Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Spada Zati.pdf: 1227971 bytes, checksum: 6e1a3a4d7b3d445293ecbb4233a3b70f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-25 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The end of the Cold War and the breakdown of the international communism started a new panorama on the Contemporary International Relations and the need of a revision of the role of the United State in the World. The victory of the United States on the Cold War and the dismantled of the Soviet Union produced the conditions for what was named in that time the a New World Order. In this new scenario, the United States were an indispensable nation and the major responsible for the guarantee of the international system order of the sovereign states. The end of the international communism and the collapse of the Soviet Union brought a new context to the international policy, that only one country could have the potential to become the organizer hegemonic power on the world. This context brought an internal reexam of the possible positions that the United States should assume and what the nature of the possible conformations of a New World Order. This research has the purpose to present a panorama of the ideas and debates during this context. Therefore, on the first moment will be present the theoretic perspective in political science and in the international relations related to the legitimacy the order, with the focus on the analysis of the debates that emerge on this post Cold War themes; on the second moment will be approach the ideas panorama that were in debate on the American academy relative of the role that should be performed by the country on the new world context. At least, will be analyzed the affirmations and documents of republicans and democrats policymakers about the choices and purposes of the United States at the end of the bipolar conflict and the ponderations about the order and legitimacy of concepts relatives to the policy practice in that country on this context / O fim da Guerra Fria e o colapso do comunismo internacional criaram um novo panorama nas relações internacionais contemporâneas e a necessidade de uma revisão do papel dos Estados Unidos no mundo. A vitória dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria e o desmantelamento da União Soviética criaram as condições para o que foi definido à época como uma Nova Ordem Mundial. Nesse novo cenário, os Estados Unidos seriam a nação indispensável e principal responsável para a garantia da ordem no sistema internacional de Estados soberanos. O fim do comunismo mundial e o colapso da União Soviética trouxeram um contexto novo à política internacional, na qual apenas um país teria o potencial para tornar-se o poder hegemônico organizador no mundo. Este contexto trouxe um reexame interno das possíveis posições que os Estados Unidos deveriam assumir e qual a natureza das possíveis conformações de uma Nova Ordem Mundial. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo apresentar um panorama das idéias colocadas em debate durante este contexto. Para tanto, num primeiro momento serão apresentadas as perspectivas teóricas em ciência política e em relações internacionais relacionadas ao tema da legitimidade e da ordem, com foco na análise dos debates surgidos sobre estes temas após Guerra Fria; num segundo momento será abordado o panorama das idéias em debate dentro da academia americana relativas ao papel que deveria ser desempenhado pelo país no novo contexto mundial. Por fim serão analisados as afirmações e documentos de policymakers republicanos e democratas a cerca das escolhas e objetivos dos Estados Unidos ao final do conflito bipolar e as ponderações sobre os conceitos de ordem e legitimidade relativas à prática política do país naquele contexto

The Bush administration was at the transition period of the world order: from cold war toward post-cold war era. During this period, many significant international events happened, which caused the structural change of international polictis. The purpose of this thesis is aimed at analysising the foreign policy desision making from 1989 to 1992. Through the building of decision making model, the author try to argure that the policy making pattern and process in this period has its features, and these factors influence the shape of American foreign policy.In this thesis, the author builded up the decision making model of Bush era. In order to test the model, the author put 8 cases to test the model. These cases are: the reunification of Germany; Beyond Containment; Tainanman Square case; the invasion of Panama; Gulf crisis; New World Order; the collapse of USSR; and Yogoslavia case.At the end, the author conclude that the foreign policy decision making is highly concentric, and personal factors influence much on the foreign policy decision making. The rule " Presidential dominant" still exist. Due to President Bush's foreign policy experience, the decision making was mainly made in the white house.

本論文為結合政治史、外交史及禮儀史的著作。以學界對晚清外交的研究為基礎，聚焦於「外國公使覲見禮」的制訂，並利用晚近整理出版的多國檔案、日記、回憶錄，及藏於中央研究院近代史研究所的總理各國事務衙門檔案、外務部檔案等資料，重新討論清代賓禮體制的原型、變體及其過渡到西式外交禮儀的過程，分析中、西禮制的衝突根源，進而探討「天下秩序」與中國近代政治文化的關聯。經本論文的考察，研究成果有四。 本論文先概論清代「賓禮體制」的運作過程，並說明康熙、雍正年間的「賓禮體制」具有相當大的彈性空間，其制禮原則不只是「朝貢禮」，還有用於不稱臣納貢者的「客禮」，作為「朝貢禮」的補充。 其次，說明咸豐君臣在《天津條約》的約束下，不得不允許公使駐京等條款。但總理各國事務衙門的設立，不完全是清政府因應對外交涉的新局面，更多是出於維護「賓禮體制」的考量，並延續過去「督撫外交」的成例，由三口通商大臣、五口通商大臣作為對外交涉的第一線。 再者，總理各國事務衙門援引康熙、雍正年間款待俄國使節團之事，重新提出「客禮」，讓「鞠躬禮」與「跪拜禮」不再是絕對的對立，反而有變通的空間，讓外國公使得行「鞠躬禮」。清政府利用「客禮」概念，以「天下秩序」包容歐美各國與中國的政治關係，再將外國公使定位為皇帝的「客臣」，並將「外國公使覲見禮」解釋為皇帝優禮外使的恩典，遂得到中國官民的認同，維護皇帝作為「天子」的至尊地位。 第四，《辛丑和約》簽訂後，清政府雖透過擯者轉譯的方式，讓外國公使仍是皇帝的「客臣」，不致出現君臣逆位的狀況，但清政府只能在形式上維持皇帝的權威。外務部不能再像過去那樣用「名分秩序」，作為涉外禮儀的制禮原則，「西禮中用」已是不可避免的趨勢，表示清政府無法再以「天下秩序」包容歐美各國與中國的關係，只能藉由「國際法」的慣例，利用條約去約束外國官民的行動，以挽回中國的利權。 最後，經本論文對「外國公使覲見禮」的考察，得知「賓禮」到「禮賓」的改變，並非一蹴而成的，也不是全出於外國公使的逼迫。清政府面對外來刺激時，自有其內部轉換的機制，不僅有外在形式上的變革，更有內在觀念的調整，故清政府提出「客禮」概念，作為中禮與西禮的過渡禮儀，也是「天下秩序」與「國際法」的思想銜接。當「客禮」無法再解釋公使請覲，清政府廢除禮部，「賓禮體制」宣告結束，「天下秩序」也不再是清政府對外關係的中心思想。

<p>The aim of this study is to identify, map and understand the anthropology – the science of man – that can be distinguished in foreign news pages in Swedish daily papers. Concepts of nationality, ethnicity and gender are crucial parameters in this anthropology. Foreign news can be regarded as a textual system in which form and content interact to create its own object of knowledge: the Other, or rather, the Others. Thus, the relationship between foreign news as a textual system and foreign news as anthropology is central to this dissertation.</p><p>The years 1987, 1995 and 2002 have been selected for examination on the following grounds: 1987 belongs to the cold war era; 1995 belongs to the post-cold war era, and is also the year when Sweden joined the EU; and 2002 belongs to the era defined by the events of September 11 2001. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of a total of 1,162 foreign news articles published during one week in each year, was carried out. The qualitative analysis consists mainly of discourse analysis. Foucault’s discourse theory constitutes the theory of knowledge in the study. It is combined with Barthes’ theory on myths as well as postcolonial and other theories on nationality, ethnicity and gender and the representation of these aspects in journalism and elsewhere.</p><p>Discourse type is a central concept in the analysis. Discourse types resemble subgenres, but are specifically defined by certain perspectives. Other defining aspects are voices, style, mode of address and closeness/distance to an event/a development. Seven discourse types that constitute the order of the discourse in foreign news pages were identified in this study: On location narratives, Elite event reports, Catastrophe event reports, Situation reports, Commentaries, Picture paragraphs and Quotation paragraphs. The representation of different regions of the world, of different nationalities and ethnicities, and of men and women, are related to these discourse types throughout the study.</p><p>The anthropology of foreign news establishes vast differences between people. These differences depend on regions, spheres in society, gender and skin colour. They also depend on the textual setting, i.e. the discourse type. Some regions, like Western Europe, USA, the Middle East and North Africa, are always centred. Others, like South America and parts of Africa, are practically ignored. Women are also ignored, hence “othered” by exclusion. When women do appear, this occurs in discourse types which exoticize them concerning gender as well as nationality/ethnicity. Women with darker skin are generally more negatively represented, compared to “white” women. The ruling groups, normally represented by men, appear as quite alike around the world. They are not exoticized and generally speak for themselves. However, powerful men from the Middle East and North Africa and from the (former) Soviet Union are treated differently and represented as threats, sometimes even as tabooed.</p><p>All these aspects stand out as relatively stable during the research period. Differences in the order of discourse consist mainly of an increase of exoticizing perspectives and of the use of pictures — both of which correspond to a relative increase of women — and of a simultaneous decrease of plain, scanty reports and increase of explicitly subjective articles. International aspects also increase over the years. However, this undermining of the hegemony of the nation on the foreign news pages, still exists within the discourse of the nation. The idea of the nation still limits the understanding of the world. In a similar way, the explicitly subjective articles increase within the discourse of journalistic objectivity. This is an interesting and thought-provoking paradox in the genre of foreign news.</p>

The aim of this study is to identify, map and understand the anthropology – the science of man – that can be distinguished in foreign news pages in Swedish daily papers. Concepts of nationality, ethnicity and gender are crucial parameters in this anthropology. Foreign news can be regarded as a textual system in which form and content interact to create its own object of knowledge: the Other, or rather, the Others. Thus, the relationship between foreign news as a textual system and foreign news as anthropology is central to this dissertation. The years 1987, 1995 and 2002 have been selected for examination on the following grounds: 1987 belongs to the cold war era; 1995 belongs to the post-cold war era, and is also the year when Sweden joined the EU; and 2002 belongs to the era defined by the events of September 11 2001. A quantitative and qualitative analysis of a total of 1,162 foreign news articles published during one week in each year, was carried out. The qualitative analysis consists mainly of discourse analysis. Foucault’s discourse theory constitutes the theory of knowledge in the study. It is combined with Barthes’ theory on myths as well as postcolonial and other theories on nationality, ethnicity and gender and the representation of these aspects in journalism and elsewhere. Discourse type is a central concept in the analysis. Discourse types resemble subgenres, but are specifically defined by certain perspectives. Other defining aspects are voices, style, mode of address and closeness/distance to an event/a development. Seven discourse types that constitute the order of the discourse in foreign news pages were identified in this study: On location narratives, Elite event reports, Catastrophe event reports, Situation reports, Commentaries, Picture paragraphs and Quotation paragraphs. The representation of different regions of the world, of different nationalities and ethnicities, and of men and women, are related to these discourse types throughout the study. The anthropology of foreign news establishes vast differences between people. These differences depend on regions, spheres in society, gender and skin colour. They also depend on the textual setting, i.e. the discourse type. Some regions, like Western Europe, USA, the Middle East and North Africa, are always centred. Others, like South America and parts of Africa, are practically ignored. Women are also ignored, hence “othered” by exclusion. When women do appear, this occurs in discourse types which exoticize them concerning gender as well as nationality/ethnicity. Women with darker skin are generally more negatively represented, compared to “white” women. The ruling groups, normally represented by men, appear as quite alike around the world. They are not exoticized and generally speak for themselves. However, powerful men from the Middle East and North Africa and from the (former) Soviet Union are treated differently and represented as threats, sometimes even as tabooed. All these aspects stand out as relatively stable during the research period. Differences in the order of discourse consist mainly of an increase of exoticizing perspectives and of the use of pictures — both of which correspond to a relative increase of women — and of a simultaneous decrease of plain, scanty reports and increase of explicitly subjective articles. International aspects also increase over the years. However, this undermining of the hegemony of the nation on the foreign news pages, still exists within the discourse of the nation. The idea of the nation still limits the understanding of the world. In a similar way, the explicitly subjective articles increase within the discourse of journalistic objectivity. This is an interesting and thought-provoking paradox in the genre of foreign news.

Changements climatiques, « trou » dans la couche d’ozone, dérèglement du cycle du carbone, érosion de la biodiversité ; l’ensemble de ces éléments atteste d’une amplification et d’une accélération contemporaine des perturbations dans les processus de structuration du système planétaire (Ecosphère) faisant écho à la progression de violences conjoncturelles et structurelles mettant en péril le « bien vivre » des sociétés et des individus les composant (Anthroposphère). Plus que sa dimension financière, à laquelle elle ne peut être réduite, la crise actuelle possède un aspect multiple et global qui met en lumière les caractères « insoutenable » (écologiquement) et « insupportable » (socialement) du modèle de développement contemporain. Dans ce cadre, ces éléments seront appréhendés à partir de la notion d’ordre et plus spécifiquement de la relation Ordre du Monde (OdM) Ordre Mondial (OM), afin de déterminer les conditions de leur compatibilité. Si l’Ordre du Monde renvoie à l’ensemble des lois naturelles du Cosmos, l’Ordre Mondial reste, malgré son utilisation récurrente, une notion à (re)construire. L’origine de notre réflexion se situe en ce sens dans la confusion récurrente qui existe entre deux réalités différentes, le Système Mondial Capitaliste (SMC) et l’Ordre Mondial. Cet amalgame résulte d’un double mouvement : la « naturalisation » du Système Mondial Capitaliste d’un côté et la « mystification » de l’Ordre Mondial de l’autre, qui tendent tous deux, conjointement, à réduire le second (Ordre Mondial) au premier (Système Mondial Capitaliste). Afin de dépasser ces contradictions apparentes, il conviendra de s’interroger sur les modalités de la transition vers un Ordre Mondial post-capitaliste, fondé sur l’en-commun ; dans cette optique, on s’interrogera plus particulièrement sur les voies de l’émancipation pensées à partir de l’Amérique latine. / Climate change, “hole” in the ozone layer, disorders of the carbon cycle, erosion of the biodiversity; all these elements gives evidence of an increase and a contemporary acceleration of the disturbances in the processes of structuring of the planetary system (Ecosphere) echoing the progress of cyclical and structural violence putting in danger the “good life” of societies and individuals composing them (Anthroposphere). More than her financial dimension, to which she cannot be reduced, the current crisis possesses a multiple and global aspect which brings to light the characters “unsustainable” (ecologically) and “unbearable” (socially) of the model of contemporary development. In this frame, these elements will be viewed from the notion of order and more specifically the relation Earth Order - World Order, to determine the conditions of their compatibility. If Earth Order refers to all the natural laws of the Cosmos, the World Order remains, in spite of its recurring use, a notion to build. The origin of our reflection is this way situated in the recurring confusion that exists between two different realities, the Capitalist World System and the World Order. This mixture results from a double movement: the “naturalization” of the Capitalist World System on one side and the “mystification” of the World Order of the other one, which aim both, jointly, to reduce the second (World Order) to the first one (Capitalist World System). To go beyond these seeming contradictions, it will be advisable to wonder about the modalities of the transition towards a World Order post-capitalist, based on the “shared-common”; in this optics, we shall wonder more particularly about the ways of the emancipation from the Latin America.

Le différend entre la France et les Etats-Unis sur le règlement de la question irakienne a provoqué une crise diplomatique majeure entre les deux pays, jugée par certains comme la plus sérieuse dans l’histoire des relations bilatérales. Le dossier irakien a cristallisé les positions diplomatiques des deux alliés et mis en lumière deux lectures d’une grande question internationale. Pour la France, il a été l’occasion de défendre des principes, de faire entendre sa voix et de partager sa vision d’un monde multipolaire fondé sur la quête d’un règlement pacifique des différends. Pour les Etats-Unis, cette question relevait d’un enjeu de sécurité nationale, dans une Amérique profondément traumatisée par les attentats de septembre 2001. La rupture franco-américaine a résulté de facteurs structurels anciens : la concurrence entre deux modèles politiques et diplomatiques qui se veulent universels et le déséquilibre entre une puissance française, déclinante, qui aspire à préserver ses sphères d’influence sur la scène internationale, et une puissance américaine, ascendante, devenue, depuis l’effondrement du bloc soviétique, l’unique superpuissance à la tête d’un monde unipolaire. L’affrontement bilatéral du printemps 2003 a ainsi révélé les caractères intrinsèques qui opposent la diplomatie française et la diplomatie américaine et dévoilé leur conception très éloignée qu’elles se faisaient du nouvel ordre mondial et de la place qu’elles aspirent à occuper sur l’échiquier international / The disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

Le phénomène des télévisions satellitaires a fait son apparition dans le monde arabe en 1990-1991. Date de l’instauration du Nouvel Ordre Mondial. Une progression foisonnante s’est produite, par la suite, profitant d’un espace géolinguistique étendu, d’une ouverture sans précédent et d’un financement généreux. Sont-elles l’expression d’un changement ou bien celle d’une adaptation ? Et au service de qui ? L’étude des chaines d’information en continu Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya ou « flexibles », Abou Dhabi et Al Manar est particulièrement intéressante pour répondre à cette question. Comprendre le fond de ce phénomène, les intérêts qu’il représente, qu’il sert, et les limites du changement qu’il est capable de produire, exige de dresser un état des lieux panoramique, une étude de la géopolitique qui a donné lieu à la naissance de ces télévisions, et qui a dicté les évolutions qu’elles ont subit. L’analyse du contenu et du discours vient repérer les expressions d’une culture démocratique, ou anti démocratique, dont dépend la nature du changement / Since 1990-1991, the number of satellite channels and viewers has grown exponentially in the Arab world, taking advantage of a geolinguistic space that afforded unprecedented degree of openness in a field previously dominated by t ightly-controlled state-owned television stations. The date also coincides with the inception of the New World Order, the waging of the first Gulf War which established a new regional order, and the stirrings of the society of communication. This study of news channels (Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya) and “flexible” channels such as (Abu Dhabi and Al Manar), aims to examine whether they are an expression of change or adaption and whether they serve to perpetuate the status quo of the powers that fund them.