Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεωρητική επισκόπηση και ανάλυση των προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων, των πεδίων συγκρούσεων, των τάσεων και των προοπτικών των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων, των σχέσεων που αναπτύσσονται ανάμεσα στους συλλογικά διαπραγματευόμενους εργαζόμενους με τους εργοδότες και διαμεσολαβείται από το κράτος και τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Επιχειρείται ο προσδιορισμός της ιστορικής τους καταβολής και εξέλιξης, ο καταλυτικός ρόλος των εργατικών συνδικάτων και η παρουσίαση των εννοιών της Βιομηχανικής Δημοκρατίας και της Βιομηχανικής Σύγκρουσης. Εξετάζεται το νέο - μεταφορντικό μοντέλο παραγωγής στα πλαίσια του σταδίου καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης του ολοκληρωτικού καπιταλισμού, η ευελιξία, η παγκοσμιοποίηση και οι διεθνικές επιχειρήσεις ως προσδιοριστικοί παράγοντες των σύγχρονων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στο διεθνές περιβάλλον, εξετάζονται οι τάσεις σύγκλισης των συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και παρουσιάζεται ένα μοντέλο εργατικού διεθνισμού ως απάντηση των εργαζομένων στις διεθνείς πιέσεις. Η μελέτη εστιάζει, επίσης, στα χαρακτηριστικά των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, στα επίπεδα συνδικαλιστικής πυκνότητας και βιομηχανικής σύγκρουσης, στους θεσμούς, στις διαδικασίες διαλόγου και στις σύγχρονες τάσεις που καταγράφονται στις Βιομηχανικές Σχέσεις σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Επιχειρείται να προσδιοριστεί πώς η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης - που εκφράζεται μέσω των «Πράσινων» και «Λευκών Βίβλων» - συμβάλει στην ανάπτυξη πεδίων συγκρούσεων και αποτελεί προσδιοριστικό παράγοντα των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και συμβάλει στην τάση σύγκλισης των εθνικών συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Η ιστορική εξέλιξη, τα χαρακτηριστικά, οι βαθμίδες και οι τύποι συνδικαλιστικής οργάνωσης των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, τα πολιτικά ρεύματα που δραστηριοποιούνται εντός του εργατικού κινήματος, η συνδικαλιστική πυκνότητα και η εξέλιξη της απεργιακής δράσης στην Ελλάδα, αποτελούν σημαντικό τμήμα στην ανάλυση των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Επιχειρείται μια σύνοψη των βασικών χαρακτηριστικών – προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων του ελληνικού συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος και η αποτύπωση των σύγχρονων τάσεων οργάνωσης εντός και εκτός των δομών του. Αποτυπώνονται τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και οι πρόσφατες εξελίξεις στο περιεχόμενο και τις δομές τους υπό την επίδραση της διαδικασίας της παγκοσμιοποίησης, του παγκόσμιου οικονομικού περιβάλλοντος και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. / The aim of the present study is the theoretical review and analysis of the defining factors, fields of conflicts, tendencies and perspectives of Industrial Relations, that are developed between collectively negotiating workers and the employers and are intermediated by the state and international organisations. It is also attempted to determinate their historical background and development, the catalytic role of working trade unions and to present significations such as Industrial Democracy and Industrial Conflict. The new post fordism mode of production in the frame of the new stage of capitalist development of totalitarian capitalism is examined, as well as the flexibility, the globalisation and the international enterprises as defining factors of modern Industrial Relations in the international environment. The tendencies of convergence of systems of Industrial Relations are also examined and a model of labor internationalism is presented as an answer of workers in international pressures. The study also focuses on the characteristics of workers’ and employers’ organisations at the level of trade-union density and industrial conflict, as well as on the institutions, the processes of dialogue and in the contemporary tendencies that are recorded in the Industrial Relations in European Union. It is attempted to determine how the policy of European Union - that it is expressed via “Green” and “White Papers” - constitutes a defining factor of Industrial Relations in the European Union and contributes to the growth of fields of conflicts and to the tendency to convergence of the national systems of Industrial Relations. The historical evolution, the characteristics, the levels and types of trade-union formation of labor and employing organisations, the political streaming activated in to the labor movement, the trade-union density and the evolution of strike action in Greece consist a major subject in the analysis of greek Industrial Relations. It is attempted a synopsis of the main characteristics and defining factors of greek labor movement and the imprinting of contemporary tendencies of internal and external organisation. The main characteristics of greek Industrial Relations and the recent developments of their content and structure under the effect of the globalisation process, the global economic environment and the European Union are recorded in the present study.

21 March 1990 marked the turning point in the Ministry of Education's policy processes in Namibia when a culture of open debate in policy making commenced. Against this background, this study focused on the role of stakeholders in the policy process with particular reference to the role played by the Namibia National Teachers' Union (NANTU) in the formulation of the staffing norms policy in Namibia. The topic was investigated by means of a literature study and an empirical investigation using a qualitative approach. Data was collected by semi-structured interviews from a small sample of Union and Ministry officials. Findings supported the role of NANTU in what was traditionally perceived a management area of jurisdiction. The role of the teachers' union in policy making is more widely accepted due to professionalism. Findings stressed the significance of stakeholder involvement in policy processes and provided a better understanding of the complex nature of policy. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Educational Management)

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base. / History / M.A. (History)

En 1944, le Conseil national de la Résistance décide de reconstruire un Etat social dans la continuité du Front populaire, avant que le second conflit ne l’interrompe. Les syndicats ouvriers réunifiés dans la CGT (sauf la CFTC) décident de soutenir ce programme. Les syndicats de fonctionnaires de Seine-Maritime s’organisent pour participer à cette reconstruction qu’ils attendaient. Quels sont leurs revendications ? Sur quoi s’appuient-ils pour les mettre en avant ? Quels sont les valeurs qu’ils défendent ? Attendent-ils tout de l’Etat social ? Quelle est leur conception de cet Etat social ? Enfin, quels moyens utilisent-ils pour le défendre et le faire progresser ? Obtenant la reconnaissance de leur liberté syndicale qui comprend le droit de grève, ils acceptent un statut qui se révèle fort protecteur vis-à-vis de l’administration et de sa hiérarchie. Ils obtiennent aussi la gestion de la Sécurité sociale par leurs mutuelles qui les entraînent, en Seine-Maritime, à construire une mutualité départementale unifiée et puissante. Toutefois, la division du monde en deux blocs, un libéral et un communiste, traverse ces syndicats et aboutit à la scission de 1947. Cela n’empêche pas la participation aux grèves de 1953 qui leur permet de sauver leur retraite. S’ils soutiennent le général de Gaulle (1890-1970) dans sa politique de décolonisation et contre les généraux factieux, ils l’affrontent sur sa politique institutionnelle, économique et sociale. La grève de 1968 en est l’aboutissement, par-delà les remises en cause. Mais pour rétablir l’Etat social qu’ils souhaitent, il leur faut soutenir les campagnes électorales de 1974 et 1981 du candidat de la gauche, François Mitterrand (1916-1996), qui l’emporte en 1981, en dépit de leurs divergences et grâce à la volonté unitaire de leurs militants. / In 1944, the National Council of Resistance decides to rebuild a welfare state, in continuation of the Popular Front, that the second World War stops it. The trade unions reunified, in CGT (except CFTC) decide to sustain this program. The trade unions of civil servants from Seine-Maritime organize themselves to take part in this rebuild that they waited for it. What are their demands ? On What do they lean themselves to put them before ? What are their values for which they fight? Do they wait all from the state ? What is their idea of this welfare state ? At least, what means do they use to fight for it and bring it to progress ? Getting the recognition of their freedom union laws, which includes right striking, they agree civil servant status which turn out very protective against their adminstration and its hierarchy. They get too the management of Health Security by their mutual insurances which lead them, in Seine-Maritme, to build a powerful departemental mutual insurance. However, the division of world in two blocks, one liberal and one communist, goes through these trade unions and leads to the break away of 1947 That does not prevent the participation to strikes of 1953 wich they are be able to save their retirement. If they sustain general De Gaulle in his decolonization policy and ag ainst seditious generals, they clash him on his institutional, économic and social policy. The strike of 1968 is the culmination of it, throuhgout adjournements. But in order to restore the welfare state that they hope, they must sustain lefts’ candidate, François Mitterrand, in their electoral compaigns of 1974 and 1981, who wins in this last year, in spite of their differences and thanks to the Will of unity of their activists.

Student Number : 0376246 - PhD thesis - School of Humanities - Faculty of Arts / This thesis examines the building of power and how workers’ control and union independence augmented or detracted from this process in the National Union of Metalworkers and its predecessors from the 1980s to the mid 1990s. These unions aimed to accrue power to improve both their members’ working conditions and to effect political and economic transformation. In this process the building of non-racial national industrial unions that cut across the ethnically constituted state, the promotion of workers’ control, and political independence from formal political organisations were central. This thesis demonstrates how Numsa and its predecessors overcame obstacles to the accrual of power and scrutinizes reasons for failures in achieving pivotal ideological goals. In the early 1980s Numsa’s predecessors constructed greater degrees of democratic organizational and bureaucratic power. The formation of Numsa in 1987 allowed for the further construction of an efficient bureaucracy to support organizational and bargaining activities. It successfully forged national bargaining forums and built hegemony across the industry. In 1993 Numsa adopted a programme through which it hoped to restructure its industries in the transitional period leading up to a new democracy. It failed however to successfully implement the programme in its entirety. Tensions emerged in union goals as membership remained focused on increased wages whilst leadership was attempting to restructure industry, enhance worker skills and augment workers’ control in the workplace. In the political sphere Numsa was largely unable to effect a deeper infusion of its socialist leanings. Though Numsa and other Cosatu unions made an important contribution to the birth of a non-racial democracy, the capitalist state succeeded in demobilizing the trade unions in their pursuit of more fundamental systemic change. By the time Numsa produced the concept of a Reconstruction Accord, later developed into the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the space to popularise a socialist perspective had been considerably reduced. Although Numsa forewent its early `party autonomous` position when Cosatu entered the ANC/SACP alliance, this was clearly far from a `state ancillary` stance. Though labour had won the right to be consulted in Nedlac and the right to strike, the possibility of dissent being diverted into bureaucratic chambers existed with a consequent loss of militant, strategic and ideological focus. Key words: trade union power, workers control, trade union independence, National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), National Automobile & Allied Workers Union (Naawu), Metal & Allied Workers Union (Mawu), Motor Industry Combined Workers Union (Micwu), post 1980 metal unions, metal union politics, metal union bargaining, metal union organisation, trade union alliances, trade unions and violence

Many in Germany argue that the minimum wage and other protective provisions for migrant workers will only be effective when workplace inspections by the enforcement body "Finanzkontrolle Schwarzarbeit" (FKS) are stepped up. For this reason, a novel cooperation agreement between the FKS and migrant workers' counseling offices has been signed, in June 2021. This step is informed by the FKS' public image of being a guardian of the minimum wage and of victims of labor exploitation. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the argument of more inspections lead to less exploitation is oversimplified. Therefore, it explores the role that the FKS has for migrant workers in more detail by using regime theory and a methodological approach informed by ethnographic border regime analysis. An analysis of the FKS' formal duties codified in the law reveals its ambivalent character. Especially the concept of unlawful employment serves as an umbrella term that conflates protective as well as punitive provisions for migrant workers. In eleven qualitative interviews, FKS officers and migrant workers' counselors mostly rejected the FKS' image as a "workers' protection squad". Instead, they think that the FKS only served the interests of the state. As a consequence, exploited workers have no immediate benefit from FKS inspections, and sometimes even experience heavy detriments like the loss of their job, housing, or unpaid wages. The most severe consequences, like expulsions or deportations, result from violations of the Residence Act. For these reasons, counselors reacted differently to the new cooperation agreement. While most counselors have strong reservations or even refuse to work with law enforcement bodies, others have found ways to cooperate without putting their clients at risk. For such successful cooperation it is crucial that FKS officers take workers' and counselors' needs seriously and adapt their routines and protocols in order to instill trust. Under the current legal and institutional configuration, increasing the number of FKS inspections is not pertinent to combat the exploitation of migrant workers. The argument that vulnerabilities of migrant workers emerge from a lack of enforcement is blinding out the fact that the enforcement of labor law itself produces vulnerabilities. Institutions tasked with the enforcement of protective provisions, must not be tasked with enforcing punitive provisions against migrant workers. Instead, workers need to be given an active role in the enforcement of their own rights.

Trade unions have been in existence for many years. Although their introduction was generally met with resistance, since their establishment trade unions have been important agents of social change worldwide. Over the years, trade unions have been involved in politics and other societal activities. In South Africa, trade unions for many years not only fought for worker’s rights within the workplace but also beyond the workplace. Trade unions started as friendly societies aimed at assisting their members with various matters, including offering financial help for education purposes and also in cases of illnesses. Although the main purpose of trade unions is to regulate relations between employees and their employers, trade unions perform other functions in society which can be broadly referred to as their social responsibility role. Unlike corporate social responsibility, which is recognised and formalised, trade union social responsibility is not, with the role and importance of social responsibility for trade unions having been largely ignored. This thesis aims at changing this by investigating their core responsibilities and their social responsibilities and subsequently making recommendations on how trade unions could recognise and accommodate their social responsibilities in their activities. It also considers factors that could assist trade unions in fulfilling their social responsibilities. Trade unions generally obtain legislative support for their core responsibilities, but not their social responsibilities; however this should not obstruct trade unions in such endeavours. As modern organisations it is high time that trade unions make a contribution towards sustainable development through their social responsibility role. / Private Law / LLD

Trade unions have been in existence for many years. Although their introduction was generally met with resistance, since their establishment trade unions have been important agents of social change worldwide. Over the years, trade unions have been involved in politics and other societal activities. In South Africa, trade unions for many years not only fought for worker’s rights within the workplace but also beyond the workplace. Trade unions started as friendly societies aimed at assisting their members with various matters, including offering financial help for education purposes and also in cases of illnesses. Although the main purpose of trade unions is to regulate relations between employees and their employers, trade unions perform other functions in society which can be broadly referred to as their social responsibility role. Unlike corporate social responsibility, which is recognised and formalised, trade union social responsibility is not, with the role and importance of social responsibility for trade unions having been largely ignored. This thesis aims at changing this by investigating their core responsibilities and their social responsibilities and subsequently making recommendations on how trade unions could recognise and accommodate their social responsibilities in their activities. It also considers factors that could assist trade unions in fulfilling their social responsibilities. Trade unions generally obtain legislative support for their core responsibilities, but not their social responsibilities; however this should not obstruct trade unions in such endeavours. As modern organisations it is high time that trade unions make a contribution towards sustainable development through their social responsibility role. / Private Law / LLD

On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratie. / One can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy.

Both the theoretical outlines of a solution to the climate and ecological crisis, as well as concrete efforts at environmental reform and energy transformation, often run into the ambivalent role of organised labour, particularly trade unions, in todays growth-oriented, fossil-fuel based economy. On the one hand, trade unions often already formally endorse the ideal of sustainability, on the other hand, in concrete environmental conflicts, they often the side with "jobs" against climate and environmental protections, and thus serve as a support of the growth-oriented fossil economy. The concept of a just transition, embodying the attempts at creating a framework in which the interests of workers and climate protection can be reconciled, thus also becomes ambivalent, serving often as a basis for arguments against more ambitious decarbonization. The aim of this thesis, drawing on the theoretical framework of critical political ecology, is to explore the possibilities of solving this dilemma in the case of Czech trade unions. On the basis of interviews with their various representatives, it will try to answer the questions: 1) what political strategy is shaping the policies of Czech trade unions in the sphere of climate and energy policy, 2) how do these trade unions see their role in the proces of a...