Navorsingsresultate toon dat treitering ‘n ernstige probleem is wat wêreldwyd voorkom, ook in Suid-Afrika en dat die getal slagoffers wat daardeur geraak word skrikwekkend hoog is. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die regsimplikasies van treitering van leerders deur mede-leerders in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole vir die onderwysbestuur en onderwysreg te ondersoek en te beskryf. Met die term “onderwysbestuur” word verwys na onderwys op nasionale vlak, provinsiale vlak en skolevlak. Die regsimplikasies vir die onderwysreg is hoofsaaklik daarin geleë dat daar nuwe kennis tot die onderwysreg toegevoeg word. Dit is aksiomaties dat regsimplikasies onlosmaaklik verbonde is aan regsreëls. Daar kan slegs sprake wees van regsimplikasies van ‘n aangeleentheid as daar regsreëls is wat die aangeleentheid beheer en rig – in die geval van hierdie studie, die regsreëls wat die bestuur en hantering van treitering in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole rig en beheer. Die regsreëls wat die bestuur en hantering van treitering in Suid-Afrikaanse openbare skole rig en beheer, is deel van die Handves, internasionale kinderregte-ooreenkomste, wetgewing, die gemene-reg, deliktereg, die strafreg en regspraak. Om die navorser in staat te stel om die regsreëls in ge-noemde regsbronne te identifiseer, is ‘n deeglike kennis van die fenomeen “treitering” noodsaaklik. Om die regsimplikasies van hierdie regsreëls te bepaal, beteken dat hierdie regsreëls binne die konteks van “treitering” as fenomeen geïnterpreteer moet word. Daar moet dus beskryf word hoe hierdie regsreëls toepassing vind met betrekking tot treitering. Die interpretasie van hierdie regsreëls binne die konteks van treitering geskied deur middel van semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude met geïdentifiseerde respondente wat geïdentifiseer is op grond van hul kennis van spesifieke regsdissiplines en die praktyk soos byvoorbeeld menseregte en kinderregte, die gemenereg, die deliktereg, die strafreg, die onderwysreg asook die regspraktyk en onderwysregspraktyk. Die beskrywing van die regsimplikasies vir die onderwysbestuur en onderwysreg is hoofsaaklik gegrond op die response (bevindinge) van die respondente, maar die regsimplikasies word uitgebrei deur die response van die respondente te verbind aan veelvuldige bronne van informasie. Hierdie aanvullende informasie wat aangewend word vir ryker beskrywing (“thick description”) lei ook die navorser tot die identifisering of beskrywing van verdere implikasies wat nie noodwendig in die respondente se response na vore gekom het nie. Die regsimplikasies van die treitering van leerders deur mede-leerders is omvattend en het implikasies vir die onderwysbestuur op nasionale vlak, provinsiale vlak, distriksvlak en skolevlak en wel ten opsigte van die volgende afdelings van die Suid-Afrikaanse reg: fundamentele regte, wet-gewing, die deliktereg en strafreg. ENGLISH: Research results indicate that bullying is a serious problem worldwide, South Africa included, and that the number of victims affected is alarmingly high. The purpose of this study is to investigate and describe the legal implications that bullying of learners by fellow learners in South African public schools has for education management and education law. “Education management” refers to education at national, provincial and school levels. The legal implications for education law lie mainly in the fact that new information is being added to the body of education law. It is axiomatic that legal implications are inextricably bound to legal rules. One can only speak of legal implications if there are legal rules that control and direct them – in the case of this study it is the legal rules that control and direct the management and operation of bullying in South African public schools. The legal rules that control and direct the management and operation of bullying in South African public schools are part of the Bill of Rights, international children’s rights conventions, legislation, common law, law of delict, case law and criminal law. A thorough knowledge of the phenomenon “bullying” was necessary to enable the researcher to identify the legal rules contained in the legal sources mentioned. In order to determine the legal implications of these legal rules, it was necessary to interpret these legal rules within the context of the phenomenon “bullying”. It was therefore necessary to describe how these legal rules are applied with regard to bullying. The interpretation of these legal rules within the context of bullying was done by means of semi-structured interviews with identified respondents who were identified on grounds of their knowledge of specific law disciplines and practice such as human rights and children’s rights, common law, the law of delict, criminal law, education law and legal practices and education law practices. The description of the legal implications for education management and education law is based mainly on the responses (findings) of the respondents, but the legal implications are extended by linking the responses of the respondents with many other sources of information. This supplementary information, which is used to enrich the description (thick description), also led the researcher to identifying or describing additional implications that were not necessarily evident from the responses of the respondents. The legal implications of the bullying of learners by fellow learners, are comprehensive and have implications for education management at national level, provincial level, district level and school level, especially in terms of the following sections of South African law: fundamental rights, legis-lation, the law of delict and criminal law. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

Au sein du débat contemporain sur les théories de la justice, les philosophes se posent de plus en plus la question de la particularisation des principes du juste dans des terrains autrement plus complexes que ceux qu’envisage John Rawls, où « toutes choses sont égales par ailleurs ». A cet égard, un nouveau domaine d’application encore peu exploré se présente dans le cadre des transitions démocratiques : quelle forme de justice doit être mise en œuvre dans ces situations extrêmes, pour répondre à des conflits identitaires ou « ethniques » semblables à ces « guerres des dieux » que le libéralisme était précisément né pour combattre ? Cette « justice transitionnelle », ainsi déjà nommée dans les cercles d’experts, comprend des dimensions à la fois rétributive, reconstructive et économique, et tend à s’apparenter à une théorie générale du juste. Ce travail entend questionner ce point de vue afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure le « cas extrême » des sociétés « post-conflit » peut constituer un « test » empirique pour certaines de nos intuitions bien fondées concernant la justice politique en général. Une tension structurelle semble en effet exister entre la « fin » de la justice transitionnelle et les moyens qu’elle emploie. Car la notion même de transition suppose une certaine téléologie : les sociétés transitent toujours « vers » quelque chose, et cet horizon politique, dans le monde de l’après-Guerre Froide où la justice transitionnelle est née, se voit toujours rapporté à une forme de démocratie libérale. Pourtant, au niveau de ses moyens, la justice transitionnelle contredit souvent cet objectif, en ayant recours à des outils et à des concepts qui remettent en question certains fondements bien pensés du libéralisme : moralisation du droit, défense des libertés positives, holisme social, sentimentalisation de la sphère publique, visée thérapeutique ou encore conception « épaisse » et substantielle de la réconciliation, semblent tous faire pencher la justice transitionnelle davantage vers une forme de perfectionnisme politique et moral que vers un libéralisme entièrement procédural et neutre. Il s’agira donc ici de comprendre dans quelle mesure ce « détour » par les situations de l’après-violence, à travers une démarche fortement applicative puisqu’elle nous confrontera à la réalité de six terrains différents (Ex-Yougoslavie, Ouganda, Rwanda, Allemagne de l’Est, Afrique du Sud, Timor Oriental), nous invite à reformuler et à infléchir certaines de nos intuitions relatives à la justice politique libérale. La notion de « capabilités », entendue comme moyen d’autonomiser les victimes de la violence, nous permettra notamment de penser les modalités de la réintroduction d’une certaine finalité éthique que le libéralisme politique traditionnel avait évacuée. Confrontée en effet à des traumatismes et à des pathologies sociales de l’ampleur de celles que nous rencontrerons, il semble en effet que l’organisation politique et sociale ait besoin d’une conception un peu plus « épaisse », plus substantielle, de ce qui constitue la morale et l’humanité de l’homme – conception que le libéralisme strictement procédural de Rawls ne semble pas pouvoir nous fournir. / Within the contemporary debate on theories of justice, philosophers are increasingly debating the possibilities of applying these principles of justice to different situations from those envisioned by John Rawls, where “all other things are equal”. A new, unexplored, field of application is therefore emerging in the form of democratic transitions: what kind of justice should be applied in extreme situations to address “war of the gods” type of identity or "ethnic" conflicts, which were precisely those that liberalism was born to overcome? This “transitional justice”, as experts have already called it, includes retributive, restorative and economic aspects, and is often construed as forming a new general theory of justice. In this paper we would like to challenge this point of view and determine to what extent the “extreme case” of post-conflict societies forms a sort of empirical test for our intuitions with regard to political justice in general. Indeed, there appears to be a structural contradiction between the ends of transitional justice and the means used to achieve it. The very notion of transition implies a kind of teleology: we always transit “towards” something, and in the post-Cold War era in which transitional justice was born, the political horizon was always some form of liberal democracy. However, the means used by transitional justice often contradict this objective, with the use of tools and concepts that counter some of the fundamental principles of political liberalism. For instance, we might name the confusion between law and morality, the defense of positive freedom, a form of social holism, a “sentimentalization” of the public sphere, a therapeutic interpretation of rights, or a “thick”, substantial, conception of reconciliation - all of which seem to lead transitional justice more towards some form of political and moral perfectionism rather than to an entirely neutral and procedural form of liberalism. In this thesis therefore, we will attempt to understand to what extent the application of transitional justice to post-conflict societies (using a quasi-experimental methodology that will entail six different case studies: ex-Yugoslavia, Uganda, Rwanda, East Germany, South Africa and Timor Leste), could lead us to redefine and modify some of our strongest intuitions dealing with liberal political justice. The notion of capability, understood as a means of empowering victims of violence, will lead us to consider ways of reintroducing a certain ethical purpose to those “ends”, which political liberalism, in its traditional form, has abandoned. Faced with extreme forms of trauma and social pathologies, it seems that political and social organization needs a “thicker”, more substantial, conception of morality and of what constitutes mankind's humanity – one that Rawls’ strictly procedural liberalism cannot provide.

This study used data from the homicides in Chicago 1965-1995 dataset (N=9,340) to examine the relationship between the use of certain types of weapons in criminal homicides by gender, race, age, victim-offender relationship, motive, location, and changes over time. Differential association and sex-role theory were utilized to argue why gender differences would occur in type of weapon used in a homicide. Subculture of violence theory was used to emphasize that the place where the homicide occurs, the relationship between the victim and offender, motive of the offender, and the remaining variables affects the type of weapon used to kill. Significant relationships were found for all bivariate analyses performed. The type of weapon used to kill differs most by sex of offender, resulting in a moderately strong association. The type of weapon used to kill differs least by age of offender and although statistically significant, the association between the two is very weak.

Victim-offender reconciliation programs (VORPs), the hallmark of the restorative justice movement, offer an alternative to the retributive approach to crime. These programs seek to bring the victim and offender together for purposes of working out a mediated settlement agreement.

Följande studie undersöker hur Expressen har gestaltat våldtäktsfall med okänd gärningsman. Sex artiklar publicerade mellan 90-talet och 10-talet analyseras med syfte att undersöka om gestaltningen har förändrats över tid i en av Sveriges största kvällstidningar. På så sätt kan studien bidra till ökad förståelse för huruvida svensk kvällspress förstärker eller utmanar samhällsuppfattningar om vem som är en potentiell gärningsman och vem som får status som offer. Som metod tillämpas en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som genomförs med utgångspunkt i gestaltningsteorin, teorin om nyhetsvärdering, det ideala offret och medielogikens dramaturgi. Artiklarna analyseras utefter fem teman: rubrik, ingress, miljö, gärningsman och offer. Studiens resultat visar att en förändring har skett från ett subjektivt och väl detaljerat narrativ till ett mer objektivt och aktsamt narrativ i Expressens nyhetsrapportering. Studien visar även att Expressen på 90-talet har gestaltat ideala gärningsmän genom monstruösa beskrivningar. Gradvis har en förändring skett, där gärningsmannen på senare år gestaltas som gemene man. Förändringarna i Expressens gestaltning tyder på att dagens gestaltning förmedlar en bred bild av vem som kan bli ett offer och vem som är benägen att utföra en våldtäkt.

Victim offender mediation is practiced to less extent in Sweden despite the method being a statutory municipal obligation. Recommendations from the existing research is to investigate the identified problems of mediation. In the first part of this qualitative study an integrative literature study has been applied to existing research on the experiences of professional mediators. The second part of the study is conducted through interviews with politicians with emphasis on the fact that a statutory municipal method is used to less extent while the nation is calling for crime prevention. The results are subsequently analyzed from organizational theory and new public management theory. The results show that there are uncertainties about the mediator's position in the legal system, indicating a discrepancy between the legislature´s intention and the social regulation and the practical activities, thus indicating existing exclusion processes within the mediation system. The results of the study also show that the legislation needs to be modified as to meet the need of social work with youth offenders. The increased debate regarding juvenile delinquency and the demand of punitive policies has created a polarization in society where the attitudes and knowledge of victim offender mediation as a method are disparate thus creating the paradox of calling out for new methods contrary using existing ones that are evaluated, implemented and legislated, such as victim offender mediation.

Prostitution som företeelse engagerar och väcker känslor, både bland individer och offentliga aktörer. I detta arbete belyser vi utvecklingen av samhällets syn på prostitutionen genom att analysera den period då den i Sverige var offentligt reglementerad och kontrollerad, 1859 – 1918. Denna tidsperiod rymmer avgörande skiftningar i offentligsamhällets syn på prostitution, en företeelse som tidigare under historien setts som en allvarlig försyndelse i sig. Reglementeringen infördes som ett smittskyddsprojekt där målet var att hejda spridningen av framför allt syfilis. Reglementeringen kom dock även att präglas av moraliska aspekter innan det, efter förnyade utredningar, konstaterades att den spelat ut sin roll för att hejda den veneriska smittspridningen. Prostitutionen kom då att regleras i andra lagrum. Studiens syfte är att, genom en kvalitativ litteraturstudie, kartlägga vilka lagar, regler och påföljder som omgärdat hanteringen av prostitutionen under den studerade perioden, hur statens och hälso-och sjukvårdens syn på prostitution sett ut och inverkat på lagstiftningen samt hur reglementeringssystemet kan förstås utifrån teorierna om stigma och det ideala offret. Arbetets huvudsakliga slutsatser är att det, i litteraturen, går att återfinna tydliga förändringar i offentligsamhällets attityder mot prostitution under den studerade perioden. I periodens början sågs prostitutionen huvudsakligen som ett sanitärt problem, men kom sedermera alltmer att betraktas som ett socialt. Vidare har vi kunnat påvisa att reglementeringssystemet väl låter sig förstås utifrån Erving Goffmans teori om stigma, men att den prostituerade kvinnans status som offer enligt Nils Christies teori om det ideala offret är mer komplex och mångfacetterad. / Prostitution as a phenomenon engages and evokes feelings, both among individuals and public actors. In this work, we illustrate the development of public society's view of prostitution by analysing the period when it was publicly regulated and controlled in Sweden, 1859 – 1918. This period contains crucial shifts in society's view of prostitution, a phenomenon previously in history seen as a serious offence in and of itself. The regulations were introduced as an infection prevention project with the goal to stop the spread primarily of syphilis. However, the regulations also came to be characterised by moral aspects before, after renewed investigations, it was stated that it had played its role in halting the spread of venereal disease and prostitution came to be regulated by other legislation. The purpose of the study is to identify, through a qualitative literature study, what laws, rules and penalties that surrounded the handling of prostitution during the studied period, what the state’s and health care system’s views on prostitution were and how they influenced the legislation and how the regulatory system can be understood based on the theories of stigma and the ideal victim. The essay’s main conclusions are that, in literature, it is possible to identify clear changes in the public society's attitudes towards prostitution during the period studied. At the beginning of the period, prostitution was mainly seen as a sanitary problem, but eventually it became viewed as a more social one. Furthermore, we have been able to demonstrate that the system of regulation can be understood on the basis of Erving Goffman's theory of stigma, but that the status of the female prostitute as victim according to Nils Christie's theory of the ideal victim is more complex and multifaceted.

Thesis ( LLM.) --University of Limpopo, 2019 / The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 provides that a child’s best interests should be of primary consideration in any matter concerning him or her. Contrary to this value, and thereby excluding protection of child victims, section 154(3) of the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 simply focusses on anonymity protection of child offenders and witness involved in criminal proceedings. It currently expressly prohibits the publication of the identities of child offenders and witnesses when the media makes publications on the relevant criminal proceedings. However, this protection terminates once such child offenders and witnesses attain majority, therefore arbitrarily stripping them of the identity protection. As a result, media houses are not only at liberty to publish on criminal proceedings identifying child victims, but also to expose the identities of child offenders and witnesses upon attaining majority. Such publications have proved to impede on children’s rights, as well as to contribute to the psychological challenges faced by the children whenever they are exposed to the criminal justice system. In this study the constitutional validity of section 154(3) is investigated and it is argued that it is unconstitutional in all respects. The section contradicts the specific right afforded to all children in the Bill of Rights, as well as other ancillary rights, which ought to ensure the progressive realisation of the protection afforded in terms of section 154(3). It is recommended, firstly, that section 154(3) be declared unconstitutional, and be amended to include child victims within the ambit of its protection. Secondly, the protection should extend beyond the age of 18, in respect of all children involved in criminal proceedings. / National Research Foundation

Studien undersöker fall av kriskommunikation på sociala medier och dess respons under covid-19 pandemin. Syftet är att få djupare förståelse för kriskommunikation på sociala medier under en pandemi. Fallen som analyseras är musikfestivalsarrangörer som ställt in sina event på grund av pandemin och använt sig av Facebook för att informera sina kunder om krisen. Responsen som analyseras är kommentarerna till arrangörernas Facebookinlägg om inställt event. Studiens ramverk bygger på Timothy Coombs Situational Crisis Communication Theory  (SCCT). Både en kvalitativ och kvantitativ metod har använts. Den kvalitativa analysen grundar sig i retoriken och undersöker arrangörernas användning av retorikens olika appeller samt hur de ställer sig till krisen i deras Facebookinlägg. Den kvantitativa analysen undersöker hur informationen har bemötts av deras kunder. Både teorin SCCT och retoriken används för att kartlägga arrangörernas val av krisstrategier. Arrangörerna som undersökts är: Ultra Music Festival (UMF), Roskilde Festival (RF) och Tomorrowland (TL). De frågor som besvaras i studien är: 1. Vilken respons får arrangörerna på Facebook? 2. Hur kommunicerar arrangörerna om krisen på Facebook? och 3. På vilket sätt skiljer sig kommunikationen? Resultatet av den kvalitativa studien visar hur arrangörernas kriskommunikation skiljer sig i deras typ av svar och hur de ställer sig till krisen. UMF:s kommunikation uppvisar det Coombs (2015, s.146) klassificerar som en förminskande och förnekande ställning medan RF och TL uppvisar mer en återuppbyggande och stärkande ställning. Informationsrika meddelanden om vilka åtgärder som arrangörerna vidtagit som svar på krisen, särskilt om ekonomisk ersättning, tillsammans med användningen av känslosamma appeller vid återupprepade tillfällen, har bemötts av övervägande positiv respons. Även tidpunkten då festivalerna gått ut med information om de inställda eventen visade sig vara av betydelse för responsen. Resultat från den kvantitativa analysen visar att reaktionerna på RF:s och TL:s inlägg har varit betydligt mer positiva än UMF:s. / The purpose of this case study is to gain a deeper understanding of crisis communication on social media during a pandemic. It is achieved by analyzing organizational crisis communication on social media and the response to it during the covid-19 pandemic. A special focus is placed on music festivals which had to cancel their events as a direct effect of the pandemic, and which communicated their crisis measures on their official Facebook sites.  Timothy Coombs’ Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) provides the study’s theoretical framework. The methodological framework consists of a qualitative as well as a quantitative approach, more precisely a rhetorical and a quantitative analysis. The rhetorical analysis is used to examine the music festivals’ Facebook posts, while the quantitative analysis examines stakeholder’s response to these posts. Both theory and method are used to map out the music festival organizers’ choice of crisis response strategies. Three organizers are being analyzed throughout the course of the study: Ultra Music Festival (UMF), Roskilde Festival (RF) and Tomorrowland (TL). The study aims to answer the following questions: 1. What kind of response do the organizers get on their Facebook posts? 2. How do the organizers communicate about the crisis on Facebook? 3. In what way does the communication differ from one organization to the other? Results show that the three organizers have used different crisis response strategies and confront the crisis in different ways. UMF’s communication shows what Coombs (2015, s.146) defines as diminishing and denying crisis response strategies, while RF’s and TL’s communication manifests more rebuilding and bolstering crisis response strategies. The rhetorical analysis shows that RF and TL used persuasive audience appeals, such as pathos and ethos, to a much greater extent than UMF. The wide use of these appeals together with detailed informative messages about the measures taken by the organizer’s in response to the crisis, especially economic ones regarding reimbursements and ticket-validity, played a significant role in the public's reaction to the messages. The aspect of time in which the organizer’s posted their crisis messages in relation to the development of the covid-19 pandemic has affected the public’s response as well. The quantitative analysis reveals that publics reactions were more positive to the posts made by RF and TL than to the one made by UMF.

The diploma thesis called "Motives and Results of The Great Terror in the USSR 1936-1938 in historic discussion" analyzes in broad terms progression of the scientific discussion in an international scientific world on one of the most important of Soviet history. It means bloody purges in late thirties. In the strict sense the diploma thesis has to assess two aspects of world's scholarship on this topic. Motives of the great purges and results of repressive policy in qualitative and quantitative terms. A special attention is to be given to a problem of eventual ideological approach of scholars. This paper has to present a main trends in global research of "The Great Terror" and stalinism respectively too. Next: to study an effect of objective circumstancies on the research (particularly fall of the USSR and so called archive revolution in 1991). A final part writes on contemporary achievement in a global research and on meanings of narrow problems 1936-1938 in a stalinism research in whole. Last word is dedicated to an relations of academia public to changes in terms of an official interpretations of history of stalinism in the Russian Federation.