The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / After defeating the Iraqi military, Coalition Forces spread out across Iraq to stabilize and transition control of the country back to Iraqis. This historical analysis of Mosul, Ramadi, and Samarra studies military operations intended to stabilize these three cities from April 2003 to September 2005. Prior to and after the reestablishment of Iraqi sovereignty, Coalition Forces worked with Iraqi citizens at the local level to reestablish control of the population. In order to achieve this, the counterinsurgent force must understand that when consensus for non-violent political opposition does not exist within the governed populace, coercive measures must be taken to enforce local security. This analysis evaluates the effects of military operations over time and through frequent unit transitions with varying numbers of U.S. and Iraqi security forces. The conclusions gleaned from this analysis are summarized as unit approaches that either achieved control or failed to achieve control at the local level. This study suggests that a distributed lightto- medium equipped ground force operating within urban centers and in continuous close proximity to the population is best able to establish local control and partner with local police and military forces. This force should be enabled with language and cultural skills. Necessary combat multipliers include human intelligence collectors and social network analysts. / Major, United States Army

L’immigration est un phénomène récurrent qui a aujourd’hui une grande ampleur. Beaucoup de pays développés subissent de plus en plus l’immigration et la France n’est pas une exception à cela. Face à ce phénomène qui fait l’objet de débats houleux, la France est à la recherche effrénée de voies et moyens pour lutter contre les étrangers en situation irrégulière d’où le caractère très actuel de ce sujet. Même si l’étranger est en situation irrégulière, il a des droits. Le plus primordial dont il bénéficie est le droit à la santé. Ce droit se matérialise par un ensemble de dispositifs (Aide médicale d’état, Fonds de soins urgents et vitaux, Performances d’accès aux soins de santé) . L’étranger en situation irrégulière a également, en matière familiale le droit de se marier, de se passer un pacte civil de solidarité. L’irrégularité de sa situation ne le prive pas de son droit d’accès à un toit de même que l’ouverture d’un compte. En matière de travail, l’étranger en situation est exclu des étrangers pouvant travailler. Cependant, l’exercice illégalement, d’une activité lui confère des droits à l’égard de son employeur et de la sécurité sociale. L’étranger en situation irrégulière est non un sujet sans droits mais aux droits limités. Cette limitation est accentuée par les difficultés d’effectivité. La France mène une lutte contre l’étranger en situation irrégulière et plus généralement contre l’immigration clandestine. Pour ce faire un dispositif répressif est mis place avec comme mesure phare l’éloignement de l’étranger en situation irrégulière. La réaction du système français n’est pas seulement répressive car un méthode douce est dans certains cas privilégiée à savoir la régularisation. Les pays membres de l’union européenne et voisins de la France en particulier et des pays développés en général connaissent même si c’est à des degrés différents le problème des étrangers en situation irrégulière. Ce constat fait du phénomène de l’immigration irrégulière un problème européen d’où la nécessité d’une coordination pour lutter efficacement contre ce phénomène. L’externalisation de la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière est de mise. L’universalité du phénomène impose en quelque sorte d’adopter une démarche comparative à certains égards et par-delà d’apprécier l’état de la question en France par rapport à d’autres pays. Les textes communautaires, internationaux, nationaux participent à assurer un équilibre entre le respect des droits réservés à cette catégorie d’étrangers à travers le bénéfice et l’exercice par eux de droits et le respect de la législation en matière d’immigration. Dans la recherche de cet équilibre une part significative est confiée à la jurisprudence car le contentieux en la matière est très abondant du fait des saisines fréquentes du juge français ou communautaire pour constater la violation ou non d’un droit réservé à l’étranger en séjour irrégulier ou se prononcer sur une mesure allant à l’encontre de ce dernier. / Immigration is a constant phenomenon that has reached fearing proportions nowadays. Developed countries are more and more confronting it and France is not an exception. In front of this phenomenon which is now a bone of contention, France is striving for ways and means to fight against foreigners in irregular situation, hence the topicality of the issue. Even if the alien is in irregular situation is given rights the most fundamental, he benefits from is the right to health which is materialized by a set of measures State Medical Assistance (SMA), Emergency and Vital funds for health care, Permanencies for access to health care). The alien in irregular situation has also, for family matters, the right to marry, to pass a civil act of solidarity. The irregularity of his situation does not prevent him from having access to a shelter or opening an account. In terms of labour, the alien in irregular situation is excluded from the foreigners who are entitled for jobs. However, the exercise of an activity confers him rights granted by his employer and the social security. The foreigner in irregular situation is not a subject without rights but a subject with limited rights. This limitation is accentuated by constraints in effectiveness. France is fighting against foreigners in irregular situation, and generally against clandestine immigration. For this objective, a coercive apparatus is put in place with deportation as a key measure. The reaction of the French system is not only coercion because the soft approach is prioritized in some cases, meaning regularization. The European Union member countries sharing borders with France particularly, developed countries in general, are experiencing the problem of irregular aliens, even in varying degrees. With its generalization, it is becoming a European issue, hence the need of a coordination to fight efficiently against it. Externalization of the fight against irregular foreigners is in implementation. The universality of the phenomenon somehow imposes a comparative approach on some aspects, and an appreciation of the state of the art in France compared to other countries. Community and international legislations on national regulations participate in the maintenance of a balance between the respect of rights reserved for this category of foreigners through the benefit and exercise of rights by them, and the respect of legislation about immigration. In trying to achieve this balance a significant part is dedicated to jurisprudence because of the big number of litigation cases due to frequent referrals to the French court, or the European union court in order to ascertain violation - or not - of any right granted to illegal aliens, or in order to make a decision on all measures taken against them.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabricio de Carvalho Serafini.pdf: 2174708 bytes, checksum: b4b0a81d724e6647978c41ed2cd174c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-23 / Starting with the forecast, in our positive law, about the extinguishing of the punshability of the tax crimes, for the tax payment (regardless of the time), we arrive at the conclusion that the criminal law is working as collecting agent of the tax law, what it opposes the characteristic of ultima ratio of the first one, characteristic this, pointed since its origins, until the present days, as basic with respect to the same, being one of its differentials for other branches of low. This show us that's more important for our State the payment of the tax then the punishment for who commit tax crimes. This coaction propagated by the accusation for tax crime ended showing very efficient, therefore it increased the tax collection, which will be argued in terms of the general theory of the law, once confirmed what we always defend, unique as characteristic of the complete rules of law, of the several species of norms, that is the forecast of a sanction, for the State, for the one who did not follow the law, imposed in coercitive way. This took us to study the sanction, as well as differentiating the coaction of the coercion, therefore the first one happens before the non compliance of the complete rule of law, threatening the expectation of a sanction, while the second one happens after the non compliance of the complete rule of law, being the application form of the sanction. Confirming our sanctionist idea, we look for the reasons of the fulfilment of many of the rules of law are given by the fear of the sanction, what took us to look for answers in psychology, more specifically in its analysis of the behavior stream (behaviourism), but for our surprise, this showed unfruitful. With this disillusionment, we went to search aid in an opposing chain, the psychoanalysis, more precisely in the ideas of its founder Sigmund Freud. Its ideas in social, cultural and anthropological terms, permeated for its fundamental concepts of the psychoanalysis, had supplied what we looked for, that is, the confirmation of that the human beings follow many norms due to the fear of its sanctions, what it strengthened our sanctionist idea of the law / Partindo da previsão, em nosso direito positivo, da extinção da punibilidade dos crimes tributários, pelo pagamento do tributo (independentemente do seu momento), chegamos à conclusão de que o direito penal está funcionando como agente arrecadador do direito tributário, o que contraria a característica de ultima ratio do primeiro, característica essa, apontada desde seus primórdios, até os dias de hoje, como fundamental para o mesmo, sendo um de seus diferenciais para os demais ramos do direito. Isso nos mostra que mais importa para o nosso Estado o pagamento do tributo do que a punição para os que cometem crimes tributários. Essa coação veiculada pela acusação por crime tributário acabou por se mostrar muito eficiente, pois aumentou a arrecadação tributária, o que será discutido em termos da teoria geral do direito, pois confirmou o que sempre defendemos, como característica diferenciadora das normas jurídicas completas, das demais espécies de normas, que é a previsão de uma sanção, pelo Estado, para seu descumpridor, imposta de maneira coercitiva. Isso nos levou a estudar a sanção, bem como diferenciar a coação da coerção, pois a primeira se dá antes do descumprimento da norma jurídica completa, ameaçando, pela previsão de uma sanção, ao passo que a segunda se dá após o descumprimento da norma jurídica completa, sendo a forma de aplicação da sanção. Ao confirmamos a nossa idéia sancionista, procuramos buscar os porquês do cumprimento de muitas das normas jurídicas se dar pelo temor da sanção, o que nos levou a buscar respostas na psicologia, mais especificamente na sua corrente análise do comportamento (behaviorismo), mas para nossa surpresa, isso se mostrou infrutífero. Com essa decepção, fomos buscar auxílio numa corrente oposta, a psicanálise, mais precisamente nas idéias de seu fundador Sigmund Freud. As suas idéias em termos sociais, culturais e antropológicos, permeadas por seus conceitos basilares da psicanálise, nos forneceram o que procurávamos, ou seja, a confirmação de que os seres humanos seguem muitas normas devido ao temor de suas sanções, o que reforçou a nossa idéia sancionista do direito

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université Européenne de Bretagne - Rennes 2 / Alors que plusieurs auteurs ont souligné l’existence d’un contexte social relativement permissif pour expliquer l’ampleur de la coercition sexuelle dont sont victimes les femmes, cette thèse a privilégié un niveau d’analyse individuel. De concert avec une perspective interactionniste somme toute classique, il a alors été proposé que des facteurs situationnels puissent contribuer à actualiser des facteurs de risque individuels et, par ce biais, précipiter le passage à l’acte. L'objectif général de cette thèse était ainsi d'étudier expérimentalement les effets de l'alcool et de l'excitation sexuelle sur la perception du consentement et les intentions comportementales d'utiliser des stratégies coercitives pour avoir une relation sexuelle. Plus exactement, et afin d’étudier les effets de l’alcool sur la perception des intentions comportementales exprimées par une femme, un plan expérimental inter-participants a permis de répartir aléatoirement 150 participants, issus de la population générale, dans une condition Avec alcool ou dans une condition Sans alcool. La concentration d’alcool dans le sang visée était de 0,8 g/L (2,22 ml de vodka à 40 % par kg). Par la suite, les participants étaient à nouveau répartis aléatoirement dans l'une des deux modalités du facteur Excitation sexuelle, soit Avec excitation sexuelle et Sans excitation sexuelle. Un plan factoriel inter-participants 2x2 a alors permis d'étudier les effets de l'alcool et de l'excitation sexuelle sur le temps de latence pour indiquer qu'une femme n'est plus intéressée par avoir une relation sexuelle, ainsi que sur les intentions comportementales d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives non-violentes et de commettre un viol. Pour ce qui est de la perception des intentions comportementales, les résultats, obtenus à l’aide d’analyses de variance mixte, indiquent qu’il existe une difficulté à percevoir correctement une absence de consentement lorsqu’elle n’est pas exprimée avec suffisamment d’intensité. Toutefois, cette difficulté est indépendante des effets de l’alcool, dans la mesure où elle se manifeste aussi bien chez les hommes qui ont consommé de l’alcool que chez ceux qui n’ont pas consommé d’alcool. Pour ce qui est de l’identification d’une absence de consentement sexuel, les résultats, obtenus à l’aide de modèles de régression linaire multiple et de régression de Cox, indiquent qu’il existe un effet de l’alcool, mais que cet effet est modéré par les distorsions cognitives. Toutefois, si la consommation d’alcool contribue, chez les individus présentant des distorsions cognitives au-delà d’un certain niveau, à différer l’identification d’une absence de consentement sexuel, elle ne l’empêche pas. Enfin, les résultats, issus de modèles de régression linéaire multiple et logistique multiple, indiquent que l’effet de l’alcool sur les intentions comportementales d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives est également modéré (et conditionné) par le niveau de distorsions cognitives. Plus exactement, malgré la perception d’une absence de consentement sexuel, notamment lorsqu’elle est exprimée avec suffisamment d’intensité, les individus qui présentent un niveau particulièrement élevé de distorsions cognitives sont plus à risque d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives non-violentes en l’absence d’alcool, mais sont également plus à risque de commettre un viol lorsqu’ils ont consommé de l’alcool. Par ailleurs, les résultats indiquent que notre manipulation de l’excitation sexuelle pourrait avoir, au moins partiellement, échoué. De nouvelles études apparaissent ainsi nécessaires afin de comprendre le rôle éventuel de l’excitation sexuelle dans la perception du consentement et les intentions comportementales d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives pour avoir une relation sexuelle. Alors que ces résultats ouvrent la voie à de nouvelles recherches afin de mieux comprendre les processus et mécanismes par lesquels l’alcool peut, chez certains individus, contribuer à expliquer la coercition sexuelle, des implications pratiques peuvent également être proposées. Ainsi, si les résultats relatifs à la perception du consentement soutiennent l’importance de programmes de prévention primaire, voire situationnelle, les résultats relatifs aux intentions comportementales d’utiliser des stratégies coercitives soulignent que des programmes de prévention secondaire apparaissent également comme un élément indispensable d’une politique efficace de prévention de la coercition sexuelle. / While a relatively permissive social context has been argued to explain the extent of sexual coercion against women, this dissertation has favored an individual level of analysis. In accordance with a classic interactionist perspective, situational factors have been proposed to contribute to trigger individual risk factors and, therefore, precipitate sexual coercion. The overall objective of this dissertation was to experimentally study the effects of acute alcohol intoxication and sexual arousal on the perception of consent and on behavioral intentions to use coercive strategies to have sex. More precisely, a between-subjects design was used to study the effects of acute alcohol intoxication in men on their perception of a woman’s behavioral intents. The 150 participants, recruited from the general population, were thus randomized either in a condition With alcohol or in a condition Without alcohol. The targeted blood alcohol content was 0,08 % (2,22 ml of 40% alcohol-by-volume Absolut vodka per kg of body weight). Then, participants were once again randomized in one of the two levels of “Sexual arousal” factor: a condition With sexual arousal and a condition Without sexual arousal. A 2x2 between-subjects factorial design was thereby used to study the effects of acute alcohol intoxication and sexual arousal on the latency to indicate that a woman is no longer interested in having sex as well as on the behavioral intentions to use non-violent coercive strategies and to commit rape. First, in regards to the perception of a woman’s behavioral intents, the results of mixed ANOVAs indicate that there exists a difficulty in correctly perceiving an absence of consent if it is not expressed with sufficient intensity. However, this difficulty is independent of the effects of alcohol consumption, as participants in both conditions express this difficulty. Secondly, for the identification of an absence of sexual consent, results of multiple linear regressions and Cox regression indicate that alcohol consumption does have an effect, but this effect is moderated by cognitive distortions. Moreover, if alcohol consumption contributes to postpone the identification of an absence of sexual consent in participants with a higher level of cognitive distortions, it does not ultimately hinder it. Finally, results of multiple linear and multiple logistic regressions indicate that the effect of alcohol consumption on behavioral intentions to use coercive strategies to have sex is also moderated (and conditioned) by the level of cognitive distortions. Despite the fact that participants ultimately correctly perceive an absence of sexual consent, those with a higher level of cognitive distortions are more likely to use non-violent coercive strategies to have sex if no alcohol is consumed and, are also more likely to commit rape when they consume alcohol. Moreover, results indicate that our experimental manipulation of sexual arousal may have partially failed. New studies appear necessary in order to better understand the potential role of sexual arousal on the perception of consent and on behavioral intentions to use coercive strategies. While these results pave the way for new research in order to better understand the processes and mechanisms by which acute alcohol intoxication may help to explain sexual coercion in some individuals, practical implications must also be considered. While results related to the perception of consent support the relevance of primary and situational prevention, results related to behavioral intentions to use coercive strategies to have sex highlight the need for secondary prevention in order to develop an effective policy for sexual coercion prevention.

Die folgenden Fragen standen im Mittelpunkt der Dissertation: Wie handeln Grundschulkinder aus, wenn sie von ihren Peers ungerecht behandelt werden? Welche unmittelbaren Wirkungen hat ihr Vorgehen? In welchem Zusammenhang steht das Vorgehen in der Konfliktsituation mit der Stellung unter den Peers? Theoretische Grundlage waren die Entwicklungsmodelle zum Aushandeln von Yeates und Selman (1989) sowie Hawley (1999). Es nahmen 213 Dritt- und Fünftklässler an der Untersuchung teil. Eine Kombination qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden wurde verwendet. In einem individuellen Interview wurde erhoben, welche Taktiken (eine Handlungseinheit) sowie welche Strategien (Abfolge von Taktiken) die Kinder in einer hypothetischen Normbruchsituation einsetzen würden. Die Kinder wurden auch gefragt, welche unmittelbaren Wirkungen sie erwarten, wenn sie die vorgeschlagene Taktik einsetzen. Die Stellung der Kinder wurde sowohl bezüglich ihres Einflusses (Peerrating) als auch bezüglich ihrer Akzeptanz (Soziometrie) unter den Klassenkameraden erhoben. Die von den Kindern genannten Taktiken wurden vier übergeordneten Kategorien zugeordnet: Verhandeln, Erzwingen, Ausweichen und Aufgeben. Nach den Erwartungen der Kinder führen sowohl Verhandlungstaktiken als auch erzwingende Taktiken in um die Hälfte der Fälle zur Durchsetzung. Erzwingende Taktiken gehen jedoch häufig mit unfreundlichen Reaktionen einher. Einfluss und Akzeptanz der Kinder waren davon abhängig, welche Kombination und Sequenz von Taktiken (Strategie) sie wählten. Beispielsweise waren Kinder einflussreich und beliebt, die eine Reihe von Verhandlungstaktiken generierten oder die zunächst Verhandlungstaktiken vorschlugen und danach erzwingende Taktiken. Kinder, die sofort Zwang einsetzen würden, hatten wenig Einfluss und wurden abgelehnt. Außerdem fanden sich Geschlechts- und Altersunterschiede hinsichtlich des Vorgehens in der hypothetischen Normbruchsituation sowie der Zusammenhänge zwischen Taktiken und Stellung unter Peers. / The dissertation dealt with the following questions: How do children react, when a peer infringes upon their rights? What immediate outcomes are connected to their actions? What is the relation between the way children proceed in the conflict situation and their social standing among their peers? As a theoretical background served the modells about negotiations by Yeates and Selman (1989) as well as Hawley (1999). 213 third- and fifthgraders participated in the study. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used. Children were individually interviewed to assess what tactics (unit of action) as well as what strategies (sequence of tactics) they would apply in a hypothetical conflict involving a rights infraction. Children were also asked what immediate outcomes they expected, using the proposed tactic. Children's social standing was assessed concerning their influence (peerrating) as well as their acceptance (sociometrie) among their classmates. The tactics propsed by the children were assigned to four superordinate categories: negotiate, coerce, get out of the way, give in. According to the expectations of the children both negotiation tactics and coercive tactics lead to assertion in about half of the cases. Coercive tactics however often evoque unfriendly responses. Children differed in their influence and acceptance depending on the combination and sequence of tactics (strategy) they chose. For example children, which generated a series of negotiation tactics and children, which proposed negotiation tactics in the beginning and coercion tactics later were both influental and liked. Children, which chose coercion allready in the beginning had little influence and were rejected. Also gender and age differences were found concerning the tactics chosen in the hypothetical conflict situation and the relation between tactics and social standing among peers.

This thesis investigates three exemplars of uxorial substantive privileges in the criminal law: the marital coercion doctrine, the intraspousal conspiracy exemption, and the uxorial post-offence accessorial immunity. Their history, choreography and variations are comparatively investigated across the common law jurisdictions including the impact of statutory interventions. The principal argument is that the judicial and legislative treatment of these uxorial privileges has been inconsistent or erratic so that they are not the products of any systematic, modern development in the criminal law. This thesis proposes that there is no justification for their continued retention in common law legal systems. Archival, Parliamentary, and other sources have been used to identify the factors impinging upon the creation of specific statutory uxorial privileges. The diaspora of these laws throughout the other common law jurisdictions is investigated. The discussion is illustrated by examination of the particular issues raised by polygamy, customary law concubinage as well as by gender-reassignment. This thesis examines whether both gender-specific and marriage-specific criteria are valid constituents within the parameters of substantive criminal law. It traces the genesis of these special defences within the criminal law available exclusively to women, from the time of King Ine of the West Saxons c712, to examine the current status of such laws throughout common law jurisdictions. The investigation explores factors shaping the creation of a statutory defence of marital coercion by the British Parliament in 1925 and outlines the challenges generated by that law and its extraordinary resilience. This thesis demonstrates the failure of the criminal law to provide an overarching construct to implement emergent gender equality.

O estudo investiga a gestão do medo como instrumento de coerção nas organizações públicas, a partir da abordagem dejouriana, que considera a dimensão organizacional e as suas repercussões sobre o equilíbrio psíquico e a saúde mental do trabalhador. Parte-se do pressuposto de que, a partir da Reforma do Estado empreendida no Brasil, cujo modelo apóia-se na adoção do Contrato de Gestão, Política de Demissão Voluntária e privatização de empresas estatais, o medo institui-se como ferramenta de gestão utilizada pela administração como forma de obter-se maior produtividade no trabalho. A problemática parte do pressuposto de que, a partir da reforma , a possibilidade de precarização e perda dos empregos torna-se uma realidade para o funcionário público, trazendo para o seu cotidiano de trabalho o sentimento de medo, o que determina como objetivo central identificar os efeitos da gestão do trabalho por meio do medo na psicodinâmica dos indivíduos a ela submetidos. O que se busca demonstrar são os reflexos da gestão do medo sobre os aspectos psíquicos do trabalhador moderno, que ultrapassa os limites do emprego nos moldes tradicionais e invade o trabalho precário e as incertezas que o caracteriza. A pesquisa foi realizada junto a vinte e três servidores lotados na Companhia Riograndense de Mineração. Os dados foram coletados em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Para a análise de dados, foi utilizada a metodologia da análise de conteúdo, na modalidade de análise temática. Os resultados são apresentados em vinte e uma categorias iniciais, sete categorias intermediárias e quatro categorias finais: a Nova Administração Pública; o medo da demissão; o medo do mercado; e o medo institucional. O estudo demonstra que se institui um modelo híbrido de organização onde modelo burocrático e gerencial coabitam como forma de gestão – a Nova Administração Pública –, definindo-se o contexto sóciohistórico organizacional. Nesse contexto, observa-se a presença do medo em suas três dimensões cíclicas: o medo da demissão, dimensão comportamental ; o medo institucional, dimensão organizacional, e, o medo do mercado, dimensão ambiental, que intermedeiam as relações de trabalho. / The study investigates the management of the fear as instrument of coercion in the public organizations, from the dejouriana boarding, that considers the organizacional dimension and its repercussions on the psychic balance and mental health of the worker. It starts form the presumption that from the Reformation of the State undertaken in Brazil, whose apóia model in the adoption of the Contract of Management, Politics of Voluntary Resignation and privatization of state-owned companies, the fear institutes as tool of management used for the administration as form to get bigger productivity in the work. The problematic starts from the presumption that from the reform, the possibility of precariousness and loss of the jobs a reality for the civil servant, bringing for his daily routine the feeling of fear, what determines as central objective to identify to the effect of the management of the work through the fear in the psicodinâmica of the submitted individuals. The goal is to demonstrate what are the consequences of the management of the fear on the psychic aspects of the modern worker, who exceeds the limits of the job in the traditional molds and invades the precarious work and the uncertainties that characterize it. The research was carried on through twenty and three servers working at Companhia Riograndense de Mineração. The data had been collected through half-structuralized interviews. For the analysis of data, the methodology of the content analysis was used, in the modality of thematic analysis. The results are presented in twenty one initial categories, seven intermediate categories and four final categories: the new public administration; the fear of the dismissal; the fear of the market, and the institucional fear. The study demonstrates that exists a hybrid model of organization in the company where bureaucratic and managemental model cohabits as management form - the new Public Administration -, defining the context social-historical organizacional. In this context it is observed the presence of the fear in three cyclical dimensions: the fear of the dismissal - mannering dimension -, the institucional fear - organizacional dimension e, the fear of the market - ambient dimension, that intermediate the work relations.

La question de l'intervention armée pour établir la démocratie avait été étudiée par les libéraux au XIXème siècle. Certains d'entre eux l'avaient combattue au nom du principe selon lequel la liberté devait être uniquement l'apanage des peuples qui la conquièrent eux-mêmes et non par le bon vouloir de nations étrangères. On a souvent parlé d'ingérence humanitaire pour défendre l'idée que l'assistance humanitaire imposait une intervention dans un État en dépit du fait que celui-ci ne l'avait ni sollicité, ni acceptée. Dans le même sens, d'aucuns ont fait référence à l'hypothèse de l'ingérence démocratique et donc à là démocratisation de l'État par la coercition militaire quand une assistance extérieure se prétend légitime pour renverser un régime puis instaurer une démocratie. La promotion de la démocratie a été invoquée à plusieurs reprises lors de la création de missions internationales de maintien de la paix et a pu justifier des opérations d'assistance et de vérifications des élections. Si la démocratie demeure un objectif légitime, pour autant, le droit international ne la consacre pas comme un droit objectif. À la veille de l'opération américaine « Liberté en Irak » du 20 mars 2003, il n'est pas démontré une opinio juris en faveur d'une nouvelle exception à la règle d'interdiction du recours à la force posée par la Charte des Nations Unies. À l'héritage brutal du régime baasiste d'antan a succédé tout aussi brutalement un héritage américain qui rythme désormais le quotidien irakien devenu otage des effets aléatoires d'une « greffe démocratique ». / The question of the armed intervention in order to establish democracy had been studied by the liberals in the XIXth Century. Some of them had fought it in the name of the principle according to which the freedom had to be only the privilege of peoples who conquer it themselves and not by the goodwill of foreign nations. We often spoke about humanitarian intervention to defend the idea that assistance imposed an intervention in a State in spite of the fact that this one did not have it either requested or accepted. In the same direction, some people made reference to the hypothesis of the democratic intervention and thus to the democratization of the state by the military coercion when an outside assistance claims itself justifiable to overthrow a regime then establish a democracy. The promotion on democracy it has been put forward several times during the creation of international missions of preservation of the peace and was able to justify operations of assistance and checks of elections. If democracy remains a legitimate objective, however, the international law does not dedicate it as an objective right. On the eve of the American operation "Iraqi Freedom" of march 20th 2003, it is not demonstrated that an opinio juris in favor of a new exception in the rule of ban on the resort to force laid down by the Charter of the United Nations. The rough inheritance of the baath regime of former days has been followed brutally by an American inheritance which gives rhythm from now on to the Iraqi everyday life which has become a hostage of the random effects of a "democratic transplant".

O estudo investiga a gestão do medo como instrumento de coerção nas organizações públicas, a partir da abordagem dejouriana, que considera a dimensão organizacional e as suas repercussões sobre o equilíbrio psíquico e a saúde mental do trabalhador. Parte-se do pressuposto de que, a partir da Reforma do Estado empreendida no Brasil, cujo modelo apóia-se na adoção do Contrato de Gestão, Política de Demissão Voluntária e privatização de empresas estatais, o medo institui-se como ferramenta de gestão utilizada pela administração como forma de obter-se maior produtividade no trabalho. A problemática parte do pressuposto de que, a partir da reforma , a possibilidade de precarização e perda dos empregos torna-se uma realidade para o funcionário público, trazendo para o seu cotidiano de trabalho o sentimento de medo, o que determina como objetivo central identificar os efeitos da gestão do trabalho por meio do medo na psicodinâmica dos indivíduos a ela submetidos. O que se busca demonstrar são os reflexos da gestão do medo sobre os aspectos psíquicos do trabalhador moderno, que ultrapassa os limites do emprego nos moldes tradicionais e invade o trabalho precário e as incertezas que o caracteriza. A pesquisa foi realizada junto a vinte e três servidores lotados na Companhia Riograndense de Mineração. Os dados foram coletados em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Para a análise de dados, foi utilizada a metodologia da análise de conteúdo, na modalidade de análise temática. Os resultados são apresentados em vinte e uma categorias iniciais, sete categorias intermediárias e quatro categorias finais: a Nova Administração Pública; o medo da demissão; o medo do mercado; e o medo institucional. O estudo demonstra que se institui um modelo híbrido de organização onde modelo burocrático e gerencial coabitam como forma de gestão – a Nova Administração Pública –, definindo-se o contexto sóciohistórico organizacional. Nesse contexto, observa-se a presença do medo em suas três dimensões cíclicas: o medo da demissão, dimensão comportamental ; o medo institucional, dimensão organizacional, e, o medo do mercado, dimensão ambiental, que intermedeiam as relações de trabalho. / The study investigates the management of the fear as instrument of coercion in the public organizations, from the dejouriana boarding, that considers the organizacional dimension and its repercussions on the psychic balance and mental health of the worker. It starts form the presumption that from the Reformation of the State undertaken in Brazil, whose apóia model in the adoption of the Contract of Management, Politics of Voluntary Resignation and privatization of state-owned companies, the fear institutes as tool of management used for the administration as form to get bigger productivity in the work. The problematic starts from the presumption that from the reform, the possibility of precariousness and loss of the jobs a reality for the civil servant, bringing for his daily routine the feeling of fear, what determines as central objective to identify to the effect of the management of the work through the fear in the psicodinâmica of the submitted individuals. The goal is to demonstrate what are the consequences of the management of the fear on the psychic aspects of the modern worker, who exceeds the limits of the job in the traditional molds and invades the precarious work and the uncertainties that characterize it. The research was carried on through twenty and three servers working at Companhia Riograndense de Mineração. The data had been collected through half-structuralized interviews. For the analysis of data, the methodology of the content analysis was used, in the modality of thematic analysis. The results are presented in twenty one initial categories, seven intermediate categories and four final categories: the new public administration; the fear of the dismissal; the fear of the market, and the institucional fear. The study demonstrates that exists a hybrid model of organization in the company where bureaucratic and managemental model cohabits as management form - the new Public Administration -, defining the context social-historical organizacional. In this context it is observed the presence of the fear in three cyclical dimensions: the fear of the dismissal - mannering dimension -, the institucional fear - organizacional dimension e, the fear of the market - ambient dimension, that intermediate the work relations.