The research problem this dissertation addresses is how judicial practices generate administrative justice in asylum determination procedures. Previous research on immigration policies argues that when asylum determinations are processed in courts, principles of administrative justice are ensured and immigrants’ rights protected. In this dissertation, I challenge that argument by approaching administrative justice as an empirical phenomenon open for different types of interpretations. Instead of assuming that administrative justice characterizes courts, I assume that this concept acquires particular meanings through the practices of the courts. Empirically, this dissertation studies practices of assessing asylum claims at the Swedish migration courts. The migration courts are the result of a major reform of the Swedish asylum procedure that took place in 2006, with the motive to end inhumane rejections of asylum seekers by enhancing administrative justice in the asylum process. By interviewing and observing judges at the migration courts, litigators from the Migration Board and public counsels from different law firms, this interpretive and ethnographic study analyzes how administrative justice acquires meanings in the daily practices of assessing asylum claims at the migration courts. The main result is that a ceremonial version of administrative justice is generated at the migration courts. This version of administrative justice forefronts symbolic dimensions of justice. The asylum appeal procedure succeeds in communicating justice through rituals, building design and metaphors, which emphasize objectivity, impartiality and certainty on behalf of the judicial practices. However, these symbols of justice disguise several unfair aspects of the asylum appeal procedure, such as inequality in resources and trustworthiness between the state’s representative and the asylum applicants as well as the uncertainty inherent in both the factual and the credibility assessment of asylum claims. The implications of these findings are that immigration policy research needs to reconsider the relationship between the courts and immigrants’ rights by paying more attention to the everyday practices of ensuing administrative justice in courts than on the instances when courts oppose political attempts to restrict immigrants’ rights.

The thesis analyses the evolution of the common European immigration and asylum policy and its similarities or dissimilarities in comparison with the Spanish national immigration and asylum policy. This comparison has been made by using the theoretical base of Europeanization. This concept means bringing the European dimension down to the level of national states. I have come to the conclusion that the EU has an influence mainly on the external part of immigration policy which means above all the protection of the borders of Schengen area. On the other hand, there are areas such as granting permanent residence to the immigrants varies significantly in the EU member states. The process of europeanization does not have a clear and unified influence on domestic immigration and asylum and other domestic policies.

Resumé Práce zkoumá definici uprchlíka a její výklad a aplikaci v současném mezinárodním právu. Vymezení zpracovávané látky je dáno smluvním instrumentem z roku 1951, kterým státy přijaly definici uprchlíka, Úmluvou o právním postavení uprchlíků. Zkoumána je zahrnující část definice, která říká, kdo je uprchlíkem. Za něj považujeme osobu, která (...) "se nachází mimo svou vlast a má oprávněné obavy před pronásledováním z důvodů rasových, náboženských nebo národnostních nebo z důvodů příslušnosti k určitým společenským vrstvám nebo i zastávání určitých politických názorů, je neschopna přijmout, nebo vzhledem ke shora uvedeným obavám, odmítá ochranu své vlasti (...)". Disertační práce pracuje s následujícími hypotézami: 1) došlo k posunu ve výkladu a aplikaci definice uprchlíka. Zde je zároveň sledováno, zda došlo k vytvoření nové obyčejové definice a jaký je případně její obsah; 2) došlo ke vzniku regionální obyčejové definice - a zde je opět brán zřetel na to, jaký je případně její obsah; a 3) restriktivní praxe států před a při vstupu cizince na území ovlivňují výklad a aplikaci definice uprchlíka. Text je členěn do čtyř částí. První se zabývá historickým vývojem definice uprchlíka a zkoumá, co státy ovlivnilo při formulování jejího pozitivního zakotvení. Mezinárodněprávní reakce na fenomén uprchlictví je...

In 2016 a new temporary asylum law was introduced in Sweden which limited the chance of being granted asylum. This law was most hard hitting on unaccompanied young people who no longer received fair asylum processes. The government changed part of the temporary law in 2018, and this amendment is referred to as the Upper Secondary School Act. The purpose of this change was to allow certain groups of unaccompanied young people the chance to gain asylum by granting them a residence permit to study in Sweden.   The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the Upper Secondary School Act provides unaccompanied young people enough human dignity and respect. To do this, elements of two immigration laws are examined to see how the differences between the laws affects unaccompanied young people in the asylum process and in order to gain an understanding of why the new high school law was introduced into legislation. This thesis also conducts a qualitative study to find out what effects the law have had on unaccompanied young people. The Upper Secondary School Act is then reviewed from an ethical and critical standpoint, where the thesis's theoretical approach is based on the thoughts of Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib and Elena Namli.   The study shows that the Upper Secondary School Act has been criticized from many different directions, and points out that the law is inadequate and lacking a humane perspective. This study also concludes that the law has led to negative consequences for unaccompanied young people because they are not provided with the right conditions for a good life in Sweden. This has led to them being neglected. In order to change this the law must respect human dignity and express an equal respect for all people. This will then counteract repressive structures that prevent the possibility of integration, which the Upper Secondary School Act does not achieve. The main problem with the present law is that there is not enough respect for unaccompanied young peoples’ human dignity.

As ações que resultaram na Reforma Psiquiátrica tiveram início no Brasil a partir da década de 1970 e, especialmente na década de 1980, favorecendo a abertura para a participação política de usuários dos serviços de saúde mental e familiares de usuários, possibilitando a formação de diversos coletivos antimanicomiais que partilham dos ideais de eliminação dos manicômios, das práticas segregadoras em relação à saúde mental e pelo reconhecimento dos direitos e das capacidades de uma pessoa portadora de sofrimento psíquico. Essas transformações que vem ocorrendo nos últimos anos colocaram o usuário e o familiar em outra relação, seja com a própria loucura, seja com a sociedade, pois, ao menos em tese, novas possibilidades de inserção no espaço público foram se mostrando. Ainda assim, reconhecemos também os interesses envolvidos na Reforma Psiquiátrica que podem esconder as práticas manicomiais ainda presentes na sociedade, podendo ser essas transportadas para espaços extra-muros. Diante disso, os usuários e familiares que participam de coletivos antimanicomiais encontram-se na encruzilhada das políticas de identidades que regulam seu modo de vida e os lugares de sua existência e, das identidades políticas que visam desconstruir naturalizações de desigualdades sociais a que alguns grupos estão submetidos. Entre esses dois polos, desejamos verificar como se dá as metamorfoses da identidade de militantes da luta antimanicomial. Para isso, utilizamos duas histórias de vida: Laura e Fernando, militantes da luta antimanicomial que vão nos contar, por meio de suas memórias da participação política, como as relações sociais se materializaram em suas individualidades. Para a análise de suas histórias, utilizamos o referencial teórico de autores que entendem a identidade pelo sintagma identidade-metamorfose-emancipação. Ao final, verificamos o potencial emancipador da luta por reconhecimento que ambos estiveram inseridos, evidenciando a busca por melhores condições de vida para outros indivíduos, assim como o reconhecimento de seu valor social. / The actions which resulted in the Psychiatric Reform began in the 1970s especially in the 1980s in Brazil and have favoured openness to the political participation for mental health service of users and their families. This fact has enabled the formation of various anti-asylum collectives which shared the ideals of eliminating not only the asylums but also the segregating practices regarding mental health and for the recognition of the rights and capacities of people with mental suffering. These transformations which have occurred in recent years have provided the users and their families the opportunity to establish a different relation with either the insanity or the society, once, at least in thesis, they were shown new possibilities of being inserted into the public space. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize to which extent the interests involved in the Psychiatric Reform can hide asylum practices still present in our society. Therefore, users and their families who participate in anti-asylum collective are at the crucial crossroads of polices of identity which rule and shape their way of life and the places they live in, and also the political identities which aim to deconstruct the naturalization of social inequalities some groups are submitted. Between these two poles, our aim is to check how the metamorphosis of anti-asylum fight activists identity is formed. For this purpose, we used two life stories: Laura and Fernando, anti-asylum fight activists who will tell us based on the memory they have of their political participation, such as social relations materialized in their individualities. For the analysis of their stories, we used the theoretical framework of authors who understand by the term identity identity-bubble-emancipation. Finally, we will analyse the emancipatory potential of the struggle for recognition both stories were inserted in and put the search for better conditions of life for others individuals in evidence, as well as the recognition of its social value.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-08T14:35:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elisa Zaneratto Rosa.pdf: 3341663 bytes, checksum: 3701cb1616b11f20faeed266202d67b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-08T14:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elisa Zaneratto Rosa.pdf: 3341663 bytes, checksum: 3701cb1616b11f20faeed266202d67b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-30 / This study analyzes challenges for the advancement of the anti-asylum radicality in the Brazilian psychiatric reform, standing for the strategic role of Primary Health Care and the inter-sector policies of access to rights. It is a development of the work carried out by the Pró-PET-Saúde, between the years of 2012 and 2104, through the agreement signed by PUCSP and the Health Technical Supervision in FÓ/Brasilândia. Resorting to theoretical references from the Italian Psychiatric Reform, the anti-asylum radicality is placed in the rupture within the concept of mental illness, whose determinations refer back to the socio-economic system. As a consequence, it is recommended that the strategies for care be directed to the transformation of the relationships between society and madness. The study aims to analyze, in Singular Therapeutic Projects of the community care to mental health, the overcoming of the concept of mental illness, the transformation of therapeutic itinerary of patients and the obstacles for the production of interventions derived from the territory and the community, emphasizing the role of Primary Health Care. Four cases in the realms of PET-Saúde and associated to the population of one of the Primary Health Care Units of Brasilândia were selected. Data was analyzed in the light of a categorization that accounted for the circuit of medicalization/hospital admission and the examination and questioning of the concept behind mental illness in the ways these cases were handled by the network; the social vulnerability, the intersections of gender and race, and the impacts in therapeutic projects; the relevance of the work in the experience of pain of the subjects and the answers offered by the services. The methodology was supported by the fundaments of Sociohistorical Psychology and the materialistic historical dialectical method. The analysis acknowledges historicity as a fundamental category and aims to comprehend the care in mental health offered by the network from its multiple constituent determinations. Throughout this process, the analysis of the historical development of the Psychiatric Reform in Brazil signals towards the advancement of the substitutive network and, at the same time, the effects of the neoliberal pacts for the integral and continuous care in mental health. The comprehension of the conditions of the territory highlights important indexes of poverty, vulnerability and violence, accompanied by the precarious state of inter-sectorial policies for the enforcement of rights in the region. With regards to the implementation of the mental health network in the territory, it is noticed that the administration models imposed a discontinuity with consequences in the consolidation of the matrix support. In the therapeutic projects, these processes stand out in the obstacles to a radical rupture within the concept of mental illness and the production of interventions centralized in the territory, which associates with the acknowledgement of the singular features in the production of the care. The field of Primary Health Care, especially through the Family Health Strategy, presents itself as a powerful item in the offering of guided orientations to the needs of the subjects from their concrete living conditions, impacting the community and articulating inter-sectorial networks. In order to do so, the study points towards the need to invest in the qualification of the mental health care carried out by Primary Health Care, understanding the need to prioritize, in the therapeutic projects, the relationship between society and madness, towards a commitment with the historical process of social transformation / Esta pesquisa analisa desafios para o avanço da radicalidade antimanicomial da Reforma Psiquiátrica brasileira, defendendo o papel estratégico da Atenção Básica e das políticas intersetoriais de acesso a direitos. Ela é um desdobramento do trabalho realizado pelo Pró-PET-Saúde, entre os anos de 2012 e 2014, por meio do convênio firmado entre a PUCSP e a Supervisão Técnica de Saúde da FÓ/Brasilândia. Resgatando referências teóricas da Reforma Psiquiátrica italiana, a radicalidade antimanicomial é localizada na ruptura com a concepção de doença mental, cujas determinações remontam ao sistema socioeconômico. Em decorrência, preconiza-se que as estratégias de cuidado estejam orientadas para a transformação da relação entre sociedade e loucura. A pesquisa objetivou analisar, em Projetos Terapêuticos Singulares da rede comunitária de atenção em saúde mental, a superação da concepção de doença mental, a transformação dos itinerários terapêuticos dos usuários e os obstáculos para a produção de intervenções a partir do território e da comunidade, com ênfase no papel da Atenção Básica. Foram selecionados quatro casos acompanhados no percurso do PET-Saúde, pertencentes à população adstrita à região de uma Unidade Básica de Saúde da Brasilândia. Os dados foram analisados a partir de uma categorização que considerou o circuito medicalização/internação e a problematização da concepção de doença mental na abordagem dos casos pela rede; a vulnerabilidade social, as intersecções gênero e raça e seus impactos nos projetos terapêuticos; a relevância do trabalho na experiência de sofrimento dos sujeitos e as respostas ofertadas pelos serviços. O percurso metodológico apoiou-se nos fundamentos da Psicologia Sócio-Histórica e do método materialista histórico dialético. Reconhecendo a historicidade como categoria fundamental, a análise buscou apreender o cuidado em saúde mental ofertado pela rede, a partir de suas múltiplas determinações constitutivas. Nesse processo, a leitura da trajetória histórica da Reforma Psiquiátrica no Brasil sinaliza o avanço da rede substitutiva e, ao mesmo tempo, os efeitos dos pactos neoliberais para a integralidade e a continuidade do cuidado em saúde mental. A apreensão das condições do território salienta importantes índices de pobreza, vulnerabilidade e violência, acompanhados pela precariedade de políticas intersetoriais de garantia de direitos na região. Do ponto de vista da implantação da rede de saúde mental no território, destacam-se os modelos de gestão que impuseram uma descontinuidade, com desdobramentos na consolidação do apoio matricial. Nos projetos terapêuticos, esses processos se singularizam nos obstáculos à ruptura radical com a concepção de doença mental e à produção de intervenções centradas no território, o que convive com o reconhecimento das singularidades na produção do cuidado. O campo da Atenção Básica, especialmente por meio da Estratégia Saúde da Família, apresenta-se como potente para a oferta de intervenções orientadas às necessidades dos sujeitos, a partir de suas condições concretas de existência, impactando a comunidade e articulando redes intersetoriais. Para tanto, a pesquisa aponta a necessidade de investimentos voltados à qualificação do cuidado em saúde mental pela Atenção Básica, entendendo a necessidade de priorizar nos projetos terapêuticos a relação entre sociedade e loucura, na direção do compromisso com o processo histórico de transformação social

As ações que resultaram na Reforma Psiquiátrica tiveram início no Brasil a partir da década de 1970 e, especialmente na década de 1980, favorecendo a abertura para a participação política de usuários dos serviços de saúde mental e familiares de usuários, possibilitando a formação de diversos coletivos antimanicomiais que partilham dos ideais de eliminação dos manicômios, das práticas segregadoras em relação à saúde mental e pelo reconhecimento dos direitos e das capacidades de uma pessoa portadora de sofrimento psíquico. Essas transformações que vem ocorrendo nos últimos anos colocaram o usuário e o familiar em outra relação, seja com a própria loucura, seja com a sociedade, pois, ao menos em tese, novas possibilidades de inserção no espaço público foram se mostrando. Ainda assim, reconhecemos também os interesses envolvidos na Reforma Psiquiátrica que podem esconder as práticas manicomiais ainda presentes na sociedade, podendo ser essas transportadas para espaços extra-muros. Diante disso, os usuários e familiares que participam de coletivos antimanicomiais encontram-se na encruzilhada das políticas de identidades que regulam seu modo de vida e os lugares de sua existência e, das identidades políticas que visam desconstruir naturalizações de desigualdades sociais a que alguns grupos estão submetidos. Entre esses dois polos, desejamos verificar como se dá as metamorfoses da identidade de militantes da luta antimanicomial. Para isso, utilizamos duas histórias de vida: Laura e Fernando, militantes da luta antimanicomial que vão nos contar, por meio de suas memórias da participação política, como as relações sociais se materializaram em suas individualidades. Para a análise de suas histórias, utilizamos o referencial teórico de autores que entendem a identidade pelo sintagma identidade-metamorfose-emancipação. Ao final, verificamos o potencial emancipador da luta por reconhecimento que ambos estiveram inseridos, evidenciando a busca por melhores condições de vida para outros indivíduos, assim como o reconhecimento de seu valor social. / The actions which resulted in the Psychiatric Reform began in the 1970s especially in the 1980s in Brazil and have favoured openness to the political participation for mental health service of users and their families. This fact has enabled the formation of various anti-asylum collectives which shared the ideals of eliminating not only the asylums but also the segregating practices regarding mental health and for the recognition of the rights and capacities of people with mental suffering. These transformations which have occurred in recent years have provided the users and their families the opportunity to establish a different relation with either the insanity or the society, once, at least in thesis, they were shown new possibilities of being inserted into the public space. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize to which extent the interests involved in the Psychiatric Reform can hide asylum practices still present in our society. Therefore, users and their families who participate in anti-asylum collective are at the crucial crossroads of polices of identity which rule and shape their way of life and the places they live in, and also the political identities which aim to deconstruct the naturalization of social inequalities some groups are submitted. Between these two poles, our aim is to check how the metamorphosis of anti-asylum fight activists identity is formed. For this purpose, we used two life stories: Laura and Fernando, anti-asylum fight activists who will tell us based on the memory they have of their political participation, such as social relations materialized in their individualities. For the analysis of their stories, we used the theoretical framework of authors who understand by the term identity identity-bubble-emancipation. Finally, we will analyse the emancipatory potential of the struggle for recognition both stories were inserted in and put the search for better conditions of life for others individuals in evidence, as well as the recognition of its social value.

Bakgrund: Antalet flyktingar har ökat och hälso- och sjukvårdspersonal beskriver erfarenheter av bristande förtroende, kommunikationssvårigheter och kulturers påverkan i möten med patienter. Tidigare forskning beskriver hälso- och sjukvårdspersonals erfarenheter av möten med patienter med flyktingbakgrund, dock behöver även patienternas erfarenheter belysas. Förhoppningsvis kan inhämtad kunskap från patientperspektivet underlätta vårdandet. Metod: En beskrivande systematisk litteraturstudie utifrån 12 vårdvetenskapliga artiklar har analyserats enligt Evans (2002) analysmodell. Syfte: Syftet är att beskriva erfarenheter av möten mellan patienter med flyktingbakgrund och hälso- och sjukvården i det nya landet. Resultat: Ur analysen framkom tre teman; Otillräcklig vård, Svårigheter i kommunikationen och Hälso- och sjukvårdspersonals attityder. Otillräcklig vård innefattade ett ovetande om hur hälso- och sjukvården i det nya landet fungerade och att patienternas förväntningar på vården inte alltid uppfylldes. Patienterna erfor svårigheter i kommunikationen i relation till att förstå, förklara och en rädsla över vad som kunde förmedlas. Därtill erfor patienterna att hälso- och sjukvårdspersonals attityder varierade. Slutsats: Patienterna erfor huvudsakligen bristfälliga möten med hälso- och sjukvården. Ett gott möte grundades i att hälso- och sjukvårdspersonal visade respekt, intresse och empati för patienterna.

Cette thèse a pour objet la politique gouvernementale en matière d’immigration et d’intégration en Irlande entre 1992 et 2008. Elle examine les différentes mesures mises en place par les autorités pour gérer le nombre croissant d’immigrants, qu’il s’agisse de travailleurs étrangers ou de demandeurs d’asile/réfugiés, arrivés dans le pays à une période de croissance économique importante. Elle analyse la manière dont les services publics tels que le système éducatif, les services de santé et la police se sont adaptés pour faire face à la diversité grandissante de la population du pays, et évalue l’efficacité des structures créées par le gouvernement pour promouvoir l’égalité et combattre le racisme et la discrimination. Selon l’auteur, le gouvernement aborde l’immigration d’un point de vue essentiellement économique et n’a pas mis en place une politique cohérente d’intégration et d’inclusion sociale. / This thesis studies government policy regarding immigration and integration in Ireland between 1992 and 2008. It assesses the different measures put in place by the authorities to deal with the increasing numbers of immigrants, both economic migrants and asylum seekers/refugees, arriving in the country at a time of considerable economic growth. It examines how public services like education, health and policing have adapted to the increasing diversity of the country’s population, and analyses the effectiveness of the structures which have been created by the government to promote equality and counter racism and discrimination. It is argued that the government has considered immigration largely in economic terms and has failed to put in place a coherent policy of integration and social inclusion.

Seeking asylum is a human right, which means that all states in the world that have signed the UN Refugee Convention are responsible for ensuring that refugees in need of protection can get it. Sweden has signed the UN Refugee Convention as early as in 1954. Thus, a legally secure asylum process is to be sought. The Swedish Migration Agency has a central role in this, as the reception of refugees is the primary responsibility of the Agency. The Migration Agency's case management must therefore comply with the requirements regarding ensuring the protection of people who are forced to flee, in Swedish, European and international law. A basic principle of asylum cases is that it is the applicant who has the burden of proof to make his protection needs plausible. On the other hand, the Migration Agency has an extended investigative responsibility, as there is a strong protection interest in investigations of asylum cases. The so-called officialprincipen places a demand on the Migration Agency to investigate a case to the extend its nature requires. If the work of Migrations Agency does not meet these requirements, the result may be that deficiencies in the investigation are put on the applicant and that the application gets rejected. Deficiency in case management by the Migration Agency, apart from that it is affecting individuals, and can destroy a life, can also, in the long run, have devastating consequences for the entire Swedish legal system. It also means more work for the courts, double work for the Migration Agency and increased costs for the judiciary system.     The change of the instance procedure in 2005 has greatly improved the asylum process. The case law in the area has meant that the courts can check the Migration Agency's investigations and give references to the Migration Agency about what needs to be done in order for the administrative process to be more legally secure. My conclusion is that the Swedish legal order in this area is changing as more demands are made by the EU and due to the EU's increased competence in the area. When it comes to the actual design of the provision for the officialprincipen, it is rather vaguely designed. The frameworks for what is covered by the Migration Agency’s investigative duty appear relatively diffuse for the Agency. Hopefully, the provision in the new Administration Act, and a more solid case law in the area, will result in a more uniform and predictable enforcement of the officialprincipen at the Migration Agency. / Att söka asyl är en mänsklig rättighet vilket innebär att alla stater i världen som har skrivit under FN:s flyktingkonvention är ansvariga att se till att flyktingar som behöver skydd kan få det. Sverige har undertecknat FN:s flyktingkonvention redan 1954. En rättssäker asylprocess är således att eftersträva. Migrationsverkets har en central roll i detta, eftersom flyktingmottagande är verkets primära ansvar. Migrationsverkets ärendehandläggning måste alltså leva upp till de krav gällande säkerställande av skydd för människor på flykt som finns i den svenska rätten, europarätten och folkrätten. En grundläggande princip i asylärendena är att det är den sökande som har bevisbördan för att göra sitt skyddsbehov sannolik. Å andra sidan har migrationsverket ett utvidgat utredningsansvar eftersom det föreligger ett starkt skyddsintresse vad gäller utredningar av asylärenden. Den s.k. officialprincipen ställer krav på Migrationsverket att utreda ett ärende som dess beskaffenhet kräver. Om verket inte lever upp till dessa krav kan resultatet bli att brister i utredningen läggs den sökande till last och att den sökande får avslag. Bristande handläggning av ärenden hos Migrationsverket, förutom att den drabbar enskilda människor, och kan förstöra ett liv, kan även i förlängningen få förödande konsekvenser för hela det svenska rättssystemet. Det innebär även mer arbete för domstolarna, dubbelarbete för verket och ökade kostnader för domstolsväsendet.     Den under 2005 förändrade instansordningen har förbättrat asylprocessen en hel del. Prejudikatbildningen på området har medfört att domstolarna kan kontrollera Migrationsverkets utredningar och ge hänvisningar till Migrationsverket om vad som måste göras för att handläggningsprocessen ska bli mer rättssäker. Jag har kunnat konstatera att den svenska rättsordningen på området förändrats i takt med att det ställs större krav från EU:s sida och på grund av att EU får en ökad kompetens på området. När det kommer till själva utformningen av bestämmelsen för officialrincipen, är den tämligen vagt utformad. Ramarna för vad som omfattas av Migrationsverkets utredningsskyldighet framstår som relativt diffusa för verket. Förhoppningsvis kommer bestämmelsen i den nya förvaltningslagen, och en mer solid prejudikatbildning på området, medföra att en mera enhetlig och förutsägbar tillämpning av officialprincipen växer  fram hos Migrationsverket.