Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2005 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this thesis is to show the relevance of an application of hope care model to the Korean couples who are in conflict and confusion by being caught in the battle between Confucianism and post-modernity regarding marital values. Korean marriages face difficulties due to the increasing intluence of post-modernity in Korean culture. The disruption of the family is the most marked consequence of post-modernity, in which an attitude and value system toward life, marriage and especially self, is changing. Even though the increasing influence of post-modernity has weakened the influence of Confucianism, Korean marriage is still influenced by the tenets of Confucianism in terms of the role and status of men and women within four main areas: 1) education at home and at school, 2) sex discrimination at the workplace 3) military service for men, 4) the revival of cultural heritages as part of the rise of nationalism in response to globalization. It is said that the church has to take initiative to prevent Korean marriages from collapsing. However, the teaching around marriage in Korean churches seems to be mingled with Confucian precepts. This raises doubt about the capacity of Korean churches to contribute positively to the strengthening of marriage relationships. Marriage counselling in Korean conservative churches is being practiced within the framework of a reductionist view on biblical counselling. This is not sufficient in a post-modern Korea by the reason that this approach has the danger of ascribing all human problems to personal sins, thereby encouraging a one-sided God-concept in which God is only concerned with sins and righteousness and has no compassion for human beings in their suffering. When marriage is troubled, this God-image can lead the couple to severe guilt feelings rather than to the hope which can improve their marriage and enhance their mutual respect. Hope care, based on appropriate God-images and a constructive self-image arising out of God's faithfulness and our new being in Christ, could help couples to achieve a constructive attitude to life, to various crises, to self and to their partners. Since hope care model includes the sacramental concept of marriage, the concept of the grace and love of God and the concept of 'mutual submission,' it could be expected to adequately deal with the fundamental Confucian values (male's dominance, female's submissiveness and hierarchy), thus contributing to the attainment of the three key goals in the Korean marriage, such as equality, marital friendship and a closer marital bond. As a result, hope could then ensure a more healthy stance in order to help couples to grow in marriage relationships. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis wil krities die noutetiese model. vir hwweliksberading binne die Koreananse kultuur evalueer en dit ver gelyk met 'n hoopmodel wat op groei fokus. Vir die doel word 'n analise gemaak van die invloed van confusianisme en postmodernisme op egpaarkommunikasie in Korea. Koreaanse huwelike is deesdae onder groot druk as gevolg van die invloed wat postmodernisme op die Koreaanse kultuur het. Die ontwrigting van die familie is een van die grootste oorsake van postmodernisme, waann die houding en waardesisteme teenoor die lewe, huwelik en veral die self-konsep besig is om te verander. Hoewel die groter invloed van postmodernisme die invloed van Confusianisme verswak het, word Koreaanse huwelike nogsteeds deurslaggewend deur die leerstellings van Confusianime beinvloed. Dit beinvloed veral die rol en status van mans en vroue binne die volgende vier hoofareas 1) Opvoeding by die huis en skool 2) Seksuele diskrirninasie by die werkplek 3) Militere diens vir mans 4) Die herlewing van kultuur erfenis as deel van nasionalisme in antwoord op globalisasie. Huweliksberading 111 baie Koreaanse gemeentes word deur die noutetiese beradingsmodel bepaal. So 'n beradering is ontoepaslik in 'n postmoderne Korea, omdat dit die gevaar inhou dat aile probleme toegeskryf word aan persoonlike sondes. Die gevaar bestaan dus dat 'n eensydige Godskonsep ontwikkel, waarin God slegs met sonde en oordeel in verband gebring word en Ole met patos en empatie nie. Wanneer daar huweliksprobleme is, kan derglike Godsvoorstellinge lei tot skuldgevoelens eerder as hoop. 'n Hoopmodel maak gebruik van 'n sakramentele paradigma in huweliksterapie. Dit sluit and by die voorstelling van God as Verbondspartner en is gerig op groei en konstruktiewe verandering.

本論文共乙冊，凡十萬字，分為八章，首章緒論，說明本論文研究之目的、方法與主 要論題；次章總論實踐之意義，及其與當代新儒家之關聯；三、四章討論唐君毅與牟 宗三理論中對實踐問題的態度；五、六、七章就勞思光的思想討論其所謂近百年來之 「中國苦難」的本質、苦難的解除，及解除行動之著手處等問題，而顯豁其實踐哲學 之內容。末章結論，則對勞思光思想針對唐君毅、牟宗三思想之可能補益進行討論， 並進而檢討此補益中之缺陷，期能對當代新儒家之實踐問題提供更為整全的解決。

德富蘇峰於文久三年(1863)生於熊本，追溯他的思想源流，可知其受到橫井實學黨與基督教影響極深，而它們分別代表傳統儒家與近代洋學。儘管蘇峰受到橫井小楠思想強烈的影響，但是他卻不遺餘力地否認、排除自身的儒教思想。因此，可發現蘇峰對西洋自由主義的憧憬，與他強烈批判「儒教主義」的意圖合而為一。 本文以德富蘇峰的「自由」論為主題，其初期著作《自由、道德、及儒教主義》(明治十七年)為基本史料。在此著作中，蘇峰論述了自由為何、道德為何、自由與道德之關係等問題。因此，筆者擬藉由分析《自由、道德、及儒教主義》之論述，試圖闡明蘇峰如何藉由抨擊「儒教主義」攝取西洋自由論；而在日本文明開化與追求對外獨立發展的時代，蘇峰也富有強烈的國家主義(Nationalism)色彩。再者，此書付梓的明治十七年，時值自由民權運動趨於沒落，明治政府亦在十四年政變後，著手進行反動的儒教主義教育。蘇峰於是在此背景下展開他的「自由」論，因此其「自由」論擁有重視「政治自由」的特質。本文將考察蘇峰是以何種觀點詮釋、攝取啓蒙主義和自由民權運動的自由論，進而形成自己獨特的「自由」論。 藉由分析《自由、道德、及儒教主義》一書，可理解蘇峰的「自由」論是以批判「儒教主義」為主，並欲創造出具備「盡職分」的新道德之「平民」。在闡明西洋自由論和日本自由論之後，可發現此點既是蘇峰「自由」論的最大特質。 / TokutomiSoho was born in Kumamoto in the third year of Bunkyu. His thoughts could be traced back to YOKOI JITSUGAKU PARTY(橫井實學黨)and Christianity. Although he was deeply influenced by YokoiShonan(橫井小楠), TokutomiSoho actually had spared no effort to deny “Confucianism”. Therefore, his longing for Western liberalism was integrated with the animadvertion of “Confucianism”. This thesis based on TokutomiSoho’s early essay －“Liberty, Moral, and Confucianism”, will focus on his thoughts on“Liberty”. In the essay, he discussed “what is Liberty, what is Moral, and the relations between those two”. Thus, by analyzing the “Liberty, Moral, and Confucianism” , I’d like to examine the ‘Liberty’ in early TokutomiSoho’s thoughts and how he absorbed Western liberalism with the criticism of “Confucianism”. Also, during the ages of Japan’s Civilization and Enlightenment(文明開化) and its regaining independence, TokutomiSoho’s thoughts somehow contained Nationalism in the early stage. The essay aforementioned was written in the seventeenth year of Meiji, given the background that Japan’s Freedom and People’s Rights Movement(自由民權運動) tended to decline, while at the same time its government embarked on reactionary education of Confucianism after the cope in the fourteenth year of Meiji ,consequently his thoughts on ‘Liberty’ contained the characteristic of ‘political liberty’. This thesis examines how TokutomiSoho interpreted, and assimilated ‘Liberty’ from Enlightenment(啓蒙主義) and Freedom and People’s Rights Movement, and further, formed his own thoughts on ‘Liberty’. By analyzing the “Liberty, Moral, and Confucianism”, I cleared that TokutomiSoho’s ‘Liberty’ is mainly developed under his criticism of “Confucianism”. His intention was to cultivate ‘people’ (平民) by new moral, that is , ‘exertion of the duty’. After expounding Western liberalism and Japanese liberalism, the idea that new moral is the characteristic of the ‘Liberty’ in TokutomiSoho’s thoughts and is also the restriction of that can be found.

數十年來，中國共產黨對於儒家主義的文化價值產生巨變。不似四十年前的革命，當時共產黨欲拔除儒道深植的價值，孔夫子成為國家反革命的代表形象。相反的，近年來黨內開始重塑孔夫子的地位，藉由每年慶祝孔子誕辰，立孔子像以彰顯他的貢獻，塑造成中國偉大的聖人。這大膽假設過去以馬克思主義的基本意識形態可能在改變，產生共鳴的對象從馬克思主義蛻變成儒家主義。另外一說：中國共產黨意圖採用普世的儒家價值來合理化其作為。因此我們應如何看待這個黨與過去其眼中的「魔」共舞？黨對於儒家主義的真正意圖為合？本文研究重點將解釋以上問題。 首先，本文將透過理論去探討儒家主義如何合理化政治行為。接著將透過重要的歷史背景因素證明一開始的中國共產黨對儒家主義的深惡痛絕。其後將透過第一手的文件和歷史文獻佐證在1980年代儒家主義復甦以後，黨轉變為尋找與大眾價值的共識──與儒家主義共存的立場。儒家主義的再次興起帶來了民族尊嚴，進而使黨更容易透過國家主義統一整個國家。另一方面，中國共產黨也試著傳播精心塑造的儒家主義，去蕪存菁的挑選出最利於黨的儒家元素架構。後段將提到中國共產黨如何選擇性的篩選儒家主義元素來支持獨裁統治，向國際營造中國穩定社會的形象；而非摒棄過去基本意識形態──馬克思主義卻選擇西化。最後駁斥某些立場：如中國共產黨正準備脫離現下的基本意識進而靠攏儒家主義。 因此，儘管過去中國共產黨批評儒家主義是製造階級化的淵藪，但現在卻一步步採用同樣思想，合理化獨裁統治。這種五十步笑百步的行為，挑選了利於黨的儒家元素，將存在中國兩千年的儒家主義的這甕舊酒，裝到中國共產黨統治下的這個新瓶裡。 / Over the last few decades, the Chinese Communist Party’s attitude towards the most profound determinant of the traditional Chinese culture – Confucianism – changed significantly. Not even 40 years ago, Confucius was represented as an anti-revolutionary enemy of the state, while the party tried to root out every sprout of Confucianism amongst the population. Contrarily, nowadays, the party seems to have re-instated Confucius to the position of ‘great Chinese sage’, for which it organizes his annual birthday parties, raises statues for him and praises his contributions to humanity. This leads some observers to the bold conclusion that the party might even be prepared to change its ideological basis from Marxism – which lost its resonance amongst the population anyways – to Confucianism. Others disagree, and argue that the party is just widening its legitimacy basis in a populist way by using all kinds of means, amongst which Confucianism. Thus, how should we assess the party’s dance with the former devil? What is actually the party’s plan with Confucianism? Giving an answer to the latter question is the main purpose of this research. First of all, as most authors relate this phenomenon to the party’s quest for political legitimacy, a basic theoretical overview will be given, showing possible causality between Confucianism and political legitimacy. Secondly, the most essential historical background will be provided in order to explain why the party was initially so malicious towards Confucianism. Subsequently, based on literature, and based on an analysis of primary sources, it will be argued that the party, after witnessing a popular revival of Confucianism in the 1980s, on the one hand sought consensus with the population by co-opting this revival – a revival which led to national pride, enabling the party to capitalize on its nationalist legacy as unifier of the country – while it on the other hand tried to channel this development into a meticulously constructed form of Confucianism – by selecting some elements and discarding others – that would benefit the party. The latter refers to a fragmented version of Confucianism which supports authoritarian rule, enhances social stability, shows a gentler face of China to the outside world, presents an attractive cultural alternative to Westernization, but - most importantly - doesn’t present an ideological alternative to Marxism. The latter refutes the claim that the CCP is preparing to depart from its current ideological base towards Confucianism. Concluding, despite the fact that the party previously vigorously blamed Confucianism for having facilitated the subjugation of the population, it now more or less uses Confucianism in a similar manner. The pot seems to have called the kettle black. Therefore, the role of Confucianism in the CCP’s legitimacy strategy is old wine – symbolizing the way in which dynastical China has used a selection of Confucian teachings to enhance its authoritarian rule for two millennia – in a new socialist bottle.

近年來，隨著公民意識抬頭，西方資本主義不斷受到質疑與挑戰，企業不能再把「為股東追求最大利潤」作為企業存在的唯一目標，而是應該考量到企業和其他利益關係人(Stakeholder)之間的關係。而這樣的觀念，正巧和宏碁(acer)前董事長施振榮先生所提出之「王道」(Wangdao)精神相呼應，亦即中國儒家的經商哲學，筆者稱之為中國的經濟思想，是一種對西方資本主義的修正。如何借鏡中國的儒家思想，修正傳統西方資本主義的弊端，減緩持續擴大的貧富差距與分配不平等，便成為了本研究的研究動機。 本研究以質性研究作為研究方法，又可細分為文獻蒐集與深度訪談。第二章透過大量的文獻蒐集與閱讀，作為研究結果的假說依據，並於第四、第五章輔以深度訪談研究對象，作為理論結果的證據。 研究結果顯示，中國經濟思想因包含了儒家學說，對於「義」和「利」的價值順序，與西方資本主義有很明顯的不同。在企業經營的過程中，若能將儒家思想放入其中，則更容易達到「共創價值、利益平衡、永續經營」的理想目標。此外，透過本研究的結果，我們也能發現宗教信仰對於組織的重要性。以本研究中的伊甸基金會為例，便能清楚發現基督信仰與儒家思想在該組織中的融合，並且在潛移默化的過程中指導每一位組織成員的行為與表現。 / In recent years, with the rise of civic awareness, Capitalism has been questioned and challenged. "maximizing profits for shareholders" is no longer the only goal of company. Instead, company should consider the relationship between company and other Stakeholders. This concept is same with "Wangdao" proposed by Stan Shih, the acer former chairman, that is, the Chinese Confucian philosophy, I call it China's economic thinking. How to draw lessons from Chinese Confucianism, revise the drawbacks of Capitalism and slow down the widening gap between rich and poor and distribution inequality has become the motive of this research. In this study, qualitative research is used as a research method, but also can be divided into literature collection and interviews. The second chapter is based on literature collection and reading, as the hypothesis of the results, and in the fourth and fifth supplemented by interviews with the object, as the theoretical results of the evidence. The results show that the Chinese economic thought contains the Confucian doctrine, the value of "righteousness" and "benefit", it has a huge difference with Capitalism. In the course of business, if we can put Confucianism into it, it is easier to achieve "create value, balance of interests, sustainable development," the ideal goal. In addition, through the results of this study, we can also find the importance of religious beliefs for the organization. In this study, the Eden Foundation, for example, will be able to clearly find the Christian faith and Confucianism in the integration of the organization, and in the subtle process of guiding each member of the organization's behavior and performance.

Containing a prodigious amount of quotes, Han's Duoshu is textually indebted to many others' literary efforts. It quotes edificatory writings of Chinese intellectuals as well as works authored or translated by the Jesuits. Indeed, one of the purposes of this thesis is to clarify the treatise's textual indebtness to works that pertain to the Chinese tradition and the "Western learning." / This thesis argues that Han Lin thus participated in his native Jiangzhou's government-supervised educational activities for two purposes. The first was to propagate the Catholic faith by making use a Confucian, official educational institution. The second was to contribute to the cultivation of moral values and to the restoration of moral order from the local level by incorporating Catholic ethics into local educational material. In this way, the writing of Duoshu aimed to advance both Catholic preaching and Confucian edification on the one hand, and to bring them into coalescence on the other. / This thesis concentrates on the study of the seventeenth-century Chinese treatise Duoshu (Book of Admonitions), authored by the Catholic intellectual Han Lin (1596?-1649). Towards the end of the Ming, the magistrate of Jiangzhou (in Shanxi Province) Sun Shun organized communal pact meetings (xiangyue) shortly after he assumed office, in which local gentries and intellectuals were invited to lecture on the Six Maxims of the Hongwu emperor. Han Lin, a native of Jiangzhou, was one of the lecturers, and Sun's invitation gave him the impulse to write Duoshu. Despite its noticeable Catholic elements, the treatise is neither purely an apologetic work nor mere exposition of Christian doctrines. Although the purpose of expounding the Six Maxims runs through the entire treatise in terms of its contents and structure, Duoshu was written not only to propagate orthodox Confucianism or Ming imperial ideology. Its teaching is found to be more rich and complex than that of a mere commentary on the imperial precepts can be. / To better understand Duoshu, this thesis tries to probe into the life of the author and contextualize the treatise in the light of its relevant social institutions and literary tradition (especially literary genres). Shortly after its publication, Duoshu's circulation aborted amidst the dynastic change. Only after a lapse of over two centuries did the lost work reappear in China. The scholar Chen Yuan (1880-1971) truly grasped Han's writing purpose and wanted to fulfill it in his own time. His philological and editorial efforts made the modern reprint of Duoshu possible. A chapter of this thesis is therefore devoted to this episode of Duoshu's reception history in the Republican era. / 李凌瀚. / Sumitted: 2005年9月[Sept. 2005] / Sumitted: 2005 nian 9 yue [Sept. 2005] / Adviser: Archie C. C. Lee. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-09, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 148-163). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Li Linghan.

This dissertation is aimed to set up a Confucian-style religious philosophy on the basis of Zhū Xī’s ideas. It seeks to articulate and highlight what has existed previously in some form in Zhū Xī’s Confucianism in a language which appears to be more precise for modern readers. Leibniz’s interpretations of Chinese philosophy and culture, as well as many resources in his own philosophy and Christian theology, serve to promote the realization of this aim. Zhū Xī’s religious philosophy in our reconstruction is a philosophy containing a theology of Heaven at its core, and this theology is certainly not a revealed one. These following issues are covered: 1) a theology of deities, 2) a metaphysics of the supreme being (Heaven), 3) an appropriate treatment of the ontology of lǐ2 and qì in relation to Heaven, and 4) a suitable interpretation of transcendence and immanence within human beings. The dissertation has three major parts. The first part is to argue that the worship of Heaven is special and superior to any reverence contained in the “polytheism” (which is finally philosophized by Zhū Xī as the reverence towards manifold pneuma) revealed in the Confucian sacrificial system. At the same time, it explores how the faith in various spirits or deities can be consistent with a belief in Heaven. The second part shows that it is fundamental to see Zhū Xī’s Heaven as a substance, so that one is able to attribute to it qualities and properties, even before there is any decision about whether or not to regard Heaven as a person. Among Heaven’s qualities, we choose its work (gōng) and virtuousness (dé) as its most prominent features to expound. In the light of Heaven’s virtuousness, a theodicy of Heaven is constructed. The third part is devoted to a discussion of the nature of human beings as well as of our fellows in the natural world, especially in relation to Heaven. Zhū Xī offers two perspectives for understanding humanness: one by studying the nature of xīn (“heart-mind”), and the other, the composite nature of hún-pò (or guǐ-shén, “souls”). We choose to plunge into the latter perspective, something comparable with Leibniz’s theories of soul. In the concluding chapter major features or facets of this reconstruction of Zhū Xī’s religious philosophy and its relevance to modern times are stated in a concise and relatively bold way.

A presente dissertação trata das contribuições exercidas pelo Confucionismo junto às inter-relações doutrinárias presentes no pensamento tradicional japonês. A pesquisa foca no primeiro século do período Edo (1603 – 1867), onde tal filosofia ocupou importância fundamental para as mudanças advindas nos âmbitos sociais, culturais e políticos. Interagindo com o Budismo e o Xintoísmo, o Confucionismo vem a formar o chamado Pensamento Tokugawa, despontando como principal articulador desta relação. Observou-se que o Confucionismo foi reativado no Japão do século XVII como uma ideologia de Estado propícia à centralização política concluída pelo shogunato Tokugawa. Mas esta doutrina não foi empregada apenas pelos acadêmicos oficiais, tendo amplo uso popular, sobretudo por monges budistas dissidentes, que trouxeram seus estudos à tona. Neste contexto, o Confucionismo foi utilizado, muitas vezes, em conjunto com outras tradições religiosas e filosóficas das formas mais variadas: como em apropriações inter-doutrinárias, em níveis teóricos ou práticos, e na formação de vertentes sincréticas destas doutrinas. Uma de suas manifestações foi o bushido, código de ética moral dos samurais, filosofia que surgiu como uma resposta frente à crise deste segmento social, e que veio a oferecer fontes de elevada importância à compreensão histórica do pensamento do período. No objetivo de circundar a temática, conferimos a presença de certa tendência propícia ao estabelecimento de vinculações filosóficas e analogias, uma herança de experiências anteriores ocorridas na China. Nesta ocasião, o Confucionismo teria sido reintroduzido ao Japão, no século XIII, através dos mesmos monges responsáveis pela propagação do Budismo Zen em terras nipônicas. Outra conexão aqui traçada foi a que envolve medidas centralizadoras, o isolamento do Japão (sakoku jidai) e a emergência de um cenário cultural favorável ao crescimento confucionista. Neste aspecto, viu-se também a criação de determinada identidade japonesa, com feições confucionistas e tributária de uma reformulação educacional feita em conjunto com as demais doutrinas. O século XVII japonês foi marcado pela consolidação do Sankyo Itchi, a “unicidade dos três ensinos” – Confucionismo, Budismo e Xintoísmo –, que vem a ser uma das características principais do pensamento japonês hoje tido como “tradicional”. E é em torno desta interação que aqui acompanhamos o papel exercido pela doutrina de Confúcio no -ippon, a “terra do sol nascente”. / This dissertation is about Confucianism contributions to the doctrinal interrelationship in the japanese traditional thought. The research focuses on the first century of Edo period (1603 – 1867), where such philosophy ply fundamental importance to significant changes in social, cultural and political range. Interacting with Buddhism and Shintoism, Confucianism will form the so called Tokugawa Thought, and dawning as the main articulator of this relationship. It has been pointed out that the Confucianism was reactivated in Japan in 17th century as a State ideology appropriate to the political centralization finished by Tokugawa shogunate. But this doctrine has not been used only by the official faculty, having wide popular usage, mainly by dissident buddhist monks, who brought this studies back to the surface. In this context, the Confucianism has been often used combined with other religious and philosophical traditions in a variety of ways: as in interrelationship appropriations in theoretical or practical levels, and in the formation of syncretistic sects of this doctrine. One of its manifestations was the bushido, moral and ethical code of the samurai, philosophy which has aroused as an answer to the crisis of this social segment, and it offered highly importance fonts to the historical comprehension of the period’s thought. With the purpose of encompassing the subject, we have checked some propitious tendency to the establishment of philosophical links and analogy, a heritage of previous experiences in China. In this occasion, Confucianism would have been reintroduced to Japan, in the 13th century, by the same monks responsible for the Zen Buddhism spread in Nipponic lands. Another outlined connection was the one which involves centralization measures, Japan’s seclusion (sakoku jidai) and the emergence of a cultural scene favorable to the confucianist growth. In this aspect, we have seen the birth of a certain Japanese identity, with confucianist traits and favored by an educational reformulation made in combination with the other doctrines. The Japanese 17th century has been marked by the consolidation of Sankyo Itchi, the “unity of three teachings” – Confucianism, Buddhism and Shintoism – which is one of the main characteristics of the Japanese thought called “traditional nowadays. In this work, surrounding this interaction, we followed Confucius doctrine role in Nippon, the “land of the rising sun”.

Les peintures coréennes datant de la dynastie Joseon (1392-1910) ont été très souvent remontées à la manière chinoise ou japonaise. Il est possible d’en reconstituer la configuration grâce à de rares exemples de rouleaux suspendus ayant conservé leurs montages d’origine. Il en est ainsi du Portrait de Kang Sehwang par Yi Myeonggi, qui date de 1783, et aujourd’hui conservé au Musée national de Corée, à Séoul, ou encore des Bambous sous la pluie de Yi Chong, datant de 1622 et appartenant au Musée Guimet, dont l’originalité tient à l’inclusion d’un colophon calligraphié. Dans ce genre de peintures réservées aux lettrés, le schéma d’encadrement au moyen d’une bordure blanche ainsi que d’un encadrement supérieur et inférieur de couleur bleue apparaît comme étant semblable. On peut étendre le travail de reconstitution grâce aux archives royales, où des commandes de paravents de diverses natures sont enregistrées. Le genre mal connu des « souvenirs de réunions », à mi-chemin entre peinture et écriture, révèle des montages originaux sous forme de rouleaux suspendus. L’examen d’autres genres de peintures, qu’elles soient commémoratives, édificatrices, ou même chamaniques montre l’étendue des solutions de montages, ce qui tient à l’extrême variété des papiers coréens utilisés. La conception de formats géants pour les peintures bouddhiques, surtout après la Guerre d’Imjin (1592-1598), ne peut s’expliquer sans les propriétés de résistance du papier coréen. L’examen technique et esthétique des montages de peintures coréennes apporte ainsi un nouvel éclairage à l’histoire de la peinture coréenne, depuis la fin de la dynastie Goryeo jusqu’aux bouleversements politiques apparus en 1910. / During the 20th century, most Korean paintings dating from the Joseon dynasty (1392-1910) have been remounted by using the Chinese technique or the Japanese one. Yet, it is possible to reconstruct their original appearance by studying a couple of Korean scrolls that have kept their original mounts. The Portrait of Kang Sehwang by the painter Yi Myeonggi, dated 1783, that belongs to the National Museum of Korea in Seoul, is one of them. Bamboos under the Rain, painted by Yi Chong in 1622, kept by the Guimet Museum in Paris, is a further example, its original feature being the inclusion of a colophon with a calligraphy. In these paintings intended for scholars, the design of the frame, taking the form of a white border with a blue upper and lower part, seems to have been widespread. One may extend the reconstruction of the Korean mounts by analysing the content of the royal archives: the commissioning of screens were documented in detail, revealing all kind of information about their material. Studying the lesser known genre of the “memories of meetings”, at the border between painting and writing, is particularly instructive as some of these have kept their original mounts. Examination of further categories of paintings, whether commemorative, votive or even shamanist, reveal a large extent of solution of mountings, and this is due to the varieties of Korean paper. The making of giant format for Buddhist paintings after the Imjin War (1592-1598) was largely the result of the resistant properties of the Korean paper named hanji.

Purpose: How Chinese people behave toward French Luxury Brands? Method: This paper is built on a deductive approach following three main hypotheses. Secondary datawere retrieved from books, studies and articles found in Halmstad library and several databases.Moreover, primary data were also collected through a questionnaire; which shapes the major lines ofour conclusions. Theoretical Framework: The frame of references follows our three hypotheses. First, the culturaldifferences between France and China are highlighted through concepts such as: Hofestede culturaldimensions, Mezirow’s theory and Guanxi. Then, the Mianzi philosophy and the flying geeseparadigm are used to support the hypothesis that brands could be used as social markers. Finally,several theories about the country-of-origin effect are used to analyse the image of French products in China. Conclusion: The authors conclude that French luxury brands are considered on the Chinese south-eastcoast as a mark of high quality, prestige and fashion. These features partly motivate their purchasingdecision, whereas the country-of-origin itself is not a convincing argument. These brands, usuallyexpensive, are nowadays perceived by Chinese as a way to emphasis their wealth and thus socialstatus. This behaviour shows a growing individualism toward French luxury brands ownership in acountry historically ruled by collectivism. The contributions and further studies possible are finallyestablished at the end of this paper.