Recent research identifies a number of factors associated with public support for or opposition to environmentally-contentious energy infrastructure projects. Much of that research documents the attitudes of populations surrounding projects where energy is produced, such as powerhouses, mines, or drilling operations. I use survey and interview data to argue that those factors do not adequately reflect the concerns of landowners distributed along the 303-mile path of a rural Appalachian natural gas project, which I identify as a site of energy transmission rather than production. I use social representation theory to elicit factors unrecognized in prior research. It provides a framework for the process by which resident rural landowners become aware of, interpret, evaluate, and then respond to the Mountain Valley Pipeline. Landowners express their sense of injustice when the pipeline developer, public policymakers, and permitting authorities are unaware of or indifferent to factors that are especially relevant to them as the pipeline is imposed on their rural environment. The study is based on a sequential mixed-methods approach. I conducted a secondary analysis of the Quality of Life in Rural Virginia and West Virginia Survey dataset (Bell et al. 2019), which consists of mail surveys completed by 783 residents living in 10 counties along the route of the Mountain Valley Pipeline. In 2021 and 2022 I conducted follow-up semi-structured interviews with 25 landowners in the blast zone, which is 1,115 feet on either side of this pipeline, who had completed the survey. The first aim was to test three factors that prior research suggested are associated with attitudes toward such projects. The first factor, economic self-interest, was statistically nonsignificant for these landowners. The interview data suggest that unlike sites of energy production, where jobs stimulate support, landowners saw few jobs available for local people. Any financial value from the sale of easements did not affect their support. The second factor, political ideology, was important in other studies, because conservative ideology is associated with pro-business attitudes. In contrast, even though 60% of the landowners in this study identified themselves as conservative, there was only a weak association between political ideology and support for the pipeline, due in part to the perception of inappropriate application of eminent domain law by the pipeline developer and the courts. Distance from the pipeline, the third factor, was moderately associated with attitude toward the project, with less support for pipeline construction among landowners in the blast zone. The second aim was to use social representation theory to reveal factors in addition to distance that influenced landowners' attitudes toward the project. Interviews revealed that landowners in the blast zone were as concerned with threats to cherished water supplies, for both domestic and agricultural uses, as they were with the danger of a pipeline explosion. The interviews also revealed participants' concern for the disruption of their attachment to and dependence on their properties. These factors were underrepresented in the planning and permitting for this project. The intuitive, common-sense structure for eliciting landowners' attitudes provided by social representation theory was effective at this microscale of inquiry, and may be useful for comparative studies that further distinguish between sites of energy production and sites of energy transmission. / Doctor of Philosophy / Recent research identifies a number of factors associated with public support for or opposition to environmentally-contentious energy infrastructure projects. Much of that research documents the attitudes of populations surrounding projects where energy is produced, such as powerhouses, mines, or drilling operations. I use survey and interview data to argue that those factors do not adequately reflect the concerns of landowners distributed along the 303-mile path of a rural Appalachian natural gas project, which I identify as a site of energy transmission rather than production. I use social representation theory to elicit factors unrecognized in prior research. It provides a framework for the process by which resident rural landowners become aware of, interpret, evaluate, and then respond to the Mountain Valley Pipeline. Landowners express their sense of injustice when the pipeline developer, public policymakers, and permitting authorities are unaware of or indifferent to factors that are especially relevant to them as the pipeline is imposed on their rural environment. The study is based on a sequential mixed-methods approach. I conducted a secondary analysis of the Quality of Life in Rural Virginia and West Virginia Survey dataset (Bell et al. 2019), which consists of mail surveys completed by 783 residents living in 10 counties along the route of the Mountain Valley Pipeline. In 2021 and 2022 I conducted follow-up semi-structured interviews with 25 landowners in the blast zone, which is 1,115 feet on either side of this pipeline, who had completed the survey. Survey data suggest that factors, including economic self-gain, political ideology, and proximity to the pipeline, differ from predictions reported in prior research. Interview data suggest that in this case study those differences are associated with landowner attitudes toward danger and disruption to their sense of place. These differences may be specifically applicable to rural populations exposed to sites of energy transmission rather than sites of energy production. A recognition of these differences has important implications for project developers, public policy planners, and permitting agencies.

Les actes juridiques unilatéraux des États, extrêmement variés dans leurs formes comme leurs contenus, contribuent à la formation et à l’évolution des normes internationales. Cependant, la présente thèse soutient que ces actes unilatéraux ne constituent pas, pris isolément, un mode de production du droit international ; tout au plus en sont-ils des éléments de formation. Parmi tous les actes adoptés par les États, certains seulement véhiculent des «prétentions normatives stricto sensu». Ces prétentions manifestent une certaine tension entre l’exercice par les États d’un pouvoir d’application du droit existant, en vertu de normes d’habilitation établies ou revendiquées, et d’un pouvoir de l’interpréter ou de le transformer. Dans ces conditions, ces prétentions bénéficient d’une existence objective et d’une opposabilité présumée tout en étant potentiellement contestables durant un certain laps de temps. L’attribution d’une valeur au silence des tiers intéressés apporte la preuve d’un tel présupposé. Ainsi, la représentation proposée met en lumière l’exercice par les États d’un véritable pouvoir de sommation : il découle des prétentions identifiées un effet autonome consistant à requérir les réactions des tiers susceptibles d’en remettre en cause le bien-fondé. Les protestations, reconnaissances ou acquiescements silencieux des tiers constituent alors la condition nécessaire et suffisante aux fins de détermination de l’(in)opposabilité du contenu normatif des prétentions. Du processus décrit, il peut être déduit que l’existence et la signification des rapports de droit produits par la confrontation des prétentions et réactions des États reposent certes sur des accords informels. Toutefois, le fonctionnement du processus révèle avant tout l’influence considérable de l’unilatéralisme sur la définition et l’évolution du droit international. Les États se voient en effet soumis à une obligation accrue de vigilance à l’égard des prétentions susceptibles d’emporter des effets sur leurs droits et obligations. / Unilateral acts of States, which are extremely varied in both form and content, contribute to the formation process and evolution of international standards. However, this thesis suggests that unilateral acts, taken in isolation, are not a means of producing international law; at most they are elements in its formation process. Among the acts adopted by States, some merely express “normative pretentions in the strict sense of the term”. These pretentions express a certain tension in a State’s exercising of a power of application of existing law, in virtue of established or claimed capacitation, and the power to interpret or transform it. Under these conditions, these pretentions benefit from objective existence and supposition of opposability, while remaining potentially contestable during a given period of time. The attribution of a value to the silence of concerned third parties is proof of such a presupposition. This means the proposed representation shows the exercising by States of an actual power of summons: the pretentions identified give rise to an independent effect requiring the action of third parties likely to question validity. Protests, recognition or acquiescence of third parties thus constitute the condition deemed necessary and sufficient to the determination of the (un)opposability of the normative content of the pretentions. From the process described, it is possible to deduce that the existence and significance of law produced by the confrontation of pretentions and reactions of States is based on informal agreements. However, the functioning of the process reveals above all the considerable influence of unilateralism on the definition of the evolution of international law. States are subject to an increased obligation for vigilance with regard to pretentions likely to impact their rights and obligations.

就電視廣告對兒童行為的影響而言，過去的研究證據並不一致，頗多值得 爭議之處。本研究將過去研究所採用的主要變項，如年齡、收視行為、父 母順從情形及產品的類別等，探討電視廣告對兒童的意圖行為 (intended behavior)（例如購買的討論與慾望）及實際行為（例如購買 要求的提出與行為）的影響，目的在檢視這些變項對國內兒童消費行為的 解釋力。經由多階集群取樣法，本研究以集體施測之方式，訪問台北市三 個行政區中三所國民小學十二班，共 419位的三、六年級學生。獲得研究 結果﹕１．三、六年級兒童在「飲料」與「電動遊樂器」類產品上，所表 現的購買意圖，並無明顯的差異。但在「零食」與「玩具」類產品上，三 年級兒童的購買意圖則明顯地高於六年級兒童﹔２．在購買要求方面，三 年級兒童對「零食」、「飲料」及「玩具」等三類產品的購買要求，明顯 地高於六年級兒童。而在購買行為方面，三、六年級兒童僅在「玩具」類 產品上有明顯的差異，三年級兒童的購買行為高於六年級兒童。３．收視 時間愈長的兒童在「零食」、「飲料」及「玩具」等產品上，所表現的購 買意圖愈高。在購買要求方面，收視時間愈長的兒童，對「玩具」及「電 動遊樂器」的購買要求愈高。在購買行為方面，則不論是「零食」、「飲 料」、「玩具」或「電動遊樂器」等產品都與收視時間之長短成正比。其 中以「玩具」類產品，無論是在購買意圖、要求及行為方面，都與兒童的 收視時間成正相關。４．無論是在「零食」、「飲料」、「玩具」或「電 動遊樂器」等產品，父母的順從情形愈高，兒童的購買意圖與行為也就愈 高。綜合研究發現１至４之討論，就本研究問題而言，兒童的年齡、收視 時間與父母的順從情形和兒童的購買意圖與行為間之關係，是會受到電視 廣告產品類別的影響。

Lors des travaux de la Commission du droit international relatifs aux actes unilatéraux des États, le rapporteur spécial a nié que le silence puisse être qualifié de manifestation de la volonté étatique. Rien dans la théorie de l’acte juridique ne justifie pourtant cette position. L’étude de la pratique révèle en outre que, selon les cas, le silence étatique peut être qualifié de refus ou d’acquiescement et qu’il joue un rôle fondamental dans la formation, l’interprétation ou la modification des rapports de droit interétatiques. En effet, dans la mesure où, en droit international, il revient aux États d’apprécier le bien-fondé ou la légalité du comportement de leurs pairs, l’objectif de la sécurité juridique impose de retenir la pertinence légale de leur silence. Cet objectif, sous ses diverses facettes, constitue la raison d’être de l’attribution d’un effet légal au silence et permet ainsi une systématisation des hypothèses très variées où il pèse sur les États une « charge de réagir ». Selon la situation face à laquelle il est appréhendé, le silence permet ainsi d’assurer la détermination actuelle ou future des rapports de droit.L’étude des conditions nécessaires à la production de l’effet attribué au silence révèle par ailleurs que le droit positif consacre la possibilité théorique d’y voir un acte juridique. Pour que son silence produise des effets, le droit international exige toujours que l’État ait été libre de réagir et qu’il ait eu connaissance de la situation qui le rendait pertinent. En outre, les régimes de la preuve de la connaissance et de l’existence du silence ne justifient pas nécessairement la dénonciation du caractère honteusement fictif de l’explication volontariste des phénomènes en cause. Il n’y a, en toute hypothèse, aucune fiction juridique à qualifier le silence en tant qu’acte juridique / . During the work of the International Law Commission regarding Unilateral Acts of States, the Special Rapporteur denied that State’s silence could be qualified as a manifestation of its will. Nevertheless,no theoretical reason justifies this position. The study of the practice reveals more over that, as the casemay be, State’s silence can be qualified as refusal or as acquiescence and that it plays a fundamental role in the formation, the interpretation or the modification of legal interstate relations. Indeed, since it is the State’s prerogative to appreciate the legality of the behavior of others States, legal certainty imposes to hold the legal relevance of their silence. Under its diverse facets, this objective constitutes the raison d’être of the effect attributed to silence and thus allows a systematization of the various hypothesis in which it is taken into account. Depending on the situation to which it reacts, silence ensures the current or future determination of legal relations. Furthermore, the study of the conditions necessary for the production of the silence’s effects reveals that positive law consecrates the theoretical possibility of qualifying silence as a legal act. International law requires, in order toattribute an effect to silence, that the silent State was free to react and had knowledge of the situation that made his silence legally relevant. Moreover, the rules governing the proof of the knowledge and of the existence of silence do not necessarily justify the criticism towards the fictive character of the voluntarist explanation of the phenomena. There is, in any event, no legal fiction in qualifying silenceas a legal act.

À la faveur d’un long processus coutumier, les peuples autochtones comptent aujourd’hui parmi les peuples titulaires du droit des peuples à l’autodétermination. Si l’existence du droit des peuples autochtones à l’autodétermination (la norme) comme principe de lege ferenda a fait son apparition vers 1980, ce droit a aujourd’hui achevé son passage dans la lex lata et constitue une norme du droit international coutumier, ce qui est attesté par l’examen des deux éléments du processus coutumier. Le processus coutumier à l’étude puise ses racines dans un passé lointain et s’est accéléré à partir des années 1970 à la faveur de son institutionnalisation au sein de l’Organisation des Nations Unies. Le processus d’élaboration de la Déclaration des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones puis son adoption par l’Assemblée générale en 2007 constituent autant d’étapes importantes dans le processus d’accession de la norme à l’étude à la normativité, dont le cadre institutionnel des Nations Unies a contribué à renforcer la cohérence. L’examen du processus coutumier permet également de déterminer les fondements, le contenu et la portée de la norme coutumière ainsi que ses principes d’application. Il s’agit notamment d’examiner la spécificité de la norme à l’étude par rapport aux droits des minorités nationales ainsi que sa relation avec la question de la sécession. Ces dimensions témoignent de l’émergence des peuples autochtones comme segment particulier de la catégorie des peuples, donnant lieu à une application contextuelle du droit des peuples à l’autodétermination de nature à sauvegarder ou à restaurer leur intégrité autochtone. / As a result of a long customary process, indigenous peoples today count as one of the holders of the right of peoples to self-determination. The existence of the right of indigenous peoples to self-determination (the norm or standard) as a principle de lege ferenda first appeared around 1980, and this right has now completed its path into lex lata as a norm of customary international law, as suggested by an in-depth analysis of the two elements of the customary process. The customary process under examination here has its roots in a distant past. It accelerated from the 1970s onwards due to its institutionalization within the United Nations. The drafting process of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and its final adoption by the UN General Assembly in 2007 constitute important steps in the accession of the standard under consideration to full normativity. The UN institutional framework contributed to consolidate the consistency of this process. Analyzing the customary process also compels to determining the foundations, content and scope of the customary norm as well as it principles of application. In particular, this involves an examination of the specificity of the standard under consideration in comparison with the rights of national minorities as well as its relation with the question of secession. These aspects are indicative of the emergence of indigenous peoples as a particular segment of the category of peoples in international law, resulting in a contextual application of the right of peoples to self-determination in order to safeguard or restore indigenous integrity.

Within the context of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments the recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders is unique. By reason of the fact that custody orders are always modifiable "in the best interests of the child" they cannot be regarded as final orders and are thus not capable of recognition and enforcement on the same basis as final orders. The failure of courts to afford foreign custody orders recognition and enforcement in the normal course has created the potential for a person deprived of the custody of a child to remove the child from the jurisdiction of a court rendering a custody order to another jurisdiction within which he or she may seek a new, more favourable order. This potential for behaviour in contempt of an existing order has been exploited by numerous parents who feel aggrieved by custody orders. The problem of parental child snatching has escalated to such a degree that the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction was drawn up to introduce uniform measures amongst member states to address this problem. Despite being a meaningful step in the fight against international child abduction the Hague Convention does not fully resolve the problem. For this reason other measures have been suggested to supplement the Convention. The different approaches taken in South Africa, the United Kingdom, Australia and the United States of America to recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders and the measures to overcome the problem of international child abduction are examined and a comparative methodology applied to the design of a model approach for South Africa. The object of this model is to permit the South African courts to address the international child abduction problem without falling prey to any of the pitfalls experienced elsewhere in the legal systems examined. / Law / LL.D.

Within the context of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments the recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders is unique. By reason of the fact that custody orders are always modifiable "in the best interests of the child" they cannot be regarded as final orders and are thus not capable of recognition and enforcement on the same basis as final orders. The failure of courts to afford foreign custody orders recognition and enforcement in the normal course has created the potential for a person deprived of the custody of a child to remove the child from the jurisdiction of a court rendering a custody order to another jurisdiction within which he or she may seek a new, more favourable order. This potential for behaviour in contempt of an existing order has been exploited by numerous parents who feel aggrieved by custody orders. The problem of parental child snatching has escalated to such a degree that the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction was drawn up to introduce uniform measures amongst member states to address this problem. Despite being a meaningful step in the fight against international child abduction the Hague Convention does not fully resolve the problem. For this reason other measures have been suggested to supplement the Convention. The different approaches taken in South Africa, the United Kingdom, Australia and the United States of America to recognition and enforcement of foreign custody orders and the measures to overcome the problem of international child abduction are examined and a comparative methodology applied to the design of a model approach for South Africa. The object of this model is to permit the South African courts to address the international child abduction problem without falling prey to any of the pitfalls experienced elsewhere in the legal systems examined. / Law / LL.D.