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This essay compares the public debate in Sweden 1992 caused by the reforms introduced by the then government giving parents a free choice of schools for their children with the current debate in France about proposals for a similar law there. The study concentrates on the positions taken by the teachers trade unions, in Sweden Lärarförbundet and Lärarnas Riksförbund (LR) and in France SGEN-CFDT. To do so it is necessary also to study the arguments given for and against the proposals by the political parties. Some of the differences between the debates can be attributed to different circumstances. The Swedish reform was related to the opening up of possibilities to run private schools, which previously had been rare in Sweden. The French debate has no such connections. The private schools, mostly Catholic, have a very stable share of the students and no side is openly arguing for a change of any sort. Other differences depend on the French adversity to liberalism, almost always conflated with neo-liberalism which makes market-oriented arguments much less common in French public debate. Among the trade unions the big difference is between the two Swedish organisations, LR was overall positive to the proposals while Lärarförbundet opposed them. In France SGEN-CFDT takes a position strikingly similar to Lärarförbundets in Sweden 1992 seeing free choice as undermining the idea of a school system for all. In Sweden that idea is seen as a part of the welfare state, closely connected to the Social Democratic party. In France it is seen as a republican idea, connected to an idea of citizenship. The trade unions of the teachers in both France and Sweden are also in similar positions as their role has become merely reactive. There seems to be little room left for them to formulate policy and push the educational systems in their prefered directions.

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T10:32:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinto_GeraldoAugusto_D.pdf: 3740087 bytes, checksum: 69a9eaea78524b43a0163c2b3f00a928 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: A década de 90 trouxe grandes mudanças nas relações entre o Estado, as empresas e os trabalhadores no Brasil. Na indústria automotiva, a abertura comercial permitiu às montadoras aplicar estratégias globais no suprimento de autopeças, configurando uma cadeia de fornecimento hierarquizada, onde, nos primeiros níveis, estão as fabricantes de sistemas completos dos veículos (sistemistas), as quais também reproduzem estas relações com suas fornecedoras. Acompanhando este processo, mudanças na gestão do trabalho têm reformulado as estruturas de cargos nas plantas, exigindo novas competências aos assalariados e alterando o relacionamento que mantêm entre si nas esferas gerenciais e operacionais, fatos que se refletiram na própria organização do movimento sindical. Focando tais transformações no setor de autopeças da região de Campinas, os objetivos desta tese são compreender: (1) os principais aspectos das relações estabelecidas entre plantas filiais de grupos transnacionais com suas matrizes, bem como com suas clientes e fornecedoras, nos processos de hierarquização e redução da cadeia automotiva, cujo deslanchar no Brasil ocorreu em meio à desnacionalização deste setor; (2) como estes aspectos se relacionam com a implantação da gestão flexível do trabalho nestas plantas filiais, inclusive no tocante à conjugação de métodos dos sistemas taylorista/fordista e toyotista; (3) como tais mudanças têm afetado os trabalhadores, seja quanto aos perfis profissionais e educacionais exigidos e o montante de empregos ofertados, seja quanto às formas de mobilização e negociação sindicais construídas neste contexto. Para a consecução destes objetivos, revisamos a literatura sobre a reestruturação produtiva e sua difusão no Brasil após os anos 90, e realizamos um estudo de caso empírico numa empresa transnacional, situada na região de Campinas e fornecedora tanto de grandes sistemistas de autopeças quanto de montadoras. O Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de Campinas também foi pesquisado, mediante entrevistas junto à sua direção e presidência, nas quais se abordaram as ações desta entidade em face da reestruturação produtiva nas empresas e das políticas neoliberais, suas concepções acerca das conseqüências destes processos sobre os trabalhadores, bem como o relacionamento que o sindicato vem tendo com a CUT. Os resultados mostram que a desnacionalização do setor de autopeças brasileiro teve profunda relação com as estratégias globais dos grupos transnacionais desta indústria, refletindo um embate entre corporações dos EUA e da Europa frente ao avanço da concorrência nipônica, liderada pela Toyota, embate no qual têm contado com a atuação dos Estados e das classes trabalhadoras. A implantação da gestão flexível nas plantas filiais de países periféricos, por sua vez, não apenas é parte desta luta mundial pela acumulação de capital, como a reproduz no próprio relacionamento cotidiano entre os assalariados, das gerências ao chão de fábrica, onde a hibridez do taylorismo/fordismo com o toyotismo tem configurado perfis de qualificação que fragmentam social, econômica e politicamente os trabalhadores. Por fim, a terceirização e o desemprego que emergiram destes processos têm imposto obstáculos à ação sindical, levando tensões e rupturas entre instâncias locais, estaduais e federais nos setores mais combativos, como ilustra o rompimento do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de Campinas com a CUT / Abstract: The Nineties brought significant changes to the relations among the state, the companies and the working class in Brazil. In the automotive industry, the commercial opening allowed car assembly companies to utilize global strategies on its parts supply, forming a hierarchized supply chain where, in the first levels are the manufacturers of complete vehicle systems (systemists), which also reproduce these relations with their suppliers. Following this process, changes in work management have remodeled the position structures in plants, demanding new competences to working class and altering the relationship that is maintained among them on the operational and managerial aspects, facts that reflected in the own union movement organization. Focusing on such transformations in the automotive components sector in the region of Campinas, this study is aimed at: (1) the main aspects of the relations established among branch plants belonging to transnational groups towards their headquarters, clients and suppliers, in the hierarquization and reduction of automotive chain whose boom occurred during this sector¿s denationalization; (2) how these aspects are related to the implantation of flexible work management in these branch plants, including when it comes to the taylorist/fordist and toyotist systems; (3) how these changes have affected working class, whether to their required personal and educational skills, whether to their union mobilization and negotiations build in this context. In order to achieve these goals, we went over the literature about productive restructuration and its spread across Brazil after the nineties, and we carried out an empirical study case in a transnational company, located in the region of Campinas and both supplier of big automotive components and assembly companies. The Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de Campinas was also surveyed, through interviews along with its management running, in which actions of this institution were approached in the face of companies productive restructuration and neo-liberal policies, their conceptions about the consequences of these processes to the working class, as well as the good relationship the union has had with CUT. Results have shown that the automotive components sector denationalization had a deep relation with the global strategies of transnational groups of this industry, reflecting a struggle between American¿s and European¿s corporations against the Nipponese competition, led by Toyota, struggle which has counted on States and the working class. The flexible management implantation in the branch plants of peripheral countries, on the other hand, is not only part of this world struggle for capital accumulation, as well as the reproduction on the daily relations among in shop floor managers, where the taylorism/fordism hybridity along with toyotism systems have formed profiles of qualification that fragment socially, economically and politically the working class. Lastly, outsourcing and unemployment which rose from these processes have build big roadblocks to union actions, conducting strains and ruptures among local, state and federal institutions in the most combative sectors, as it has shown the disruption between Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de Campinas and CUT / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

Orientador: Edgar Salvadori De Decca / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T17:41:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bagatim_Alessandra_M.pdf: 1457105 bytes, checksum: 2353d91d32f41f86d833bc955c081b76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo mostrar o processo de formação e a atuação de um grupo de esquerda armado dos anos 60 auto nomeado Forças Armadas de Libertação Nacional (FALN). A atuação local e isolada deste grupo que, atipicamente, desenvolveu suas ações no interior de São Paulo, na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, e a participação de trabalhadores rurais entre seus membros são características que o diferenciam dos demais. O desenrolar da pesquisa traz uma contextualização sobre os movimentos políticos, econômicos e sociais ocorridos em Ribeirão Preto no decorrer da década de 50 e, principalmente, na década de 60. Mostra os caminhos percorridos pelos integrantes do grupo, desde o momento anterior à formação da FALN até serem descobertos e presos. Destaca, por fim, a participação de alguns trabalhadores rurais no grupo e a forma como a Igreja católica local viu-se envolvida nesta trama política / Abstract: This research has the main objective to show the formation process and the activity of an armed left group in the 1960s, self named National Armed Forces of Liberation (FALN). The local and isolated activity of this group that atypically developed their actions in the interior of the State of São Paulo, in the city of Ribeirão Preto, and the participation of rural workers among their members are characteristics that make this group very different from the others. The development of the research gives us a contextualization about the social, political and economic movements that happened in Ribeirão Preto in the 1960s, mainly in the 1960s. It shows the ways traveled by the members of the group since the first moment of the FALN formation until their members be discovered and imprisoned. The research also emphasizes the participation of some rural workers in the group and how the local Catholic Church was involved in that political plot / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T06:37:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_E.G._M.pdf: 1300324 bytes, checksum: e5fd61768463060381bc90c713d33c3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Neste trabalho, nosso objetivo consiste em analisar os aspectos fundamentais da ação do Sindicato de Empregados Rurais de Cosmópolis, município localizado no interior do Estado de São Paulo, diante da intensificação da mecanização da colheita da cana-de-açúcar pela Usina Açucareira Ester S/A na década de 2000. Este sindicato logrou uma ação reivindicativa relevante junto aos trabalhadores canavieiros no final dos anos 1990, a qual culminou na implantação de um sistema de controle da produção no corte da cana denominado Quadra Fechada, que tinha como característica principal a presença constante do sindicato nos locais de trabalho. No entanto, a expansão da colheita mecanizada e o aumento do desemprego entre os assalariados rurais afetaram negativamente a organização sindical destes trabalhadores, na medida em que resultaram no distanciamento entre estes e seus dirigentes sindicais e no desaparecimento da atividade sindical nos locais de trabalho. Para compreender a ação do SER-Cosmópolis, que incorporou alguns elementos do discurso neoliberal, analisamos a sua inserção junto aos trabalhadores, as orientações político-ideológicas de suas lideranças, as táticas e formas de luta escolhidas em resposta ao atual contexto de desemprego, assim como a forma como os trabalhadores a enxergam. Realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa que contemplou a leitura da bibliografia pertinente ao tema, a consulta de documentos sindicais e entrevistas semiestruturadas com os trabalhadores canavieiros, com os funcionários do corpo gerencial da Usina Ester e com lideranças do SER-Cosmópolis / Abstract: In this work, our goal is to analyze the fundamental aspects of the action of the Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis, a municipality in Sao Paulo State, after the intensification of mechanization in sugarcane harvesting process in Ester Sugar Mill S/A in the 2000s. The union achieved a significant share of the demands of the sugarcane harvesting workers in the late 90s, assuring the establishment of a system of production control in the sugarcane fields called Quadra Fechada (Closed Court), which had as it main feature the constant presence of the union at workplace. However, the expansion of mechanized harvesting and rising unemployment among rural workers negatively affected their trade union organization, creating a gap between them and their union leaders and disappearing the trade union activity at workplace. To understand the action of Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis - which adopted some elements of neoliberal discourse - we analyze its relationship to sugarcane harvesting workers, the politicalideological orientation of its leaders, their tactics and forms of struggle chosen in response to the current context of unemployment as well as how workers see their union and leaders. We performed a qualitative study that included the reading of the pertinent literature, consultation of union documents and conducting semi-structured interviews with sugarcane workers and employees of the management of Ester Sugar Mill and leaders of the Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

« Nulle part n'existe un aussi grand nombre d'agronomes qui consacrent leurs talens et leurs veilles à découvrir et à répandre les vérités utiles, ni un aussi grand nombre d'excellens ouvrages sur l'agriculture, et nulle part il n'y a un aussi grand nombre de fermiers ignorans et incapables de comprendre ce qu'il leur importeroit le plus d'apprécier ». Tel est le panorama de l’agriculture française dressé en 1821 par Désiré Ordinaire, membre de la Société d’agriculture du Doubs. Cette image d’une France agricole peu capable d’innovation – à l’exception des grands propriétaires agronomes – est longtemps restée ancrée dans la pensée des chercheurs, qui trop souvent ont considéré que l’agriculture a commencé à se développer avec le productivisme des années 1960. Selon nous, le « développement agricole » est pourtant un processus plus ancien, qui trouve ses fondements dans des initiatives individuelles ou collectives parfois précoces. Après avoir précisé le concept de « développement agricole », nous nous sommes donc appliqués à démontrer qu’au XIXème siècle déjà, l’agriculture française est dynamique. L’exemple du département du Doubs permet alors d’étudier les modalités du passage à la spécialisation pastorale. L’analyse des acteurs du développement agricole au cours des XIXème et XXème siècles, adossée aux méthodes prosopographique et micro-historique, autorise à proposer des éclaircissements sur les changements du monde agricole et sur leur chronologie.Au final, le suivi de plus de 800 individus – membres de la Société d’agriculture, des comices et des chambres consultatives, des syndicats et des mutuelles, ou encore des lauréats de certains concours – permet de préciser et de périodiser l’émergence des élites agricoles, acteurs du développement. Ces élites n’ont pas forcément fait le choix de la spécialisation pastorale, révélant ainsi un processus complexe entre agricolisation et pastoralisation. / « There is nowhere such a large number of agronomists who devote their talents and their days to discover and spread useful truths, nor such a large number of excellent works on agriculture, and there is nowhere such a large number of ignorant farmers, incapable of understanding what it would be important for them to appreciate ». Such is the panorama of French agriculture drawn up in 1821 by Désiré Ordinaire, member of the Agricultural Society of the Doubs. This picture of agricultural France with little ability to innovate – except for the great landowner agronomists – has long been fixed in the minds of researchers, who have often considered that agriculture started to develop with the high productivity of the 1960s. We believe that « agricultural development »is, however, an older process, rooted in individual or collective initiatives which were sometimes very early. After clarifying the concept of « agricultural development », we therefore seek to prove that French agriculture had already been dynamic during the nineteenth century. The example of the Doubs department enables us to study how it moved on to pastoral specialization. The analysis of the actors of the agricultural development during the 19th and 20th centuries, backed by prosopographical and micro-historical methods, allows us to throw light on the changes in agriculture, on their chronology.Finally, the monitoring of over 800 people – members of the Agricultural Society, of the country fair and consultative chambers, of the trade unions and mutual insurance companies, or else prizewinners – enables us to specify and date the periods when the agrarian elite, the actors in this development, emerged. This elite did not necessarily choose pastoral specialization, thus showing a complex relationship between agriculturalisation and pastoralization.

Si les mutations technologiques questionnent l’exercice classique des droits d’action collective, elles renforcent également leur nécessaire existence. La transformation de l’environnement de travail, par l’introduction de nouvelles technologies dans les entreprises et par l’utilisation de ces dernières comme outils de travail ou de communication, invite à repenser l’exercice de ces droits. D’une part, les technologies peuvent servir d’instruments à l’action collective. Elles sont alors susceptibles de prolonger le pouvoir d’agir de ceux qui les utilisent en leur offrant la possibilité d’agir différemment, de communiquer ou de faire pression sur l’entreprise autrement. D’autre part, l’introduction dans l’entreprise des technologies, la mise en place de nouveaux modes d’organisation du travail au moyen des technologies et l’utilisation de ces dernières, emportent un certain nombre de risques pour la communauté de travail. La mise en œuvre des droits d’action collective vise alors à prévenir ces risques et, le cas échéant, à réagir lorsque le risque se réalise. La création de nouvelles communautés de travail, qui n’auraient pu exister sans les technologies, nécessite encore que soient exercés des droits d’action collective pour défendre les intérêts de leurs membres. Il n’en reste pas moins que le régime juridique applicable à l’action collective ne permet pas forcément de répondre à tous ces enjeux. Explorant la manière dont s’appliquent les droits d’action collective dans un environnement exposé aux mutations technologiques, cette étude propose également des pistes d’évolution du droit applicable à l’action collective que les mutations technologiques mettent à l’épreuve. / If technological mutations challenge the classic exercise of collective action rights, they also reinforce their necessary existence. The transformation of the working environment, by the introduction of new technologies in companies and the use of them as working or communication tools, leads to rethink the exercise of these rights. On one hand, technologies can be used as instruments for collective action. Then, they are likely to extend the power of those who use them by offering them the opportunity to act differently, to communicate or to put pressure on the company differently. On the other hand, the introduction of technologies into the company, the implementation of new ways of organizing the work through technologies and the use of them, introduce risks for the working community. Therefore, the implementation of the rights of collective action aims to prevent these risks and, if necessary, to react when the risk is realized. The creation of new working communities, which could not have existed without the technologies, still requires that rights of collective action be provided to defend the interests of their members. Nonetheless, the legal regime for collective action does not necessarily meet all of these issues. While exploring the way in which collective action rights apply in an environment exposed to technological mutations, this thesis also proposes avenues of evolution of the law applicable to collective action that technological mutations put to the test.

En accédant à l'indépendance, la République de Djibouti, comme la plupart des pays anciennement colonisés, a reconduit le droit du travail mis en place pendant la période de colonisation. Il s'est agi pour les nouvelles autorités djiboutiennes de faire perdurer une réglementation faisant de la loi l'outil exclusif d'encadrement des relations de travail. Cette situation, caractérisée par une absence de créativité normative unique en Afrique, a duré presque un demi-siècle, jusqu'aux années 90. A cette époque, le pays a été atteint par la crise économique et financière. Ceci a contraint l'Etat djiboutien à se tourner vers les Institutions financières internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale) qui l’ont appelé à se désengager de la vie économique et sociale. La réforme du droit du travail entamée en 1997 et confirmée par l'adoption d'un nouveau Code du travail en 2006 s'est inscrite dans cette optique.Malgré l'offensive libérale, le nouveau droit du travail porte la marque d’une hétéronomie persistante. Toutefois, une contractualisation relative mais significative de l'encadrement juridique des relations de travail est engagée. Ainsi, les normes étatiques issues de la législation antérieure sont largement reconduites pour garantir la santé et la sécurité au travail ainsi que pour limiter et répartir le temps de travail. En revanche, en matière de fixation de la rémunération, la réforme libérale a donné lieu à une large déréglementation.A ce jour, la réforme ne paraît pas être allée au bout de sa logique libérale. Elle ne s'est pas traduite par un retrait radical de la puissance publique. Il ne fait toutefois aucun doute qu'on est bien passé du recours exclusif à la loi pour la détermination des conditions d'emploi, de travail et de rémunération, à la possibilité d'intervention, de façon inégale en fonction des matières, du contrat individuel ainsi que des conventions et accords collectifs. / Upon gaining independence, The Republic of Djibouti, as is the case with most of former colonies, renew the labour law implemented during the colonial period. For Djiboutian authorities, it is a matter of preserving a regulation which is the exclusive tool for managing working relations. This situation which is marked by the lack of a normative creativity, only peculiar to Africa, has lasted for half of a century and went on up until the 90’s during which the country witnessed a financial and economic crisis. Beset with this crisis, the Djiboutian state turned to the international financial institutions (IMF, World Bank) which impel it to disentangle from social and economic life. The reform of labour law which began in 1997 and materialized by the adoption of the new Labour Code of 2006 is truly a part of this approach.Despite the liberal offensive, the new modification which is currently under way is characterized by the remarkable persistence of heteronomy and a relative yet significant contractualization of the legal framework of working relations. With regards to the working conditions, the state standards derived from former legislation are mostly renewed to not only ensure the hygiene and the security at the work place but to limit and organize the working time. However, regarding the setting of remunerations, the liberal reform leads to a large deregulation.Up to this day, the reform has not fulfilled its liberal purpose. It has failed to result in decrease of public power. However, there is no doubt that there has been a shift from the exclusive recourse to terms and conditions of employment, work, and remuneration to the possibility of intervention, to varying degrees and according to the matters, of individual contracts as well as the conventions and collective agreements.

Worker Centers (WC) sind Interessenorganisationen, die in den USA vor allem Migrantinnen und Migranten sowie Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer im Niedriglohnsegment vertreten und die seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre stark an Zulauf gewonnen haben. Die Studie untersucht diese Formen der kollektiven Interessenvertretung mit Hilfe einer Literaturauswertung und einer Fallstudie eines WC in Deutschland. Im Zentrum stehen Fragen nach den Gründen der Entstehung von Worker Centers, den Leistungen und Arbeitsweisen; der \"effektiven\" Vertretung der Interessen ihrer Mitglieder bzw. ‚Klienten‘; und Folgen für das deutsche System der Arbeitsbeziehungen insgesamt - im Falle einer Zunahme der Verbreitung von Worker Centers. Die Auswirkungen auf das deutsche System werden als gering eingeschätzt, da sich die sozial-ökonomischen Voraussetzungen der USA, die die Dynamik der WC-Entstehung befördern, unterscheiden. So verfügen die USA über einen größeren Niedriglohnsektor; bestimmte Städte weisen weitaus höhere Konzentrationen von Migrantinnen und Migranten auf; gleichzeitig bestehen schwächere institutionelle Rechte und sozialstaatliche Unterstützungsleistungen. Allerdings zeichnen sich auch hierzulande Trends ab (Abnahme der Tarifbindung und Betriebsratsabdeckung, Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit, neue Personalkonzepte), die langfristig gesehen zu Veränderungen führen können.:1. EINLEITUNG 5 2. KONZEPTION UND METHODIK DER STUDIE 13 3. ERGEBNISSE DER LITERATURSTUDIE 19 3.1 Abgrenzung und Geschichte von Worker Centers 19 3.2 Beispiele für Worker Centers 24 3.3 Arbeitsweisen und Leistungen von Worker Centers 29 3.4 Strukturen: Organe, Beschäftigte und Ressourcen 34 3.5 Beziehungen zu anderen Akteuren und Netzwerke 36 3.6 Kontexte der Entstehung von Worker Centers 40 3.7 Exkurs: Worker Centers im internationalen Vergleich 43 4. FALLSTUDIE DES „ARBEITSLOSENZENTRUM & MEHR“ 47 4.1 Gründung und Hintergründe der Entstehung 47 4.2 Strukturen und Finanzierung 52 4.2.1. Mitgliedschaft und Gremien 52 4.2.2. Finanzierung 53 4.3 Arbeitsweisen und Aktivitäten 55 4.3.1. Aktivitätsfeld „Arbeitslosenzentrum“ 56 4.3.2. Aktivitätsfeld „Worker Center“ 59 4.4 Netzwerke und Kooperationen mit anderen Einrichtungen 65 4.5 Vergleich der Modelle 66 5. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG UND FAZIT 70 6. LITERATURVERZEICHNIS 78