O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

Waren die Arbeitnehmer bei den Ereignissen 1989/90 in Deutschland involviert? Die meisten Untersuchungen über die Revolution und die darauffolgende Vereinigung Deutschlands verneinen dies; die vorliegende Untersuchung behauptet aber das Gegenteil. Durch die Kontextualisierung der Dynamiken in der ost- und westdeutschen Arbeitnehmerschaft schafft sie ein neues Bild von vermeintlich bekannten Ereignissen. Die Studie untersucht die unterschiedlichen Wege auf denen die ost- und westdeutsche Arbeitnehmerschaft zu entscheidenden Akteuren 1989-1990 wurden. Zunächst stellt sie die Beteiligung der ostdeutschen Arbeitnehmer an der Revolution heraus, durch das Aufdecken von vielfältigen Überschneidungen der Entwicklungen in den Betrieben und auf der Strasse. Dynamiken innerhalb der Arbeitnehmerschaft, so zeigt die Studie, waren ein Kernbestandteil der politischen Prozesse, welche das Ende der DDR markierte. Darauffolgenden konzentriert sich die Analyse auf die Politik von vier Westdeutschen Gewerkschaften (Metall, Chemie, Medien und Öffentlicher Dienst) und ihres Dachverband (DGB) und deckt die Einrichtung eines Krisenmanagement der ostdeutschen Wirtschaftreformen, zwischen der Westdeutschen Regierung, Arbeitgebern und Gewerkschaften auf. Bereits im Februar 1990 gegründet, führte dieses formelle und informelle Abkommen zur Erhaltung der existierenden Westdeutschen Institutionen, Normen und Akteure der sozialen Systeme und industriellen Beziehungen im vereinten Deutschland. Die Kehrseite dieser institutionellen Erweiterung war die schnelle Etablierung der Gewerkschaftsstrukturen in Ostdeutschland, der letzte Aspekt, welcher in der Arbeit analysiert wird. Die schnelle Verbreitung der DGB Gewerkschaften und der Arbeitgeberverbänden war eine organisierte „tour de force“. Die Kosten für die Gewerkschaften waren die Unterwerfung der ostdeutschen Gewerkschaftsaktivisten unter die „neuen“ Gewerkschaften und die Abkehr vom Kern der programmatischen Forderungen zu Hause. / Was labour involved in the events of 1989-1990 in Germany? Most studies of the East German revolution and the subsequent unification of Germany say no. This study argues in the opposite direction and by contextualizing the dynamics of East and West German labour offers a new picture of supposedly well-known events. The study explores the different ways in which East and West German labour became crucial actors in 1989-1990. It first enlightens the participation of East German workers to the revolution, by revealing the multifaceted overlapping of developments in the shop floors and the streets. Dynamics within labour, the work shows, were a core constituent of the political processes that marked GDR''s end. The analysis then focuses on the politics of four West German unions (metal, chemistry, media, and public service) and of their federation (DGB) and unearths the setting up of a tripartite crisis management of the East German economic reforms, between the West German government, employers and unions. Set up as early as February 1990, this formal and informal agreement led to the adjunction of the "social" dimension to the Monetary, Economic and Social Union of May 1990, i.e. the preservation of the existing West German institutions, norms and actors of the social systems and industrial relations in unified Germany. The two collective bargaining partners became in charge of keeping social tension to a minimum during the economic reforms, through the tools of collective bargaining. The flipside of this institutional extension was the rapid setting up of trade unions structures in eastern Germany, a last aspect analyzed in this work. The rapid extension of the DGB unions and employers associations was an organizational "tour de force." But it came with a cost for the trade unions: the subjection of East German union activists in the "new" unions, and the renunciation to core programmatic claims at home.

Die vorliegende Dissertation besteht aus vier Aufsätzen, die sich mit Fragen des Außenhandels und der Arbeitsmarktökonomie auseinandersetzen. Der erste Aufsatz untersucht in einem internationalen Oligopol die Interaktion zwischen Handelsliberalisierung, Produkt- und Prozessinnovationen und der relativen Nachfrage nach niedrig qualifizierten Arbeitnehmern. Der Abbau von Handelsschranken führt zu einer Verschärfung des Wettbewerbs, auf die die konkurrierenden Firmen reagieren, indem sie ihre Investitionen in Produkt- und Prozessinnovationen ausweiten. Infolgedessen sinkt die Nachfrage nach niedrig qualifizierten Arbeitnehmern. Der zweite Aufsatz analysiert die Wirkung eines einseitigen Mindestlohnes in einem Zwei-Länder-Modell, in dem Firmen den ausländischen Markt entweder durch Exporte oder durch lokale Tochterfirmen bedienen. Eine Liberalisierung des Handels erhöht die negativen Beschäftigungseffekte von Mindestlöhnen. Dagegen begrenzt die Existenz von multinationalen Unternehmen den durch Mindestlöhne verursachten Arbeitsplatzabbau. Der dritte Aufsatz untersucht, wie sich kollektive Tarifverhandlungen bei freiem Marktzutritt auf die Produktivität und den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg von heterogenen Firmen auswirken. Zentrale Lohnverhandlungen verschärfen den Auswahlprozess und erhöhen die durchschnittliche Produktivität und den Gewinn überlebender Firmen. Stattdessen begünstigen dezentrale Tarifverhandlungen weniger produktive Firmen. Sind die Firmen internationalem Wettbewerb ausgesetzt, so können auch zentrale Tarifverhandlungen die Produktivität reduzieren. Der vierte Beitrag untersucht empirisch die Auswirkungen von Offshoring auf Arbeiterflüsse in Deutschland. Während Offshoring die Stabilität von Beschäftigungsverhältnissen in der verarbeitenden Industrie nicht beeinflusst, geht es einher mit einer Zunahme der Beschäftigungsstabilität im Dienstleistungssektor. Die Effekte von Offshoring hängen ferner stark vom Alter und der Bildung des einzelnen Arbeitnehmers ab. / This dissertation consists of four essays that contribute to the literature on international trade and labour markets. The first essay studies the interaction between economic integration, product and process innovation, and relative skill demand in a model of international oligopoly. As trade barriers are dismantled foreign competition intensifies. Competing enterprises respond by investing more aggressively in both product and process innovation. The relative demand for unskilled workers decreases as a result. The second essay studies labour market outcomes in a model of intra-industry trade between a rigid-wage Europe and a flexible-wage America. Firms can choose to serve the foreign market either through exports or through local subsidiaries. The essay demonstrates that the adverse employment effects of a unilateral wage floor increase significantly when trade barriers are removed. Multinational firms mitigate the adverse employment effects of one-sided wage rigidity. The third essay analyses how different unionisation structures affect firm productivity and firm performance in a monopolistic competition model with heterogeneous firms and free entry. While centralised bargaining induces tougher selection among heterogeneous producers and increases average productivity and profit levels, firm-level bargaining allows less productive entrants to remain in the market. The positive effect of centralised bargaining on average productivity can, however, be overturned when firms face international low-wage competition. Finally, the fourth chapter analyses empirically the effect of offshoring on workers'' labour market transitions in Germany. The results suggest that the effects of offshoring are strongly age- and skill-specific and also vary between sectors. While offshoring does not affect overall job stability in the manufacturing sector, it is associated with an increase in overall job stability in the service sector.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-03T14:01:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Artequilino da Silva Neto.pdf: 26570597 bytes, checksum: 3d305eb0f4ff9d001a88571276f7ae12 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-03T14:01:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Artequilino da Silva Neto.pdf: 26570597 bytes, checksum: 3d305eb0f4ff9d001a88571276f7ae12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This Doctoral Thesis, linked to the line of researches Language and Work, aims at analysing the interdiscursive relationship that involves and constitutes the Banking Workers Unions of São Paulo and Santos discourses. Both trade unions represent the banking category in their bases, with the purpose of protecting their economic and labour interests. A historical analysis of the Banking Union Movement reveals the course of struggles undertaken over the time and its consequences in the present days. Changes in the world of work keep happening and they include transformations in the Brazilian banking industry that currently promotes structural changes, which affect employment and working conditions of banking workers. In this context, the role of the Banking Union Movement is played within a complex dynamic of interactions that include financial institutions, banking workers, judiciary, trade unions, government, and the population. Collective negotiations take place at the base data of the category and represent the climax of the confrontation of interests that put on opposing tables the Baking Unions and workers' representatives. This is a critical moment that reveals the discursive tensions that assume and express distinct ideological positioning in the treatment of issues involving conflicting relationships between Capital and Labour in its union, social, political, economic, and historical aspects. The central thesis of this research is proven with the prevalence of the hypothesis that the unions of bank workers of São Paulo and Santos establish among themselves a competitive relationship characterized by distinct discursive movements, while at the same time working together under the guidance of a unified national command. In addition, assume a convergence of purpose in confrontation with the bankers, although adopt different forms of resistance and opposition to the bankers, represented by the FENABAN - Banks National Federation. The theoretical basis adopted are the concepts of Discursive Ethos, Scenography, and Intersemiotic Practices, mobilized from the constraints established by Global Semantics, as conceived by Dominique Maingueneau, within the assumptions of a qualitative work. The articulation between theory and methodological procedures made possible the in-depth analysis of the corpus, delimited to the Banking Workers Union’s discourses and constituted by the newspaper “Baking News” of the Banking Syndicate of São Paulo and the “Banking Information” published by the Banking Syndicate of Santos. I collected and analysed the texts of information presented in digital media related to the ‘2015 Salary Campaign’, from August 1st to November 7th, from the first negotiations to the end of the category strike movement, which lasted 21 days and made possible the signing of Collective Instruments: Collective Labour Convention, and Collective Labour Agreements. In corpus analysis, I considered the principle of interdiscourse, focusing specifically the production of meanings in the sections in which the unions let themselves converge and those in which they demonstrate dissent / A presente tese, ligada à linha de pesquisa “Linguagem e Trabalho”, tem por objetivo analisar a relação interdiscursiva que envolve e constitui os discursos dos sindicatos dos bancários de São Paulo e de Santos. Ambos os sindicatos representam a categoria dos bancários em suas respectivas bases, com a finalidade de resguardar os seus interesses econômicos e laborais. A análise histórica do movimento sindical bancário revela o percurso das lutas empreendidas ao longo do tempo e as suas consequências nos dias atuais. As mudanças no mundo do trabalho continuam acontecendo e incluem as transformações na indústria bancária brasileira, que atualmente promove mudanças estruturais que afetam o emprego e as condições de trabalho dos bancários. Nesse contexto, o papel do movimento sindical dos bancários é desempenhado dentro de uma complexa dinâmica de interações que inclui as instituições financeiras, os trabalhadores bancários, o poder judiciário, as centrais sindicais, o governo e a população em geral. As negociações coletivas acontecem na data-base da categoria e representam o clímax do confronto de interesses que colocam em mesas opostas os sindicatos dos trabalhadores bancários e os representantes dos empregadores. Trata-se de um momento crítico, revelador das tensões discursivas que assumem e expressam posicionamentos ideológicos distintos no tratamento das questões que envolvem as relações conflituosas entre capital e trabalho em seus aspectos de natureza sindical, social, política, econômica e histórica. A tese central desta pesquisa é comprovada com a prevalência da hipótese de que os sindicatos dos trabalhadores bancários de São Paulo e de Santos estabelecem entre si uma relação de concorrência caracterizada por movimentos discursivos distintos, ao mesmo tempo em que atuam conjuntamente sob a orientação de um comando nacional unificado. Outrossim, assumem uma convergência de propósitos na confrontação com os banqueiros, apesar de adotarem diferentes formas de resistência e de oposição aos banqueiros, representados pela Federação Nacional dos Bancos (Fenaban). A base teórica adotada recorreu aos conceitos de ethos discursivo, cenografia e práticas intersemióticas, mobilizados a partir das coerções estabelecidas pela Semântica Global, tal como concebida por Dominique Maingueneau, dentro dos pressupostos de uma pesquisa qualitativa. A articulação entre teoria e procedimentos metodológicos possibilitou a análise aprofundada do corpus, delimitado aos discursos dos sindicatos dos bancários e constituído pelos jornais Folha Bancária, do Sindicato dos Bancários de São Paulo, e o Informativo bancário, publicado pelo Sindicato dos Bancários de Santos e Região. Foram coletados e analisados os textos dos informativos apresentados em meio digital relacionados à Campanha Salarial de 2015, que aconteceu no período de 1 de agosto a 7 de novembro de 2015, envolvendo desde as primeiras negociações até o fim do movimento grevista da categoria, que teve a duração de 21 dias e possibilitou a assinatura dos Instrumentos Coletivos: Convenção Coletiva de Trabalho e dos Acordos Coletivos de Trabalho. Na análise do corpus, considerou-se o princípio do interdiscurso, focalizando especificamente a produção de sentidos nos trechos em que os sindicatos se deixam confluir e aqueles nos quais demonstram dissentir

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2019-03-15T12:26:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis Carlos Rodrigues Alecrim.pdf: 2762929 bytes, checksum: 49cb0c1ee91df6ee0b4f4cb2f5e4983c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-15T12:26:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis Carlos Rodrigues Alecrim.pdf: 2762929 bytes, checksum: 49cb0c1ee91df6ee0b4f4cb2f5e4983c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-02-25 / The present dissertation aims at demonstrating the origins and the various forms and sources of union funding. Initially, we briefly define ―union‖under the perspective of several jurists. Right after, the historical evolution of unions in their origins and in Brazil is demonstrated, as well as all the development of the Brazilian legislation, from the initial laws, advancing to the Brazilian Labor Code (CLT) and concluding with the labor reform, established by Law 13.467/2017. A comparative analysis has also been made between Convention 87 of the ILO and the Brazilian legislation. Subsequently, we analyze the numerous sources of union funding allowed by Brazilian law and the contributions that fund the unions' financial system, among which we highlight the following: associative, union, confederative, welfare and union contribution due to negotiations (bargaining contribution), demonstrating the evolution of the contributions and their importance for the topic addressed in the present dissertation. Another topic illustrates what union funding is and how it works in other countries. Finally, we debate the labor reform capitulated by Law 13.467/2017 and its main aspects regarding union funding. The major change caused by the law, determining the end of mandatory union contribution is extensively discussed in all its aspects, mainly with respect to the great financial impact that the end of the mandatory payroll deduction has been causing to the union funding system. Concluding the present dissertation, we intend to demonstrate a perspective of the future of the unions in light of the end of the mandatory payroll deduction of union contributions / O presente trabalho de dissertação procura demonstrar as origens, as diversas formas e fontes de financiamento sindical. Inicialmente fazemos uma breve definição de sindicato sob a ótica de diversos juristas. Logo em seguida é demonstrada a evolução histórica dos sindicatos nos primórdios e no Brasil, bem como toda a evolução da legislação brasileira desde as primeiras leis, passando pela CLT e finalizando com a reforma trabalhista instituída pela Lei 13.467/2017. Também fora feita uma análise comparativa entre a Convenção 87 da OIT e a legislação brasileira. Posteriormente é feita uma analise sobre as diversas fontes de financiamento sindical permitido pelo direito brasileiro e as contribuições que custeiam o sistema financeiro dos sindicatos, dentre elas destacamos: associativa, sindical, confederativa, assistencial e negocial, demonstrando a evolução das contribuições e a sua importância para o tema abordado na presente dissertação. Em outro tópico é demonstrado como são e como funciona o financiamento sindical em diversos países. Por fim é debatida a reforma trabalhista capitulada pela lei 13.467/2017, e seus principais aspectos no que se refere ao financiamento sindical. A principal alteração trazida pela lei determinando o fim da obrigatoriedade do imposto sindical é amplamente debatida em todos os aspectos, principalmente no grande impacto financeiro que o fim da obrigatoriedade do desconto da contribuição sindical vem causando no sistema de financiamento sindical. Encerrando a presente dissertação procuramos demonstrar uma perspectiva do futuro dos sindicatos com o fim da obrigatoriedade do desconto das contribuições sindicais

Mon travail de thèse analyse les discours journalistiques et syndicalistes durant le processus transitionnel sur l'assembléisme ouvrier. L'objectif est de comprendre comment les mobilisations ouvrières assembléistes ont été domestiquées et subordonnées aux organisations politiques et syndicales de l'opposition démocratique. L'assembléisme ouvrier ne constitue pas un événement anecdotique et la marginalisation des pratiques assembléistes est en partie la conséquence de discours publics qui les discréditent et qui, se faisant, construisent une culture politique démocratique spécifique où le radicalisme ouvrier n'a plus d'espace et dans laquelle les grévistes sont invités à rejeter leurs structures assembléistes pour accepter le monopole de la représentation du social par les syndicats. / My work analyses trade union and journalistic discourses on the role played bay worker's assemblies during the spanish transitional process with the aim of understanding how their mobilisation was subjugatd and subordinated by political organisations and trade unions who were in the opposition to demicratisation. The worker's assemblies were not anecdotal events, and the marginalisation on their meetings was party the consequences of public discourses that deligitimated them. Moreover, the discourses contributed to the construction of a specific political culture wich rejetcs worker radicalism. Thus, worker's were asked to rejetc own democratic structures and accept the monopoly of social representation by the trade unions.

The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-10-21T14:23:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LENARA GIRON DA SILVA_.pdf: 1909752 bytes, checksum: 7fde4282ff8b81097a6a1684da9efdec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-21T14:23:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LENARA GIRON DA SILVA_.pdf: 1909752 bytes, checksum: 7fde4282ff8b81097a6a1684da9efdec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-31 / Nenhuma / Quando se fala genericamente em globalização, surgem inúmeros temas desafiadores -muitos envolvendo o foco de interesse do Direito. Presentemente, não se podem ignorar as irritações do Sistema Econômico ao Sistema do Direito, em especial no direito do trabalho. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar de que forma as relações laborais estão sendo regulamentados na sociedade mundial. A busca constante de lucro pelo sistema econômico que através das organizações empresariais estão se estruturando, cada vez mais,para alcançar o baixo custo da produção, bem como a falta de parâmetro dos direitos laborais acarretam problemas na sociedade e provocam a necessidade dereprodução do sistema do direito. O sistema político, com os avanços da sociedade mundial, passa ter dificuldades para regulamentar os direitos laborais, pois o Estado da forma que está organizado não se mostra efetivo para resolução de relações de trabalho que ultrapassam suas fronteiras. Em um primeiro momento, surge a busca pela regulamentação dos direitos laborais no âmbito da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), todavia, ainda que de suma importância, esta não possui estrutura efetiva para lidar com a complexidade dos direitos laborais, devido à sua dificuldade de apresentar mecanismos que permitam aplicação de suas convenções, sua aceitação e, assim, sua reafirmação. Com o intuito de fornecer uma resposta à sociedade, a OIT se reproduz prevendo o direito à liberdade sindical e a negociação coletiva, como princípios fundamentais. Portanto, o trabalho proposto pretende responder: de que forma os direitos laborais estão sendo regulados em uma sociedade mundial, diante da não efetividade da OIT? Acerca disso, constatou-se que uma das soluções decorre do acoplamento estrutural do Sistema do Direito do Trabalho e do Sistema Econômico, através de Tratados Internacionais com a previsão de cláusulas sociais em uma atuação conjunta da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) e OIT. Para além da referida solução, e de forma mais efetiva, tem-se a negociação coletiva promovida pelas Organizações Sindicais e Empresas Transnacionais. As Centrais Sindicais estão efetuando um constante trabalho pela regulamentação mundial dos direitos laborais sociais, visando ao respeito e à dignidade ao trabalhador. Utilizou-se, para tanto, como aporte teórico ao estudo em questão, a Teoria dos Sistemas. O método adotado foi o sistêmico. / When speaking generally, about globalization, many challenging issues arise, many involving the Law’s focus of interest. Presently, the exasperations of the economic system cannot ignore the Labor Law, which has been deeply affected by the effects and requirements of this worldwide phenomenon. This paper aims to analyze how the transactional labor rights are being regulated in the global society. Labor relations are increasingly widespread and without parameters, due to the constant pursuit of profit by multinational companies that are organized in seeking low production cost, directly impelling the worker’s human rights.The State, before this overview, no longer suffices to regulate labor rights, as labor relations go beyond its borders. At first comes the search for the regulation of labor rights in the International Labor Organization (ILO), however this organization, although extremely important, does not have enough structures to deal with the complexity of labor rights, due to its failure power of coercion and punishment. In order to reply to society, the International Labor Organization reproduces providing a right to freedom of association and collective bargaining as fundamental principles. Thus the suggested work aims to answer: How labor rights are being regulated in a global society facing the failure of the ILO? One of the solutions can be found in the structural coupling of labor law system and the economic system through International Treaties with the prediction of social clauses in a joint effort of the World Trade Organization and the International Labor Organization. In addition to this solution, and more effectively, there is the collective bargaining promoted by the unions and transactional companies. The Trade Unions are doing a constant effort in search of a worldwide regulation of social labor rights aiming to respect a worthy job to the worker. The provided theoretical support used is the Luhmann’s Theory of Social Systems. The method used is the deductive, because it will start from general premises to specific assumptions.

Depuis une trentaine d’années, les travaux français qui portent sur les grandes surfaces alimentaires en sociologie du travail ont privilégié l’étude des caissières sans se soucier outre mesure des salariés des rayons. Cette thèse vise à rétablir ce déséquilibre en se focalisant sur les managers de rayon, premier niveau d’encadrement des magasins.Afin d’étudier ce groupe, nous commençons par mobiliser la sociologie du travail pour conduire une analyse microsociologique de leur travail quotidien. Les managers ont pour principales missions de faire progresser le chiffre d’affaires et la marge des rayons sous leur responsabilité ainsi que de motiver leurs équipes d’employés. Ils sont donc en interaction constante avec les employés chargés de la mise en rayon des produits, d’une partie des commandes et de la gestion des stocks, mais aussi avec d’autres interlocuteurs comme les fournisseurs ou encore les clients. Ce sont les membres de la direction du magasin (manager secteur, directeur) qui leur donnent des directives, contrôlent leurs résultats et évaluent leur comportement.Afin de prendre de la hauteur vis-à-vis des interactions quotidiennes, nous mobilisons également la sociologie des professions pour conduire une analyse davantage mésosociologique et macrosociologique. Nous étudions de cette façon les transformations de l’organisation du travail dans les magasins et celles du groupe des managers de rayon, toutes deux étroitement corrélées aux mutations structurelles de la branche de la distribution qui s’adapte en permanence aux aléas de la conjoncture économique et au goût versatile des consommateurs. Nous nous focalisons par conséquent sur les changements du travail, de l’emploi et de l’organisation des supermarchés et des hypermarchés qui touchent les managers depuis les années 2000 et s’accélèrent au cours des années 2010.Contrairement aux monographies réalisées sur les caissières, cette approche permet au moins deux choses. Premièrement, nous pouvons replacer dans leur contexte les nombreuses transformations du travail, de l’organisation et de l’emploi qu’ont vécues les salariés des rayons depuis le tournant des années 2010. Quand cela s’avère nécessaire, nous détaillons l’impact différencié de ces mutations sur les managers en fonction de leur appartenance à un ou plusieurs segments professionnels : enseigne intégrée vs indépendante, rayons alimentaires vs non alimentaires, zone urbaine vs rurale, supermarchés vs hypermarchés, faible présence syndicale vs délégués syndicaux revendicatifs.Notre approche nous permet par ailleurs de développer une réflexion dans le champ de la sociologie des professions : entre une approche fonctionnaliste qui se focalise sur l’unité d’une profession et une approche interactionniste qui insiste sur la diversité des pratiques au sein d’un même groupe professionnel, nous mobilisons le concept d’ethos professionnel pour penser à la fois l’unité et la diversité du groupe des managers de rayon. Nous proposons pour ce faire une définition personnelle de l’ethos en trois dimensions : une dimension pratique (activité, tâches, travail concret), une dimension symbolique (discours, normes, valeurs, représentations) et une dimension sociale (sexe, classe, race, diplôme, âge). Cet ethos ainsi défini articule les caractéristiques objectives d’un groupe professionnel avec ses valeurs et représentations et avec son travail concret.La thèse se divise en deux grandes parties. La première décrit la dimension pratique de l’ethos professionnel des managers de rayon. La seconde ajoute les dimensions symbolique et sociale de cet ethos bousculé par les récentes réorganisations des magasins. La thèse se conclut par une définition précise du concept d’ethos professionnel qui ouvre des perspectives de recherche concernant d’autres groupes professionnels. / For the past 30 years, research in France concerning workplace sociology within supermarkets and hypermarkets have highly favored the study of cashiers, thus disregarding the department employees. The aim of this dissertation is to restore this discrepancy by focusing on department managers who represent the first level of management in retail stores.In order to study this specific workforce, a focus on workplace sociology was initially necessary to advance a microsociological analysis of their daily work. The main tasks of department managers are to increase the turnover and the profits of the departments they are responsible for as well as keeping up the motivation of their teams. Therefore, they are interacting on a daily basis with the employees responsible for shelving, ordering, and stock managing products as well as dealing with suppliers and customers. Instructions are given by the store management i.e. store manager or sector manager, who also check the employees’ results and assess their behavior. To get some insight into the daily interactions in a supermarket, the sociology of professions was considered to produce a mesosociological and macrosociological analysis of the workplace and employment. This serves as a way to study the evolution in retail stores’ work structure as well as the changes in the particular group of department managers. Both are closely linked to the structural changes of the retail industry which is constantly adjusting to the contingencies of the economic context and the changeable desire of customers. Therefore, the mutations at work will be highlighted, for the employment and management in supermarkets and hypermarkets, which have impacted managers since the early 2000s ; a process that began accelerating around 2010.Unlike the numerous monographs that can be found on the topic of cashiers, this approach will focus on two elements. First, we will contextualize the structural and employment evolutions at work that retail employees have faced since the turn of the 2010s. We will elaborate, when needed, on the differentiated impact of these mutations on managers depending on their relation to one or several professional segments: food store chains vs. independent stores, food department vs. non-food departments, urban areas vs. rural areas, supermarkets vs. hypermarkets, weak union presence vs. strong union representation. In addition, this method leads to a deeper consideration on the sociology of professions: 1) a functionalist theoretical approach which focuses on the individuality of a profession and 2) an interactionist theoretical approach underlining the variety of practices within the same professional group. The concept of professional ethos is all the while used to encompass both the uniqueness and variety of department managers. A personal interpretation of this ethos will be developed revolving around 3 points: a practical dimension (practice, activities, tasks, rules, daily missions), a symbolic dimension (discourse, norms, values, representations) and a social dimension (gender, education, age, social category). This new definition of ethos, remaining consistent with the objective features of a professional group and its values, representation, and daily work, will open up new perspectives of research regarding other professional groups.This dissertation is divided into two parts. The first is dedicated to the practical dimension of the professional ethos of department managers. The second is devoted to the symbolic and social aspects of this work ethos which has been disturbed by the recent restructuring of retail stores. This thesis will conclude with an accurate definition of the concept of professional ethos which will contribute to understand other professional groups.

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.