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Showing 41 to 50 of 53 (0.129 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"4he anited Nations asecurity council"" "subject:"4he anited Nations asecurity ouncil""
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Regional Organisations' Representation in the United Nations Security Council Influence on the Security Council's Agenda-settingKrafte, Matiss January 2022 (has links)
When violence against civilians is high in armed conflicts, it is predicted that the UNSC will pay close attention to those conflicts. However, it does not always happen to an equal degree. Based on recently collected data of UNSC agenda-setting behaviour by Susan H. Allen and Amy T. Yuen, this paper asks: why do some conflicts receive more UNSC attention than others, despite similar levels of violence against civilians? The thesis looks into the role of ROs in the UNSC agenda-setting. To account for the variation, the thesis argues that ROs are able to influence the UNSC agenda-setting in a way that leads some conflicts to have more recurrences of items on the agenda and others less. By applying a structured focused comparison on the conflict in Darfur between 2003 – 2007, and the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar between 2016-2022, I find a correlation between representation of ROs and recurrences of agenda-items. However, correlation is not causation, and I conclude that ROs had little influence in the UNSC decision-making and that it was the interests of the P5 and the institutional role of the UN Secretary-General that lead to the variation in the number of recurrences of items on the agenda.
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[en] THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND SOVEREIGN (IN)EQUALITY: A RE-READING OF HIERARCHY IN INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS FROM THE AL BASHIR CASE / [pt] O TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNACIONAL E A (DES)IGUALDADE SOBERANA: UMA RELEITURA DA HIERARQUIA NAS INSTITUIÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS A PARTIR DO CASO AL BASHIRLUISA PEREIRA DA ROCHA GIANNINI 29 May 2018 (has links)
[pt] O presente trabalho realiza uma investigação da (des)igualdade soberana
como um fenômeno que se manifesta nos diferentes níveis de instituições da
sociedade internacional. A análise é desenvolvida a partir do estudo de caso do
processo contra Omar Al Bashir, presidente em exercício do Estado do Sudão, no
Tribunal Penal Internacional. Esse caso evoca uma discussão acerca da autoridade
desempenhada pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas nas instituições do
pós-1945, em especial, no direito internacional penal. Considerando que normas e
regras possuem um papel social nas múltiplas relações existentes em meio a
agentes e a estrutura, ou seja, elas transformam as relações no sistema
internacional, o trabalho investiga as disposições e princípios presentes tanto no
âmbito do Tribunal Penal Internacional, quanto também da Organização das
Nações Unidas, que autorizam uma discriminação entre os Estados. Essa distinção
implica a imposição de regras internacionais para alguns atores e, ao mesmo
tempo, a manutenção de certas prerrogativas soberanas para outros. Mais
especificamente, a justiça internacional penal é caracterizada pela seletividade nos
julgamentos, uma vez que é conferida a alguns países certa autoridade sobre o
regime. Nesse sentido, defende-se que a (des)igualdade soberana que está presente
no direito internacional penal é, simultaneamente, manifestação e condição de
possibilidade da hierarquia na arquitetura social, e portanto normativa
institucional, e política do sistema internacional. Argumenta-se, assim, que a
presença dessa (des)igualdade soberana pode ser identificada nos diferentes níveis
das instituições da sociedade internacional, na medida em que elas influenciam
umas às outras, de sorte que as características de uma refletem-se nas demais. / [en] This work carries out an investigation of sovereign (in)equality as a
phenomenon that manifests itself in the different levels of institutions of the
international society. The analysis departs from the case study of the process
against Omar al-Bashir, acting President of the State of Sudan, at the International
Criminal Court This case evokes a discussion about the authority exercised by the
United Nations Security Council over post-1945 institutions, especially
international criminal law. Considering that rules and norms have a social role in
the multiple relations existing between agents and the structure, that is, they
transform the relations in the international system, the work investigates the
dispositions and principles present both in the scope of the International Criminal
Court, as well as of the United Nations, which authorize a discrimination between
States. This distinction implies the imposition of international rules for some
actors and, at the same time, the maintenance of certain sovereign prerogatives for
others. More specifically, international criminal justice is characterized by
selectivity in judgments, as some countries are given certain authority over the
regime. In this sense, it is defended that the sovereign (in)equality, which is
present in international criminal law is simultaneously a manifestation and
condition of possibility of hierarchy in the social, and therefore institutionalnormative,
and political architecture of the international system. It is argued,
therefore, that the presence of this sovereign (in)equality can be identified at
different levels of the institutions of international society, insofar as they influence
each other, so that the characteristics of one are reflected in the others.
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Beneath the Surface : A qualitative analysis of United Nations Security Council decision-making on Responsibility to ProtectKoltai Edfast, Nike January 2023 (has links)
No description available.
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United States counter-narcotics policies towards Burma, and how the illegal myanmar regime is manipulating those policies to commit ethnic genocide.Hochstedler, Robert. 06 1900 (has links)
US counter-narcotic policies towards Burma have possessed a singular-focus. In other words, they have been based on the traditional bilateral triumvirate strategies of eradication, education, and interdiction. Eradicate the crops used to produce illicit narcotics, interdict the flow of illicit drug traffickers, and educate the general population on the dangers of continual drug usage. In the country of Burma though, there are other US policies which also have a singular focus, which have undermined the effectiveness of these policies. Since the Burmese military regime's brutal suppression of the pro-democracy movement in 1988, the US has severed all economic relations with the country. The Burmese economy, which was already far from stable, fell into a downward spiral as a result of these US-led policies. This did not result in a democratic transition. Over seventeen years since these economic sanctions have been in place, the US has not achieved a peaceful regime change in Burma. Furthermore, the attempts to remove the significant flow of illicit narcotics from the country have failed as well. The reason these two singular-oriented policies have failed is that they are targeted at a country much more complex than these strategies have been designed to handle. First of all, there are 135 ethnicities in Burma, while only a small portion of the Burman population maintains political and economic control. Although this would result in ineffective policies with little collateral impact, the ruling Tatmadaw regime has manipulated these policies to commit ethnic genocide upon the ethnic minorities within their territory. Unless a re-assessment of these policies is undertaken by the US and its allies, the only result of their policies will be the elimination of millions of ethnic minorities in this totalitarian state. Therefore, the US must re-assess its position of isolating the Myanmar regime, and focus on a policy of engagement. Only if a structured and progressive incentive policy of economic development is created in conjunction with the regime, can the separate triumvirate policies of counter-narcotics against the ethnic minorities in Burma become effective. / US Navy (USN) author.
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L’Etat de droit et la lutte contre le terrorisme dans l’Union européenne : Mesures européennes de lutte contre le terrorisme suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001 / The rule of law and the evolution of the fight against terrorism in the European Union : European measures to fight against terrorism following the attacks of September the 11th 2001Robert, Emilie 16 February 2012 (has links)
La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme? / The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?
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La cour penale internationale et les etats africains / The international criminal court and the african statesRahong, Séverin 14 December 2015 (has links)
Vingt et un an après la création du Tribunal International pour le Rwanda et dix-sept ans après la signature du traité de Rome donnant naissance à la Cour pénale international, la fièvre dénonciatrice que connait cette institution n’est toujours pas apaisée. La CPI est-elle otage des idéaux qui justifient sa création et des forces politiques antagonistes auxquelles elle reste malgré tout liée ? Les africains commettraient-ils davantage de crime passibles de poursuites devant la Cour que les ressortissant d’autres continents ? Si l’étude des procédures judiciaires nées des crimes commis dans des conflits se déroulant sur le continent africain et l’analyse des procédures de mise en cause de certains Chefs d’Etats africains soulignent le très important travail de lutte contre l’impunité que réalise la Cour pénale internationale, le bilan de ce travail met toutefois en évidence la collision des procédures judiciaires avec des impératifs politiques internationaux. Ce travail de recherche montre que si la CPI se veut un prolongement de la sécurité collective, l’efficacité de son action et son universalisme sont aujourd’hui mise en doute, au point de cristalliser les rapports de l’organisme judiciaire international avec le continent africain. / Twenty-one year after the creation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda and seventeen years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome giving rise to the International Criminal Court, the whistleblower fever that knows this institution is still not appeased. Is the ICC hostage ideals that justified its creation and antagonistic political forces which it nevertheless remains bound? African they commit more crime prosecuted before the Court that the national of other continents? If the study of legal proceedings arising from crimes committed in conflicts taking place on the African continent and in the analysis of the party proceedings of some African Heads of States stress the very important work to fight against impunity that makes the International Criminal Court, the outcome of this work, however, shows the collision of legal proceedings with international political imperatives. This research shows that if the ICC is an expansion of collective security, the effectiveness of its action and universalism are now in doubt, as to crystallize the reports of the international judicial body with the mainland African.
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Genocide Prevention through Changing the United Nations Security Council Power of VetoButters, Michelle January 2007 (has links)
In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.
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Defining the crime of aggression : cutting the Gordian knot ?Turner, Allison 04 1900 (has links)
Le crime d'agression se veut etre un des quatre crimes internationaux sous la
juridiction de la CPI. Lorsque les delegues a la Conference de Rome n'eurent point
atteint de consensus sur une definition du crime, celui-ci resta, depuis, indefini en
droit. En consequence, la CPI n'aura juridiction pour entendre des causes portant
sur le crime d'agression qu'une fois la definition sera adoptee par l'Assemblee des
Etats Parties au plus tot en 2009.
Ce memoire traite trois problematiques liees au crime d'agression : la question de la
responsabilite penale individuelle, le role du Conseil de securite de l'ONU, et les
parametres du crime en tant que tel. La responsabilite penale individuelle est
analysee, inter alia, du point de vue du principe des sources du droit international.
Quant al'eventuelle implication du Conseil de securite dans le champ de
competence de la CPI sur le crime d'agression, l'auteure soutient tel que suit: Si le
Conseil de securite se voit accorde un pouvoir plus large que celui dont il est
presentement dote en vertu des articles 13(b) et 16 du Statut de Rome, chaque
membre permanent aura un veto sur toute situation d'agression qui serait autrement
portee devant la Cour. Ceci aura pour consequence de politiser la CPI en ce qui a
trait au crime et rendra hypothethique toute definition eventuelle. Si la definition est
bien con9ue et redigee, on fait valoir, qu'il n' est point necessaire de limiter
davantage la competence de la CPI. Les parametres de la definition du crime
proposes par l'auteure sont etablis selon les conclusions d'une analyse des notions
composantes de l'agression. L'essentiel du concept se veut un recours illegal et
non-necessaire qui constitue une rupture ala paix. Amoins qu'il ne soit exerce en
« legitime defence» ou en vertu d'un mandat du Chapitre VII, Ie recours ala force
constitue prima facie une agression et s'il est suffisamment grave, il s'agira d'un
crime d'agression. Ce memoire termine avec un projet de definition du crime
d'agression en vue d'avancer Ie discours vers un consensus sur ces problematiques
majeures. Non seulement est-il possible d'arriver aun consensus sur la definition,
croit l'auteure, mais nous sommes plus que jamais al'aube d'y parvenir. / The crime of aggression is one of the four international crimes under the jurisdiction
of the ICC. When delegates at the Rome Conference were unable to agree on the content of a definition, the crime was left undefined. As a result, the ICC can only
begin prosecuting individuals for the crime of aggression once a definition is
adopted by the Assembly of States Parties in 2009, at the earliest.
This thesis examines three issues associated with the crime of aggression: the
question of individual criminal responsibility, the role of the UN Security Council
and the general scope of the definition of the crime of aggression itself Individual
criminal liability is reviewed, inter alia, from the perspective of international
sources doctrine. Regarding the role of the Security Council in relation to the crime
of aggression, the author concludes: if the Security Council is vested with more
powers than it already has under Articles 13(b) and 16 of the Rome Statute, each
permanent member will have a veto over any situation of aggression that might
otherwise be brought before the Court. This would result in a complete
politicization of the ICC and render moot any future definition of the crime of
aggression. If a definition for the crime of aggression is properly conceived and
constructed, it is argued, there is no need to further limit the Court's exercise of
jurisdiction. The author proposes general parameters for the scope ofthe definition
based on conclusions reached in the analysis of the conceptual components of
aggression. At its essence, the act of aggression is the unnecessary, unlawful use of
force which constitutes a breach ofthe peace. Unless employed in "self-defence" or
under a Chapter VII mandate, the use offorce constitutes prima facie an act of
aggression, and if it is sufficiently grave, a crime ofaggression. This thesis
concludes with a working definition ofthe crime of aggression to promote dialogue
and ultimately a consensus on these core issues. Not only is a definition is within
reach, the author believes, we are closer to it than we ever have been before. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en Maîtrise en droit Option recherche"
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Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect: questions of abuse and proportionalityOsei-Abankwah, Charles 28 April 2017 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to discuss the concepts of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P), and; to investigate how best to apply the concepts in the face of humanitarian crises, in order to address concerns about their implementation. The failure of the Security Council to react to grave human rights abuses committed in the humanitarian crises of the 1990s, including Iraq (1991), Somalia (1992), Rwanda (1994), Bosnia (1993-1995) Haiti (1994-1997), and Kosovo (1999),triggered international debatesabout: how the international community should react when the fundamental human rights of populations are grossly and systematically violated within the boundaries of sovereign states, and; the need for a reappraisal of armed humanitarian intervention. Central to the debate was whether the international community should continue to adhere unconditionally to the principle of non-intervention enshrined in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter, or take a different course in the interest of human rights. The debate culminated in the establishment of the Canadian International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2000, with the mandate to find a balance between respect for sovereignty and intervention, for purposes of protecting human rights.
Much of the scholarly literature on military intervention for human protection purposes deals with the legality and legitimacy of the military dimension of the concepts. The significance of the thesis is that: it focusesthe investigation on the potential abuse of the use of force for human protection purposes, when moral arguments are used to justify an intervention that is primarily motivated by the interests of the intervener, and; the propensity to use disproportionate force in the attainment of the stated objective of human protection, by powerful intervening states. The central argument of the thesis is that there are double standards, selectivity, abuses, andindiscriminate and disproportionate use of force in the implementation of R2P by powerful countries, and; that, whether a military intervention is unilateral, or sanctioned by the UN Security Council, there is the potential for abuse, and in addition, disproportionate force may be used.The thesis makes recommendations to address these concerns, in order to ensure the survival of the concept. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL.D.
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Princípio da responsabilidade ao proteger – uma perspectiva (des)colonizadora e de sustentabilidade a partir dos países do sul global / Principle of responsibility to protect - a (de) colonizing perspective and sustainability from the countries of global southSouza, Elany Almeida de 12 December 2016 (has links)
The analysis of the rules evolution, in particular internationally, demonstrates normative and principles conflicts that serve as power play instrument and the colonizer-colonized dichotomy, even when its essence is directed to the maintenance of peace. The the Responsibility While protecting (RWP) presented by Brazil in 2011, within the context of the development of global standards, permeated by non-linear conflictual interactions, where the interventions based on a Responsibility to Protect(R2P) civilians, have challenged the existing structures in the global order and therefore has sparked great debate regarding the prevalence of decisions emanating from the United Nations Security Council - UNSC against the sovereignty and self-determination of peoples, since there is no control of legality and legitimacy of that discretion which the United Nations - UN holds. In this sense, the present work aims to analyze if the Responsibility to Protect can be considered as an attempt to influence from the Global South countries in the production of global standards and this can work as a capable principle of safeguarding the coercive nature of measures by of the UNSC, a way of accountability that implies a large extent by the level of responsibility of emanating acts from the UN Security Council that determ interventions, and what tools are needed for the Responsibility to Protect is an effective tool of prior control of legality and legitimacy. In order to meet this goal, we adopted a dialectical approach, drawing on the monographic method, through bibliographical and documentary research and interdisciplinary literature, among others that apply to the subject under study. / A análise da evolução das normas, em específico no âmbito internacional, demonstra conflitos normativos e principiológicos que servem de instrumento de reprodução de poder e da dicotomia colonizador-colonizado, mesmo quando sua essência está voltada para a manutenção da paz. O Princípio da Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RWP, sigla em inglês), apresentado pelo Brasil em 2011, surge no contexto da evolução das normas globais, permeadas por interações não lineares conflituosas, onde a implementação cada vez maior de intervenções baseadas em uma Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P, sigla em inglês) civis, tem desafiado as estruturas existentes na ordem global e por isso tem suscitado grande debate no que toca a prevalência de decisões emanadas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas - CSNU face à soberania e a autodeterminação dos povos, uma vez que não há um controle de legalidade e legitimidade desse poder discricionário do qual a Organização das Nações Unidas - ONU é detentora. Nesse sentido, a presente dissertação visa analisar se a Responsabilidade ao Proteger pode ser considerada como uma tentativa de influência a partir dos países do Sul Global na produção de normas globais e se esta pode funcionar como um princípio capaz de acautelar as medidas de natureza coercitiva por parte do CSNU, isto é, uma forma de accountability que implique em um maior nível de responsabilidade por parte dos atos emanados do Conselho de Segurança da ONU que determinem intervenções, bem como quais são os instrumentos necessários para que a Responsabilidade ao Proteger seja uma ferramenta eficaz de controle prévio de legalidade e legitimidade. De forma a cumprir esse objetivo, adotou-se uma abordagem dialética, valendo-se do método monográfico, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e literatura especializada interdisciplinar, dentre outras que aplicáveis ao tema em estudo.
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