by these three elements. International legal instruments also possess binding capacity. The international standard cannot be neglected. The Indonesian government faces two important principles: international law and local standards. The most delicate task for the Indonesian government is to reconcile the international human rights instruments with the national values that are seen as the essential elements of the country. Reasoning should be given to the countries at the origin of international pressure

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-17T12:52:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:20:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / O presente estudo se dedica a demonstrar que a constituição brasileira de 1988 é dirigente, possuindo normas programáticas que impõem objetivos fundamentais e tarefas ao estado, pertinentes à transformação da realidade com o desiderato de promover a efetividade dos direitos fundamentais, também eles programáticos enquanto mandados de otimização, e a operatividade do estado social, sustentado como dimensão essencial do estado democrático de direito. Procede-se a uma análise desde as origens do constitucionalismo moderno no sentido de caracterizar a prevalência do legislador e a imunização do mercado com relação às constituições, inclusive durante o primeiro ciclo do constitucionalismo social e, no que respeita aos países que tiveram hiatos democráticos, até o restabelecimento da democracia, com a conquista da fórmula direito. Analise-se o caminho das normas programáticas da absoluta ausência de juridicidade até a vinculação positiva e negativa sobre o legislador, detentor apenas de uma liberdade de conformação restrita, cuja omissão deliberada acarreta descumprimento do dever constitucional de legislar, consubstanciando omissão inconstitucional. São realçados os objetivos do estado, que se traduzem nos programas constitucionais, enquanto expressão da auto-projeção do devir comunitário, e a fundamentação jurídico-axiológica do estado social e dos direitos fundamentais nos princípios da solidariedade e da dignidade da pessoa humana, para o qual se encaminha o dirigismo. Ressalta-se que o dirigismo contém uma função de resistência que resguarda a si, ao estado social, aos direitos fundamentais e ao mínimo vital e à própria política em face dos problemas e das contínuas pressões a que são submetidos. Além da resistência, o dirigismo encerra um caráter projetivo de futuro, abrigando utopias jurídicas que conduzem para além do mínimo vital, destinando-se à promoção do máximo existencial. Afirmou-se que a pós-modernidade nada mais é do que o encontro da modernidade consigo mesma, cujos paradigmas sustentados não têm o condão de diluir o dirigismo brasileiro diante do desenvolvimento de uma teoria da constituição dirigente adequada ao texto e ao contexto pátrios, sem que haja qualquer prejuízo à capacidade dirigente e nem que se legitime a transferência da direção política, previamente assentada pela constituição, para outras instâncias. Com a rejeição da tendência ambivalente, flexível e fluida da pós-modernidade sobre o dirigismo, firmou-se a impossibilidade de acolhimento pelas instâncias políticas do ideário e dos postulados neoliberais, contrários à direção e à programaticidade político-constitucional. / Salvador

MAGALHÃES FILHO, Glauco Barreira. O imaginário protestante e o estado de direito. 2010. 254f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by GLAUBENILSON CAVALCANTE (glaubenilson@yahoo.com.br) on 2011-11-23T14:29:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_TESE_GBMFILHO.pdf: 2109948 bytes, checksum: 0b804f8cf94369f057e6805fe075052f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-23T14:56:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_TESE_GBMFILHO.pdf: 2109948 bytes, checksum: 0b804f8cf94369f057e6805fe075052f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-23T14:56:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_TESE_GBMFILHO.pdf: 2109948 bytes, checksum: 0b804f8cf94369f057e6805fe075052f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / A presente tese intitula-se O Imaginário Protestante e o Estado de Direito. O imaginário, em seu sentido estático, é concebido como representação do mundo, da cultura ou da fé. No sentido dinâmico, é a faculdade de reestruturar imagens, o projeto do que virá a ser. O imaginário social é uma projeção de valores coletivos de uma sociedade ou de um grupo social. Nós destacamos o imaginário de grupos religiosos protestantes, bem como as articulações entre imaginário social e imaginário individual, imaginário e ação social. O protestantismo que nos interessa é principalmente o calvinismo independente do século XVII na Inglaterra, embora não negligenciemos suas associações precedentes com o luteranismo e o calvinismo genebrino. O Estado de Direito é o Estado com limites constitucionais determinado pela separação e controle recíproco dos poderes, bem como pelo reconhecimento da autonomia humana pelos direitos individuais. O objetivo da pesquisa é mostrar como as doutrinas protestantes se transpuseram analogicamente para o campo político-jurídico de modo a estabelecer os fundamentos do Estado de Direito, bem como identificar a contribuição da militância política, ideológica e armada dos puritanos para o estabelecimento pioneiro do Estado de Direito na Inglaterra. A pesquisa segue o paradigma weberiano, o qual admite as crenças como motivo para as ações, bem como concebe a existência de uma força de transformação exercida pelas idéias. Algumas pesquisas e conclusões de Durkheim acerca da divisão do trabalho social e de Peter L. Berger acerca da secularização são também recepcionadas. É privilegiado um modelo de desenvolvimento de longa duração nos termos de Norbert Elias. O recorte temporal de maior destaque é o século XVII. Como material de pesquisa, nós utilizamos informações historiográficas e documentos produzidos no cenário histórico destacado

Submitted by Cristiane Shirayama (cristiane.shirayama@fgv.br) on 2011-05-31T16:02:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 65080100017.pdf: 1653646 bytes, checksum: 591a900108a719efc6f0b4e7f276e49d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-05-31T16:17:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 65080100017.pdf: 1653646 bytes, checksum: 591a900108a719efc6f0b4e7f276e49d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-05-31T21:03:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 65080100017.pdf: 1653646 bytes, checksum: 591a900108a719efc6f0b4e7f276e49d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-01T16:33:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 65080100017.pdf: 1653646 bytes, checksum: 591a900108a719efc6f0b4e7f276e49d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-09 / Após a entrada em vigor do Protocolo de Kyoto em 2005 e a divulgação dos relatórios do IPCC sobre as mudanças climáticas, em 2007, muitos países passaram a buscar formas de produzir fontes alternativas de energia na tentativa de diminuir suas emissões de gases de efeito estufa. Por outro lado, a tentativa de alguns países de serem menos dependentes do petróleo e consolidarem políticas de segurança energética foi também um fator que contribuiu significativamente para a produção e consumo de fontes renováveis. Assim, a produção e a demanda de biocombustíveis apresentam-se como alternativa para o cumprimento de ambos os objetivos: redução de emissões e segurança energética. Quando analisamos custo de produção, produção por hectare, balanço energético e redução na emissão de gases de efeito estufa, a cana-de-açúcar apresenta-se como a matéria-prima mais competitiva para a produção de etanol. Entretanto, nem todos os países possuem tecnologia, condições agroclimáticas, estabilidade política para a produção dessa cultura. Este trabalho tem o objetivo de identificar as condições climáticas, socioeconômicas e políticas de países e sub-regiões localizados na zona intertropical, de modo a facilitar a disseminação da produção de etanol por meio da cooperação internacional. No entanto, havendo condições agroclimáticas em um país, isso seria suficiente para implementar sistemas de produção de cana-de-açúcar? Conforme veremos na hipótese apresentada, uma análise política e socioeconômica é necessária a fim de avaliar a situação do Estado de Direito dos Estados pretendentes à produção de cana. Para aqueles países em condições do seu cultivo, a pesquisa demonstra cooperação internacional como um dos meios para adquirir assistência técnica, transferência de tecnologia e disseminar os benefícios socioeconômicos e ambientais do etanol em outros países. Tornar o etanol uma commodity também é uma das maneiras de difundir o mercado do produto no mundo. Entretanto, como veremos, a commoditização do etanol está, adicionalmente, sujeita a fatores técnicos, políticos e econômicos. Por fim, pretende-se demonstrar que a disseminação global do etanol não depende apenas da produção em diversos países e da commoditização do produto, mas também da eliminação de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias impostas no comércio internacional. / After the Kyoto Protocol entered into force in 2005 and, in 2007, the disclosure of the IPCC’s reports on climate change, many countries started to seek ways to produce energy from alternative sources, trying to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions. Another factor that contributes significantly to the production and consumption of renewable resources is the try, of some countries, to be less dependent on oil and strengthen energy security policies. The production and demand for biofuels is a contribution to the achievement of both objectives: mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and strengthening energy security. When analyzed the cost of production, yield per hectare, energy balance and reduction of greenhouse gases emissions, the sugarcane is the most competitive feedstock for ethanol production. However, not all countries have technology, climate conditions and political stability for the production of this crop. The objective of this work is to identify the climatic, socioeconomics and political conditions of the countries and sub-regions located in the intertropical zone, in order to facilitate the spread of ethanol production through international cooperation. Meanwhile, considering a country with good climate conditions for sugarcane, it would be enough to implement production systems of this crop? The presented hypothesis demonstrates the policy analysis is needed to evaluate the State of Right of those countries which are applicants to the sugarcane production. For those countries able to produce sugarcane, this research demonstrates international cooperation as a mean to acquire technical assistance, technology transfer and the dissemination of the socio-economic and environmental benefits of ethanol in other countries. Another way of diffusion of ethanol in the world market is to transform it into a commodity. However, as this paper demonstrates, the commoditization of ethanol is, additionally, subject to technical, political and economic factors. Finally, this study intends to present that the global dissemination of ethanol depends not only on production in many countries and the commoditization of the product, but also of the elimination of the tariff and non-tariff barriers imposed on the international trade.

The thesis is concerned with theoretical work of the Russian legal philosopher P. I. Novgorodtsev, focusing on the concepts of natural law, social ideal, individualism, liberalism, rule of law and democracy. Novgorodtsev's interpretation of these concepts is embedded into broader contexts of both Russian and Western political philosophy and philosophy of law. Novgorodtsev's work is analysed with regards to Russian liberal doctrine transformations from classical liberalism towards liberal socialism. The thesis discloses progressive moments in the author's thought demonstrating ways as to develop them. Problems in question are inquired into through the prism of A. Honneth's critical theory of society which enables to approach the subject matter in its historical variability and conditionality and, at the same time, maintaining normativity. The aim of the thesis is not only to assess Novgorodtsev's work topicality and contribution but also critically research into relevant problems in terms of the chosen topic, primarily metaphysical roots of liberalism and its limits as to the notion of man, state and law. The thesis shows that the Russian philosopher offered reformulations of old concepts not being able, however, to go beyond the liberal paradigm. Hence his texts cannot be utilized for overcoming...

The research hereto intends to analyse consistency of the legal order or the duty of legislative consistency (Folgerichtigkeit), as a part of the understanding the Law as a system, in order to (I) understand, define and demonstrate the fundamentals of the the duty of legislative consistency and (II) to demonstrate the implementation of the duty legislative consistency in tax law, applying its control mechanisms. To achieve the goal to delimit and demonstrate the fundamentals of the constitutional duty of legislative consistency, are facing three major issues: 1) is the definition of legislative consistency, analyzing its development, its dimensions of effectiveness, its contrast with similar institutes, proving to be a complex legislative consistency standard can be employed to guide the legislator in the preparation of standards in attention to relations of new standards with the pre-defined already by him (legislative consistency postulate) , to achieve the ideal of distributive justice by requirement continues to pursue the egalitarian distribution of privileges and the tax burden (legislative-consistency principle), as limited to the power to legislate by imposing the elaboration of consistent laws and free of unjustified discrimination (legislative consistency-rule) and also as a criterion for evaluation of normative content material compatibility (legislative consistency-criterion). Its Foundation is given by deriving from the rule of law and legislation and equality. Through it we need the Legislature to autovinculação so that the more intensely it has set an Institute, the higher your burden of justification for deviating from the duty of legislative consistency. Secondly the duty of legislative consistency is applied to the tax law, through the control of equality and a systematic approach. As for example apply these controls for the non-cumulative PIS and COFINS inserted specifically in relation to two issues: (1) the imposition of restriction on crediting, realizing the legislative inconsistency in that the purpose of the standard and how it has been implemented are not consistent and (2) the discrímen criteria for imposition of cumulative or non-cumulative regime the given contributor. Also in this case there is legislative inconsistency.

Submitted by Bruna Rodrigues (bruna92rodrigues@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-10-05T12:06:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:15:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:15:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T14:15:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPCCL.pdf: 16412042 bytes, checksum: 2d03b0478502c3edd097a2db0a2a8252 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-24 / Não recebi financiamento / The discussion about the institutional role of the Judiciary Branch on a Democratic Rule of Law has been running on a singular way because the global expansion of its intervention on political questions in. This scenario shows a possible paradox, whereas for the majority countries with Roman-Germanic judge tradition, the lack of representative legitimacy (by the vote) to decide about political questions for the Judiciary Branch is a reality. In Brazil, the phenomenon either appears, and it shows that much more traditional questions hasbeen discussed in the Legislature Branch seat and are taken for the STF appreciation. With this basal knowledge, , this work has two main objecitves: the first is to analyze theoretically the role of the politic evolution in the Judicial Branch, on the political organization of Rule of and the Democrat Rule Of Law paradigms, comparing what happened in Brazil and the central european countries. After that, we did a qualitative analyze about public heraings as a way of democrartic legitimation for contitucional jurisdictional activities. Starting by the theorical mark of the “Discourse Principle”, told by Habbermas, we looked for the transition of the way of the political – legal organization of the Democratic Rule of Law, both in theory and in the Brazilian case. We present the institutional role of the STF in the Brazilian Democratic Rule of Law and make a deep research about the public hearings that were within the constitutional jurisdiction. In the end, we concluded that the achievement of public hearings only make an important role in the legitimation (or validation) enforcement of the rights when they are taken on a serious way by the STF Ministers, turning possible to the people who are involved to join on the reasonable speech that gave for the judges the base for the decision. / A discussão sobre o papel institucional do Poder Judiciário no Estado democrático de direito tem se acirrado em razão da expansão global da sua intervenção em questões tipicamente políticas. Este cenário apresenta um aparente paradoxo, já que, na maioria dos países de tradição jurídica romanogermânica, falta ao Poder Judiciário a legitimação representativa (pelo voto) para decidir sobre questões com grande controvérsia moral. No Brasil, o fenômeno se repete, já que, cada vez mais, questões tradicionalmente debatidas em sede do Poder Legislativo são levadas à apreciação do STF. Nesse cenário, o presente trabalho propõe-se a um duplo objetivo, primeiro, analisar teoricamente a evolução do papel político do Poder Judiciário nos paradigmas de organização política do Estado de Direito e do Estado Democrático de Direito, comparando o que ocorre no Brasil contemporâneo com o a história dos países centrais da Europa continental. Depois, realizamos uma análise qualitativa sobre as audiências públicas como forma de legitimação democrática para a jurisdição constitucional. Partindo do marco teórico do princípio discursivo, conforme delimitado por Habermas, investigamos a transição da forma de organização político-jurídica do Estado de direito para a do Estado democrático de direito, tudo a partir de uma perspectiva teórica. Apresentamos o papel institucional atual exercido pelo STF e realizamos uma extensa pesquisa empírica sobre as audiências públicas realizadas no âmbito da jurisdição constitucional. Por fim, concluímos que a realização das audiências públicas somente exerce um papel na legitimação (e validação) da aplicação do direito quando é levada a sério pelos Ministros do STF, possibilitando a participação dos possíveis atingidos pela decisão no discurso racional que fundamenta a decisão judicial.