This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.

La réduction importante de l'aide internationale au développement et le processus de mondialisation ont fait en sorte que les investissements étrangers directs (IBD) sont considérés de nos jours comme une source importante de capital et de croissance économique dans un pays d'accueil comme la Serbie. Les IBD sont réputés stimuler la concurrence, l'innovation, l'épargne, la création d'emplois et le développement des ressources humaines dans les pays les plus pauvres et ceux en transition. Les institutions internationales encouragent la promotion des IBD dans tels pays et incitent leurs gouvernements à œuvrer à leur promotion active en tant que localité attrayante pour les obtenir. Il existe aussi un consensus selon lequel les investisseurs étrangers sont attirés par les pays dont le système juridique est stable et prévisible et qui réglemente l'économie selon le modèle d'une économie de marché. Si les réformes juridiques sont incontestablement importantes pour attirer les IBD, notre étude cherche à vérifier quel est le véritable impact du droit interne et des institutions étatiques du pays d'accueil sur l'établissement des entreprises étrangères et sur l'exercice de leur activité économique dans ce pays. Il s'agit de voir de quelle manière la présence des investisseurs étrangers contribue à la consolidation de l'État de droit dans le pays d'accueil. Pour analyser ces questions de plus près, nous avons choisi l'étude de cas de la Serbie, dont le système juridique est en chantier depuis le changement de régime en 2000. Notre hypothèse de travail a supposé que l'instauration de l'État de droit était importante pour l'implantation des investisseurs étrangers dans le pays, car les institutions étatiques et juridiques pourraient offrir des garanties pour le bon déroulement de l'activité économique étrangère. Après avoir étudié le cas de la Serbie, il y a lieu de conclure que la réforme du cadre juridique interne joue un rôle important, mais toutefois non déterminant dans le choix de la localisation d'un investissement étranger. Notre étude montre que la motivation en matière d'investissement ne tient généralement pas compte de la normativité juridique comme facteur à considérer, c'est-à-dire parmi les facteurs définis par la théorie du OLI Paradigm de John Dunning. Toutefois, ce facteur joue un rôle politique par le fait qu'il est véhiculé dans le droit international et dans le discours des organisations internationales. Les investisseurs demeurent également attentifs à la législation pouvant influencer leur propre activité économique. Nos entretiens ont révélé l'existence d'une véritable volonté de la part des investisseurs de favoriser les réformes juridiques du pays d'accueil. Leur perception du cadre juridique favorable au plan économique peut éventuellement jouer un certain rôle dans la transformation de l'État de droit et des institutions juridiques du pays d'accueil. Mais les entrepreneurs n'attendent pas un cadre juridique reformé dans le pays d'accueil pour décider d'y investir. En résumé, l'amélioration des institutions de l'État de droit concerne au premier chef des services sociaux de qualité et des meilleures conditions économiques pour ses citoyens. La promotion des IBD dans le pays ne constitue pas un objectif en soi mais s'inscrit dans la politique d'un État de droit en tant qu'outil indispensable de réformes et constitue un facteur favorable au développement économique. / Foreign direct investments (FDI) are considered an important source of capital and economic growth, due notably to significant restrictions of development aid in poor countries and countries in transition and to globalization. FDI are presumed to stimulate competition, innovation, savings, employment and quality of human resources. International financial institutions encourage governments to promote their countries as an attractive destination to FDI. At the same time, they insist on the fact, in states in transition, that FDI require the respect of the Rule of Law and predictable local legal norms suitable to the market economy. If the reform of law is of crucial importance to attract FDI, our thesis is trying to evaluate and analyze the impact of law and stable state institutions on FDI entry and economic growth in Serbia, our case study. It is also exploring to what extent the presence of the FDI contributes to the consolidation of the Rule of Law in this country. It is studying the legal system that has been put in place in Serbia between 2000 and 2007 and since the change of political regime. Our hypothesis was that the Rule of Law is important for FDI as it offers a good starting point for the increasing of economic activity in the host state. But our conclusion is that the improvement of the local legal system plays an important but not decisive role in localization of foreign investments. The case study shows that investors' motivation to invest is complex and determined by more than one factor. Sometimes, investors are not considering the fragile state of the legal system of the host country to invest. Our thesis confirms Dunning's OLI Paradigm. However, our interviews have revealed that investors can pay special attention to the improvement of legislation that has a specific impact on their own economic activity and may influence the reform of private law in the host state. At the same time, investors do not fear that the deficiencies of local law will have a detrimental impact on their investments. In conclusion, States in transition must be concerned, first of all, by the improvement of social and economic services to their citizens. Therefore, FDI promotion should also be tied to this aim to promote legal reform and economic development in states in transition.

Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres

Le droit haïtien appartient, de manière formelle, au système de droit écrit. Au lendemain de l'Indépendance, le droit Français va servir de modèle pour Haïti. Depuis lors, cet héritage de la codification n'a pas été repensé. Si en apparence, le droit haïtien succombe ainsi à une sorte de mimétisme juridique, l'existence d'un droit coutumier et informel supplée en fait à la transposition maladroite du modèle Français. Cette modernisation retardée constitue un handicap sérieux à l'avènement d'un État de droit indispensable au développement socio-économique du pays.Cette thèse, conçue comme une sorte de guide dédié à la construction d'un nouveau droit haïtien, vise à jeter les bases permettant d'adapter le « droit officiel », encore souvent imposé et trop fréquemment ineffectif, avec des pratiques sociales efficientes qui jouent un rôle indéniable de régulation de la société.La première partie révèle ainsi qu'en Haïti, la réception du droit Français est intervenue dans sa généralité, sans tenir compte de facteurs sociologiques cependant déterminants. La seconde partie démontre qu'en dépit de l'inadaptation et de l'application incomplète du modèle Français, se dessinent désormais les conditions d'un nouveau modèle juridique. Érigé sur les fondations léguées par l'Histoire, ce nouveau modèle, dont la thèse réunit les premiers linéaments, est le produit de l'association des enseignements de la tradition et des progrès récents de la législation française avec l'apport d'instruments juridiques internationaux ratifiés par Haïti, dans un contexte d'intégration régionale rendue chaque jour plus nécessaire face aux défis de la mondialisation du droit. / Haitian law belongs, formally, to the system of written law. In the aftermath of Independence, the French law will serve as a model for Haiti. Since then, the legacy of the coding has not been redesigned. If seemingly Haitian law succumbs to a kind of legal mimicry, the existence of customary and informal law compensates actually the clumsy transposition of the French model. This delayed modernization is a serious handicap to the advent of the rule of law which is critical to the socio-economic development of the country.This thesis, as a kind of guide dedicated to the construction of a new Haitian law, aims to lay the foundation allowing the adaptation of the "official law" and still often imposed and too often ineffective, with efficient social practices that play an undeniable regulation role in the society.The first part reveals that in Haiti, the reception of the French law has intervened in its generality, regardless of critical sociological factors, that are however important. The second part shows that despite the maladjustment and incomplete application of the French model, the conditions of a new legal model are now emerging. Built on the foundations left by history, this new model, which the thesis meets the first lineaments, is the outcome of the combination of the teachings of tradition and recent progress of the French legislation with the provision of international legal instruments ratified by Haiti in the context of regional integration rendered every day more necessary to considering the challenges of globalization of law.

[pt] Autonomia e norma jurídica é uma reflexão sobre a norma jurídica. Seu ponto de partida é o de que o pensamento jurí­dico, seus conceitos de norma e autonomia, estão presos ao paradigma da ciência moderna e, por conseqüência, à concepção ontológica herdada. Mediante esse entendimento, orienta-se a uma crí­tica ao pensamento moderno e à  ontologia que pressupõe. A construção do argumento aproxima o estranhamento à  natureza que representa a filosofia à emergência do direito como filosofia prática. Nesse processo, discute a perspectiva de afastamento da norma em relação à  natureza, para ensaiar que o pressuposto disjuntivo não possui um fundamento definitivo na tradução, que a metafí­sica que se consagrou no pensamento antigo reconcilia, na sua ontologia mesma, natureza e norma. Em movimentos que visam o mesmo objeto, pretende identificar os elementos do diálogo do pensamento moderno com a tradição. A emergência do pensamento moderno firmou-se sob os fundamentos da ontologia que consagrada pela tradição socrática: a permanência do direito romano, deu continuidade ao direito natural e permitiu sua reapropriação como razão; a ciência moderna se institui afirmando-se pela violência do método, mas mantendo intactos importantes fundamentos próprios da filosofia clássica. Assim, direito e ciência conduzem pressupostos antigos e os mantém mediante a ressignificação de seus elementos estruturais. Essa herança aparece inteira no paradigma da modernidade e permite compreender o que Boaventura de Souza Santos denomina de crise especular da ciência. Autonomia e norma jurí­dica aproxima essa crí­tica à  reflexão ontológica, para alcançar o conteúdo da crise da ciência e do direito, com base no pensamento de Cornelius Castoriadis. O presente trabalho, enfrenta, pois, a norma, desde uma reflexão ontológica, identificando a norma não exatamente naquilo em que a norma é criação humana, mas destacando a região onde a norma, como criação humana, é natureza. / [en] Autonomy and norm of law is a reflection on the norm of law. Its starting point is of that the legal thought, its concepts of norm and autonomy, is surrounded by the paradigm of modern science e, for consequence, to the inherited ontological conception. By means of this agreement, the critique is oriented to the modern thought and the ontology that it estimates. The construction of the argument approaches the strangeness to the nature that represents the philosophy to the emergency of the right as practical philosophy. In this process, argues the removal perspective of the norm in relation to nature, to assay that the disjunctive estimated one does not possess a definitive bedding in the tradition, that the metaphysics that if consecrated no old thought reconciles, in its same ontology, nature and norm. In movements that aim at object the same, it intends to identify the elements of the dialogue of the modern thought with the tradition. The emergency of the modern thought was firmed under the beddings of the ontology that consecrated for the Socratic tradition: the permanence of the Roman law, gave continuity to the natural law and allowed its re-appropriation as reason; modern science constitutes affirming itself for the violence of the method, but keeping unbroken important proper beddings of the classic philosophy. Thus, law and science lead antique assumptions and it keeps them by means of the resignificance of its structural elements. This inheritance appears entire in the paradigm of modernity and allows understanding what Boaventura de Souza Saints calls specular crisis of science. Autonomy and norm of law approaches this critique to the ontological reflection, to reach the content of the crisis of science and law, on the basis of the thought of Cornelius Castoriadis. The present work, faces, therefore, the norm, since an ontological reflection, identifying the norm not exactly in what the norm is human creation, but highlighting the region where the norm, as human creation, is nature.

Esta tese volta-se à análise crítica da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público brasileiro sob dois aspectos: de um lado, a sua independência em relação às esferas organizacionais dos poderes clássicos do Estado; e, de outro, os limites da independência funcional que visa a assegurar, para os seus membros, o livre desenvolvimento das funções institucionais. Sob o influxo do processo de reconhecimento universal dos direitos humanos a partir da Declaração de 1948, o valor da dignidade da pessoa humana representa o fundamento central do Estado Democrático de Direito da Constituição Federal de 1988, constituindo a fonte jurídica do vasto conjunto de direitos fundamentais dela constante. A proteção dos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana é indissociável de um regime político democrático, que não pode prescindir de um sistema eficaz de controle do exercício do poder político para a persecução de tal desiderato. Daí a importância da efetividade dos mecanismos de controle recíproco entre os órgãos estatais, no comando do princípio fundamental projetado por Montesquieu que, atualmente, não mais se reduz à formula tríplice de distribuição das funções legislativa, executiva e judicial. É nesse contexto que se pretende introduzir a análise da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público, à luz, especificamente, de determinadas funções que lhe foram atribuídas para o controle de decisões de outros órgãos estatais, sobretudo do Executivo, envolvendo a tutela dos direitos fundamentais de proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana. A hipótese é a da existência de aspectos organizacionais condicionando o funcionamento do Ministério Público em dissonância de sua plena afirmação como novo ator político; quais sejam: a) a ausência de limites precisos à garantia de independência funcional no desenvolvimento de suas atividades; b) um sistema autocrático de gestão orientando as decisões sobre todas as políticas institucionais; c) a manutenção dos vínculos que prendem a instituição ao Executivo do Estado, concebido como o ramo hegemônico do regime político brasileiro. O trabalho pretende investigar as causas das incorreções, correlacioná-las e apontar os seus equívocos, para a identificação dos pontos relevantes sujeitos a uma pronta alteração de cunho organizacional, de modo a serem reproduzidos no funcionamento do Ministério Público brasileiro os valores republicanos e democráticos que devem informar um regime político como Estado Democrático de Direito. / This thesis offers a critical analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office regarding two aspects: on one hand, its independence concerning the organizational spheres of the classical branches of the State; on the other hand, the limits of the functional independence that aims at securing free development of the institutional functions to the members of the Public Attorney\'s Office. Due to the process of universal acknowledgement of human rights since the Declaration of 1948, the value of a human being\'s dignity represents the central basis of the Democratic Rule of Law of the 1 988 Federal Constitution, establishing a legal source for the vast set of fundamental rights contained in it. The protection of the fundamental rights of a human being is intrinsic to a democratic political system, which cannot dispense with an efficient procedure to control the use of political power for pursuing such desideratum. Hence the importance of the efficiency of the mechanisms of checks and balances among state agencies, in carrying out the fundamental principle proposed by Montesquieu that is no longer limited nowadays to the triple distribution formula of legislative, executive and judiciary functions. It\'s in this context that the present work intends to introduce the analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Public Attorney\'s Office, specifically examining certain functions attributed to it for the control over decisions by other state agencies, particularly in the executive branch, that involve the safeguarding of the fundamental rights of protection of a human being\'s dignity. The hypothesis is the existence of organizational aspects stipulating the operation of the Public Attorney\'s Office in discordance with its full role as new political agent, such as: a) absence of precise limits to guarantee functional independence in the development of its activities; b) an autocratic ruling system guiding decisions on all institutional policies; c) maintenance of the bonds linking the institution to the executive branch, which is conceived as the hegemonic branch of Brazil\'s political system. This work intends to investigate the causes of those problems, correlate them and pinpoint mistakes, in order to identify the relevant points that would be subject to a swift alteration in terms of organization, so the republican, democratic values that ought to conduct a political regime as a Democratic Rule of Law may be reproduced in the operations of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Celso Spitzcovsky.pdf: 316851 bytes, checksum: 425950d468c557d2c97a0976659d7658 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-12 / The objective of this study is to examine the constitutionality of the procedural and substantive aspects of ineligibility related to the process of accountability by the Chief Executive established the Supplementary Law No. 64/90, in its Article 1, Item I, Alínea "g". Indeed, many discussions have been fought over this issue, by virtue of the subjective aspects presented in the writing of this piece of legislation. So it is that apparently no single rule establishes ineligibility for all providers of account, which is not justified in light of constitutional principles. On the other hand, requires the configuration of an incurable irregularity, and no appeal of a competent body, without offering further details requiring an interpretation as the Constitution. Similarly, away, even temporarily, the general rule of ineligibility through the bringing of a judicial order to dismantle the decision rendered by the authority without clear limits here relate to the question can be determined by the judiciary. On this stormy issue, many questions also hang on the constitutionality of summary No. 1, issued by the Superior Electoral Court, and of the positions adopted by that Court, requiring at least one manifestation judicial authorization to remove the ineligibility. Within this context, with this dissertation aims to investigate the compatibility of these requirements with basic constitutional principles like the rule of law, Representative Democracy, Separation of Powers Clause and the Due Process of Law / O objetivo deste estudo é a análise da constitucionalidade, sobre os aspectos formal e material, da hipótese de inelegibilidade relacionada ao processo de prestação de contas pelo chefe do executivo, estabelecida na Lei Complementar Nº 64/90, em seu Artigo 1º, Inciso I, Alínea g . Com efeito, muitas discussões têm sido travadas acerca do tema, por força dos aspectos subjetivos apresentados na redação do referido Diploma Legal. Assim é que estabelece aparentemente regra única de inelegibilidade para todos os prestadores de contas, o que não se justifica à luz dos princípios constitucionais. Por outro lado, exige a configuração de uma irregularidade insanável e, por decisão irrecorrível, de um órgão competente, sem oferecer maiores detalhes demandando uma interpretação conforme a Constituição. Da mesma forma, afasta, ainda que temporariamente, a regra geral de inelegibilidade através da propositura de medida judicial para desconstituir decisão proferida pelo órgão competente sem esclarecer os limites que aqui incidem para que a questão possa ser apreciada pelo Judiciário. Sobre esse tormentoso tema, muitas dúvidas pairam também acerca da constitucionalidade da súmula nº 1, editada pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, bem como em relação ao posicionamento adotado por aquela Corte, exigindo, ao menos, uma manifestação judicial prévia para afastar a inelegibilidade. Dentro desse contexto, através da presente dissertação pretende-se investigar a compatibilidade dessas exigências com princípios constitucionais básicos como o do Estado de Direito, da Democracia Representativa, Separação entre os Poderes e a Cláusula do Devido Processo Legal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:35:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Boratti Favretto.pdf: 1462966 bytes, checksum: 2774d239d8fde01cc11abc3047907b7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-16 / The Declaration Dignitatis humanae of Second Vatican Council doctrinally introduces the concept of religious freedom founded on the dignity of the human person. Stands out, in the interim, the anthropological foundation, which unfolds the theological and doctrinal, setting up religious freedom as the apogee of all freedoms. The goal of this work is develop the theme process of genesis, establish the conceptual definition and present the discussion about religious freedom. This, through a phenomenological analysis that ends at the historical and theological hermeneutic of the conciliar periods before Preparatory, Preparatory and of the four Sessions of Vatican II and the Magisterium of the documents of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which treated theme. The text is structured in a systematic way in four chapters. The first constitutes status quaestionis by presenting the context of religious freedom theme of development in magisterial documents prior to Dignitatis humanae, as well as the positioning of the Magisterium ecclesiastic, that of religious intolerance, passes to tolerance and affirmation of the right to freedom religious. The second and third chapters cover the doctrinal content of this Declaration in their immediate environment, the Second Vatican Council. They present the process of genesis of religious conception of freedom expressed in the text of the Declaration Dignitatis humanae, exposing and already analyzing the several thematic stages and redaction until it reaches the final version of the Declaration and the conception of the right to religious freedom. The fourth chapter presents the legal ramifications, theological, anthropological and ethical prospective to Dignitatis humanae. Framework that enables our understanding of the phenomenon of religious plurality in terms of a possible horizon not only to theological reflection, but also to religious studies, to infer from the declaration concerning the situations design of a theology of religions and theology of religious pluralism; whose religious language provides contribution to constitution of the States of democratic rights, which in turn has the function of protecting and promote religious freedom. The theme of religious freedom gives new perspective to the free practice of religion and opens wide dialogic engagement between the Catholic Church, other Christian churches, other religions, people "without religion" and other "good will". / A Declara??o Dignitatis humanae do Conc?lio Vaticano II apresenta doutrinariamente a concep??o de liberdade religiosa fundamentada na dignidade da pessoa humana. Sobressai, neste ?nterim, o fundamento antropol?gico que se desdobra do teol?gico e doutrin?rio, configurando a liberdade religiosa como o apogeu de todas as liberdades. O objetivo desta disserta??o ? desenvolver o processo de g?nese deste tema, estabelecer a defini??o conceitual e apresentar o debate acerca da liberdade religiosa. Isto, mediante uma an?lise fenomenol?gica que desemboca na hermen?utica hist?rica e teol?gica dos per?odos conciliares Antepreparat?rio, Preparat?rio e das quatro Sess?es do Conc?lio Vaticano II, bem como de documentos do Magist?rio eclesi?stico dos s?culos XIX e XX que trataram do tema. O texto se estrutura de maneira sistem?tica em quatro cap?tulos. O primeiro deles se constitui em status quaestionis ao apresentar o contexto do desenvolvimento do tema da liberdade religiosa nos documentos magisteriais que antecedem a Dignitatis humanae, bem como o posicionamento do Magist?rio eclesi?stico, que da intoler?ncia religiosa, passa ? toler?ncia e afirma??o do direito ? liberdade religiosa. O segundo e terceiro cap?tulos abarcam o conte?do doutrinal dessa Declara??o em seu contexto pr?ximo, o do Conc?lio Vaticano II. Apresentam o processo de g?nese da concep??o de liberdade religiosa expressa no texto da Declara??o Dignitatis humanae expondo e, j? analisando, as diversas etapas tem?ticas e redacionais at? que se chegue ? vers?o definitiva da Declara??o e da concep??o de direito ? liberdade religiosa. O quarto cap?tulo apresenta os desdobramentos jur?dico, teol?gico, antropol?gico e ?tico prospectivos ? Dignitatis humanae. ?mbito que possibilita a compreens?o do fen?meno da pluralidade religiosa em termos de um horizonte poss?vel n?o somente ? reflex?o teol?gica, mas tamb?m ?s ci?ncias da religi?o, ao inferir da Declara??o as suscita??es concernentes ? concep??o de uma teologia das religi?es como teologia do pluralismo religioso; cuja linguagem religiosa oferece contributo ? constitui??o do Estado de direito democr?tico, que por sua vez, tem a fun??o de tutelar e promover a liberdade religiosa. O tema da liberdade religiosa proporciona nova perspectiva para a livre pr?tica da religi?o e inaugura amplo empenho dial?gico entre a Igreja Cat?lica, as outras Igrejas crist?s, as outras religi?es, as pessoas sem religi?o e outras de boa vontade .

A sociedade brasileira aguarda pacientemente e há anos uma real reforma que introduza a ética e a moral no meio político e faça valer a soberania de seu povo. De um lado, observa-se um Poder Legislativo com sérias dificuldades de quebrar sua inércia e cumprir o seu papel de concretizar a lei como expressão da vontade geral. De outro, um Poder Judiciário que busca suprir os anseios sociais dando efetividade aos direitos fundamentais colocados na Constituição Federal da República Brasileira de 1988. O presente estudo almeja analisar como o Estado brasileiro tem convivido com um intenso ativismo judicial ou judicialização da política e suas consequências para a democracia pátria. Para a eficácia de suas conclusões, limitou-se o campo de estudo à matéria eleitoral, dada sua cristalina correlação com o Estado Democrático de Direito. Foram selecionadas, deste modo, as recentes decisões dos Tribunais nacionais em temas eleitorais para averiguar os reflexos desta jurisprudência sobre as bases democráticas de nosso país. E, em assim procedendo, foram trazidos elementos para uma crítica fundamentada à tentativa do Poder Judiciário de moralizar as instituições políticas, buscando fornecer as bases para concluir se esse altivo movimento dos Tribunais logrou, de fato, o aprimoramento do regime democrático vigente, preservando a harmonia entre os Poderes, a unidade do ordenamento jurídico e a legitimidade das instituições da nação ou se, ao contrário, apenas soluções pontuais foram conquistadas, combatendo-se uma doença grave com remédios paliativos ao invés de atacar a real causa das mazelas que assolam o Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro. / The Brazilian society waits patiently and for many years for a deep change that introduces ethics and moral to politics to renew the sovereignty of its people. On one hand, the Parliament presents serious difficulties in moving forward to fulfill its role of materializing the law as an expression of the general will. On the other hand, the judiciary tries to meet social expectations, providing effectiveness to basic rights constitutionally established. This study aims to analyze how the Brazilian State has been living with an intense judicial activism and a judicialization of its politics and its consequences to democracy. For the effectiveness of its conclusions, the object of the analysis was limited to electoral issue, due to its crystal clear relation with the Rule of Law. In this manner, some recent judicial decisions of the national Courts as regards electoral subjects were chosen to verify the consequences of this jurisprudence on the democratic foundations of our country. And, in so proceeding, many aspects were brought to enable a justified criticism to the judiciary attempt to moralize political institutions, trying to provide the basis for the following questions: have, in fact, this noble movement of the Courts succeeded in improving the current democratic Brazilian system, preserving the harmony between the Powers, the unity of the legal system and the legitimacy of the nation institutions?; or, on the opposite, only few hoc solutions have been conquered, fighting with a serious illness by ministering palliative drugs, instead of solving the real cause of the illness that plagues the State?