Une étude des rapports et des politiques linguistiques ainsi que des attitudes et perceptions de l’élite burundaise par rapport aux langues enseignées dans ce pays révèle des rapports diglossiques entre le français comme ancienne langue de colonisation et le kirundi, la langue locale parlée par presque toute la population. En effet, une répartition des fonctions entre ces deux langues est encore très nette, le français étant réservé principalement aux productions écrites et à des situations de relations de rôles du type employé/employeur, professeur/étudiant, etc. au moment où le kirundi est privilégié pour les conversations orales et le domaine social. L’élite se distingue par une pratique d’alternance codique qui reflète leurs attitudes par rapport aux deux langues. Le français est une langue rarement parlée pendant que le kirundi n’est pas engagé dans la conquête des fonctions normalement réservées aux langues officielles. En outre, la tendance de la politique linguistique actuelle au Burundi est de répondre à des sollicitations extérieures, notamment celles de la Communauté Est-Africaine (EAC) plutôt anglophone en privilégiant l’anglais et le swahili sans toutefois prévoir des mesures pour s’assurer d’avoir une langue pour l’épanouissement intérieur et une langue d’opportunités et d’ouverture sur le monde extérieur. / A study of linguage compétition and language policies as well as attitudes and perceptions of the Burundian elite showed insights over digglossic relations between French, as the former colonial language, and Kirundi, the local language that is spoken by almost the entire population. In fact, there is still a very clear share of functions between the two languages, with French being the language of the written form and used for role-relation conversations such as between an employer/employee, teacher/student, etc. while Kirundi keeps its bigger share in oral conversations and within the social domains. I addition, the elite’s speech is characterized a practice of code alternation that reflects their attitudes vis-à-vis the two languages. French is barely used in oral conversations while Kirundi is not clearly engaging in the competition for functions which are normally occupied by official languages.In addition, the current trend in language policies of Burundi is to respond to external demands, including those of the East-African Community (EAC) which is rather an Anglophone entity, by putting forward English and Swahili languages without taking measures that could ensure coexistence of a local language for the internal development and a language of opportunities and openness to the external world. / Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Collaborative relationships between business and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), is offering innovative business practices, as a new and emerging concept. The potential of this phenomenon to offer market-orientated solutions to the social and developmental challenges confronting us globally is imminent. The significance of this concept for businesses in post-conflict settings in Africa is particularly relevant for Africa as the next growth market. Critically examining this evolving concept, this study looks at the perceptions and nature of collaborative relationships between business and NGOs in post-conflict settings, the contributory and inhibiting factors, as well as its characteristics towards closing the gap in knowledge.Twenty leaders of businesses and NGOs in Burundi, Sierra Leone and Liberia, involved in collaborative relationships, were interviewed. The concept was scrutinized in a qualitative study, using in-depth interviewing with qualitative and quantitative data collection methods. The methodology allowed innovative practices of collaborative relationships in post-conflict countries to be reflected on.The findings related to the embryonic and evolving nature of collaborative relationships between businesses and NGOs in post-conflict countries reflect a model of innovative cases for enhancing business processes. The model of Business Process Enhancement (BPE) is conceptualised from the results of this study. Concomitantly, the study presents new insights into the strategic potential of collaborative relationships and offers both business and NGOs in post-conflict countries a framework of the benefits, and the contributory and inhibiting factors. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / unrestricted

What conditions lead to confidence among civil war combatants that they will not face accountability for perpetrating sexual violence? This study investigates the causes of impunity for sexual violence among armed actors. It develops a theoretical framework which identifies three explanations for armed group impunity for sexual violence, namely (1) flawed prohibitions inside an armed group; (2) negligent enforcement by its authorities; and (3) pardons in the form of amnesties during the peace process. Adopting a two-pronged approach, the study first explores the associations between amnesties arising from concluding peace agreements and post-settlement levels of sexual violence in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and South Africa. A small-scale, events-based dataset of sexual violence by governments and rebel groups in the first three years after war was constructed. The second and main part of the study is a comparison between two rebel groups in Burundi’s civil war (1994-2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and Palipehutu-FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation) and their practices of prohibition and punishment of wartime sexual violence, taking into account also the possible influence of amnesties. Based on original data from 19 focus groups of ex-combatants from these rebel organisations, it is found that flawed prohibitions and negligent authorities are the main explanations for armed group impunity. The findings do not support amnesties as a cause of armed group impunity for sexual violence. Moreover, additional findings suggest that accountability for sexual violence is triggered by dependency on civilian support, while impunity is facilitated by an armed group’s ability to secure recruits, material and other resources without the help of local communities.

Les opérations de consolidation de la paix (OCP) sont l'ensemble des actions menées en vue de définir et d'étayer les structures propres à raffermir la paix afin d'éviter une reprise des hostilités. Bien que des actions de consolidation se rencontrent avant 1992, l'existence des opérations de consolidation de la paix fut consta-tée et dénommée par l'ancien Secrétaire général des Nations unies Boutros Boutros-Ghali dans l'Agenda pour la paix. Par la suite, les diffé-rentes études réalisées et la pratique ont permis de cerner les acteurs, les objectifs et les besoins d'une OCP. Ainsi la consolidation de la paix inclut non seulement des questions de sécurité – qui peuvent relever d'une mission de police – mais également des questions de restauration de la démocratie, de développement socio-économique et de la justice. Même si le Conseil de sécurité occupe une place importante dans la consolidation de la paix, il n'en est ni le seul acteur, ni le principal responsable. Ce sont, au contraire, de nombreux organes de l'ONU et organismes internationaux qui interviennent au cours des différentes étapes de la consolidation de la paix. Afin d'apporter une réponse adéquate au besoin de coordination et de coopération entre ces différents acteurs, la Commission de consolidation de la paix a été créée en 2005. Elle est le premier organe cosubsidiaire des Nations unies : elle dépend à la fois de l'Assemblée générale et du Conseil de sécurité, ce qui n'est pas sans susciter des difficultés. Elle n'est cependant pas le principal acteur de la consolida-tion de la paix puisque la responsabilité principale de chaque opération incombe à l'Etat en question. Malgré le nombre important de conflits dans le monde, la Commission n'a actuellement que quatre pays inscrits à son ordre du jour : le Burundi, la Sierra Leone, la Guinée-Bissau et la République Centrafricaine. On peut, toutefois, souhaiter qu'un nombre croissant d'Etats s'inscrive prochainement auprès de cette nouvelle Commission pour éviter le retour des conflits.

Hovedopgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

"The enjoyment of all human rights by all persons is the ultimate horizon of democracy. It is generally admitted that democratic societies are less likely to violate human rights. The good human rights records of these societies can be justified, among others, by the promotion of a strong legal culture, which provides procedural avenues for allocating responsibility for human rights violations. Thus, the protection of human rights follows from the functions of law in society, and the nature of human rights claims. At the national level, human rights are protected by both domestic and international mechanisms. Therefore, the human rights claims should be based on violations of either domestic law or relevant provisions of operational international human rights instruments. However, most of the time this is not the case, especially in Africa. Many African states have ratified several international human rights instruments, but the record of the way the latter are applied in their respective judicial systems remains very poor. This study aims to analyse the case of Burundi, one of these state whose judicial system only rarely applies international human rights instruments in spite of the importance devoted to them by the Constitution. It must be understood that international human rights as a source of law will be referred to, in this study, both as a source of rights and as a source of interpretation of domestic human righs instruments such as the Bill of Rights. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will focus on the status of international law in domestic legal systems. It will highlight the theories that have been used to determine the relationship between international and domestic law in general. Chapter three will analyse on basis of some samples of cases how the Burundian courts interpret and apply international human rights instruments. Chapte four discusses the role played by the Burundian lawyers in the enforcement of these instruments. Chapter five will draw [a] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Grace Patrick Tumwine-Mukubwa at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In the past decades, decentralization has become increasingly important in both developing and developed countries. Based on the standard decentralization theorem, policy makers believe that local governments are closer to citizens and know more about local contexts and needs than the national governments. Consequently, they can design policies leading to a more efficient allocation of public goods. Moreover, when accompanied by empowerment of local decision-makers, decentralization is supposed to make local politicians more accountable to voters in a way that national politicians are not. Yet, the effective implementation of decentralization policies may heavily rely on local institutions. This thesis contributes to a rising literature analyzing the political economics of decentralization, that is the extent to which local political dynamics may reinforce or jeopardies decentralization reforms, ultimately affecting the citizens' well-being. I consider three countries that have devolved power to local politicians to a different extent, and tackle three obstacles that may undermine the beneficial effects of decentralization reforms: first, strong political competition at the local level; second, the need for coordinating the provision of a local public good; the interaction between political competition and coordination needs on accountability and eventually the quality of a local public good. Political competition may hinder the beneficial effects of decentralization on stability in a post-war country like Burundi. After a long-lasting and devastating civil war, in 2010 Burundi organized the first local elections, with the hope of establishing political stability through democratic means. However, together with two co-authors, I show that such political decentralization partly failed. We use a unique dataset and geographic fixed effects to show that violence was higher in municipalities characterized by fierce political competition and acute polarization between demobilized rebel groups. The former protagonists of the civil war used the elections as another stage to engage in a stiff struggle for power, and used “specialists of violence” to illicitly steer the electoral outcome.Political dynamics may undermine the coordinated management of the local sewerage networks in Brazil. I use geospatial data to proxy for the scope of coordination between neighboring municipalities: municipalities that are close “enough” are those more exposed to the spreading of water-borne diseases, which ultimately justifies cross-boundary coordination of local sanitation networks. By exploiting a Regression Discontinuity Design in close municipal elections, I show that political alignment between neighboring mayors may lead to lower access to sanitation networks of households. I argue that mayors co-managing a public good have a stronger incentive to monitor each other and ensure effective coordination when they come from different political parties, essentially because of political competition. Mayors from the same party would tend instead to be more lenient to each other, ultimately undermining the quality of the local public good co-provided.Finally, I study the effect of decentralization on the accountability of local politicians co-managing local police in Belgium. In 2005, one of the regions of Belgium introduced the direct election of mayors, while in the rest of the country mayors remained appointed by the local city councils. Together with a co-author, I exploit this reform to show that crime incidence in municipalities affected by the reform decreased faster than anywhere else in the country. We argue that the direct election of mayors increase the accountability of mayors and their incentives to fight criminality. However, we find that the effects of the reform decrease when an increasingly larger number of neighboring mayors has to coordinate the local police. The need to coordinate the local police blur accountability, mitigating the effects of the reform. To conclude, the overarching message of the thesis is that local institutions matter for the implementation of decentralization policies. Policy-makers redesigning the distribution of power between levels of government need to take into account pre-existing political and institutional dynamics that could jeopardize their policy initiatives. In particular, policy-makers could envision decentralization “at different speeds”, enabling local actors to identify objectives of development together with the right tools to pursue them, and finally decentralize accordingly. / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.

PROBLÉMATIQUE La violence collective, à travers les guerres civiles et autres conflits politiques violents, constitue un lourd fardeau pour la santé publique. Plus de la moitié des décès causés par l’ensemble des conflits dans le monde entier se trouvent en Afrique. L’une des conséquences est le déplacement massif des populations qui se réfugient vers l’extérieur du pays, mais aussi de plus en plus à l’intérieur des frontières nationales. Ceux qui ne traversent pas sont appelés déplacés internes. Leur état de santé est au moins aussi vulnérable que celui de réfugiés, mais est très peu documenté. De 1993 à 2005, le Burundi a plongé dans une crise politico-sociale sans précédent. En 2001, environ 10 % de la population vivaient dans des camps de déplacés. OBJECTIF Documenter l’état de santé des personnes déplacées par la guerre au Burundi et identifier ses déterminants. CADRE CONCEPTUEL Le cadre conceptuel est basé sur la modélisation de l’association entre les événements traumatiques, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique et l’état de santé des déplacés internes burundais. MÉTHODE Une enquête transversale a été menée dans deux camps de déplacés au Burundi. Les données ont été obtenues de façon rétrospective sur l’exposition aux événements traumatiques et de manière transversale pour l’état de santé et les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique. Les participants ont été interrogés sur les événements traumatiques vécus personnellement ou par leurs proches selon une courte échelle élaborée à cet effet. De même, les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique ont été documentés. Pour la mesure de l’état de santé, un questionnaire comportant certains des 17 items du profil de santé de Duke a été utilisé. Deux traductions ont été réalisées et plusieurs items ont été adaptés. RÉSULTATS Les événements traumatiques vécus par les déplacés internes burundais sont négativement associés à l’état de santé physique, à l’état de santé sociale, à l’état de santé perçu et, positivement, avec l’incapacité. De même, plusieurs facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique sont associés à l’état de santé. Par contre, certaines associations sont à interpréter selon leurs interactions avec les événements traumatiques. Celles-ci agissent parfois comme modificateurs d’effet, en amortissant ou en amplifiant le lien associatif initial entre certains événements traumatiques et l’état de santé des déplacés. CONCLUSION : Les résultats font ressortir un effet différentiel associé d’une part aux événements traumatiques vécus précédemment et d’autre part, en interaction avec ces derniers, à l’environnement post-traumatique. Notre thèse en arrive à la conclusion que les facteurs de l’environnement post-traumatique constituent des déterminants importants de l’état de santé des déplacés de guerre. / INTRODUCTION Collective violence in the form of civil war and other violent political conflict places a heavy burden on public health. More than half of all deaths caused by conflicts around the globe occur in Africa. One of the consequences of such conflict is the massive displacement of populations seeking refuge either outside their country or, increasingly, within their country’s borders. Those who remain within their country are called internally displaced persons. Although little documented, the health of these people is every bit as vulnerable as that of refugees. From 1993 to 2005, Burundi was plunged into a socio-political crisis of unprecedented proportions. In 2001, approximately 10% of the population was living in displaced person camps. OBJECTIVE To document the health status of persons displaced by the war in Burundi and identify its determinants. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK The conceptual framework is based on a modelling of the association between traumatic events, factors in the post-trauma environment and the health status of internally displaced Burundians. METHOD This cross-sectional study was carried out in two displaced persons camps in Burundi. It uses retrospective data on exposure to traumatic events and cross-sectional data on health status and factors in the post-trauma environment. Using a short scale especially designed for this study, the participants answered questions about the traumatic events that they or those close to them had experienced. Factors in the post-trauma environment were also documented. To measure health status, a questionnaire containing some of the 17 items of the Duke Health Profile was used. Two translations were made, and several of the items were adapted to the particular context. RESULTS The traumatic events experienced by displaced persons in Burundi are negatively associated with physical health, social health and perceived health, and positively associated with disability. A number of factors in the post-trauma environment were also associated with health status. However, some of these associations are difficult to interpret because of their interactions with traumatic events. These interactions sometimes act as effect modifiers by diminishing or amplifying the initial association between certain traumatic events and the health status of displaced persons. CONCLUSION The results reveal a differential response associated with, on the one hand, previously experienced traumatic events and, on the other hand, the post-trauma environment in interaction with these traumatic events. This thesis concludes that factors in the post-trauma environment constitute important determinants of the health of persons displaced by war.