This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how and what two Swedish newspapers wrote about the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the initial invasion of Poland during the Second World War. Additionally this works also seeks to find any major differences between the two newspaper coverage of the events studied. To achieve this goal a qualitative and comparative method was applied to the source material, which consist of the newspapers Nya WermlandsTidningen (NWT) and Dagens Nyheter (DN) during the period from August 23 to the eight of September. The theory which was applied is a variant of critical discourse analysis. The results of the essay can be summarized as follows: Both NWT and DN provided and adequate coverage of the events, although they often reported on the same events and with the same sources they used different headlines and sometimes reached different conclusions. In regards to the comparative study this reveals that largely they reported on minor differences and that most of the major stories are similar.

I denna studie undersöks hur tre rikstäckande svenska dagstidningar med varierande ideologisk grund gestaltat ett urval av politiska händelser på Kuba under Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre 1962–1994. De politiska händelserna på Kuba som granskats är Kubakrisen 1962, Olof Palmes Statsbesök 1975 samt Specialperioden 1990–1994. Frågeställningarnas fokus har dels legat på hur gestaltningarna av Kubas politik bibehållits eller förändrats under den undersökta perioden, och dels hur tidningarna förhållit sig till sin politiska grundideologi över tid. Avslut- ningsvis har detta resultat ställts mot Francis Fukuyamas tes om ”Historiens slut”. Gransk- ningen av materialet har skett med ett gestaltningsteoretiskt ramverk där en kvalitativ aspekt granskat gestaltningens perspektiv och urval, samt en kvantitativ aspekt som fokuserat på jour- nalistikens värdeomdömen mot Kubas politik. Resultat visar att det fanns betydande skillnader mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar och värdeomdömen under 1960- och 1970-talet. Under Spe- cialperioden på 1990-talet förenades dock samtliga tidningar i en samstämmig kritik mot Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre på Kuba. Detta tycks dels vara ett resultat av tidningarna i allt högre grad blivit nyhetsstyrda snarare än idéstyrda. Ideologiska nyanser skiljer tidningarnas gestaltningar åt, dessa perspektiv överskuggas dock på 1990-talet av att tidningarna samlas i en typ av liberaldemokratisk mittfåra som enhälligt fördömer kommunismen på Kuba. / This study examines how three nationwide newspapers in Sweden framed a sample of political events on Cuba during Fidel Castro's communist rule during the period 1962–1994. The news- papers are all linked to different political ideologies. The political events examined were the Cuban missile crisis 1962, Olof Palme's state visit 1975 and the Special Period 1990–1994. The purpose of the study was on one hand to examine if the framing of Cuba’s politics was main- tained or changed during this period, and on the other hand how the newspapers adhered to their political ideology over time. In conclusion these results are discussed in relation to Francis Fukuyamas thesis “The End of History?”. The study uses a frame analysis as a theoretical framework which has a qualitative aspect that examines the salient perspectives and selections, and a quantitative aspect which focus on value judgments towards Cuba's political leadership. The study shows that there were significant differences between the newspaper framing and value judgements during the 1960s and 1970s. During the 1990s there were a substantial shift, as the newspapers now united in a unanimous condemnation of the communist rule on Cuba. This seems to be a result of the newspapers becoming more news-driven rather than idea-driven. Although some ideological nuances persisted during the 1990s, overall the ideologies expressed by the newspapers seem to converge in the support of political and economic liberalism. Based on the results of this study, the major ideological battle of the 20th century was replaced by minor ideological disputes in the 1990s.

The usage of the word oligarch has been growing rapidly in Swedish newspapers since the fall of the Soviet Union. In this study, I will examine the way Swedish newspapers have been using the word, in what I asses as a biased way.     Previous research has shown that the word is applicable in a much wider space, and that other countries or parts of the world contains cases of oligarchs. The word oligarch is actually old, it comes from ancient Greece and its renowned philosophers, originally made up to describe when the power of a democracy lies in the hands of only a few. Today, it seems that the word has been heavily associated (almost exclusively), with Russian businessmen. Many whom made their fortune during the turmoil between the collapse of the Soviet Union and the republic of Russia switching from a communist economy to a capitalistic state.    There lies certain power in actions, as so in words. To misinterpret, applicate or to use words and situations with the intention of self-advocacy could be dangerous, especially when done so by a force capable of influencing the minds of the masses. The words we use affect our way of interpreting things, in turn, how people interpret, think and conversate about topics and such are called discourse. Critical discourse analysis works as a theory, or method to critically examine the ways that we discuss about these so-called discourses, and how the debate about the topics develop in our society.    Ultimately, by looking into the way three big and influential Swedish newspapers reported on the topic of oligarchs for almost thirty years, we will see how the discourse of the oligarchs develop. This study will work as an insight into the actual discourse and shed light on how institutions such as our news reporting need to be consistently checked in order to be held accountable before their presentation. It is important as it affects the way that we think and interact with each other. Ultimately, from a historical perspective, active discourses like these are things that can put dirty stains on our history. Instead of keeping them alive, we should remind ourselves of our preconceptions, to avoid further alienation amongst people.

In the summer of 2019, ASAP Rocky, or Rakim Meyers as his real name is, was suspectedand later convicted of assault after a gig in Stockholm. The incident and the subsequent courtproceedings received a great deal of attention in the Swedish media.The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine the news coverage of the case "ASAPRocky" in the Swedish press. The research questions that were investigated were: How isASAP Rocky presented in news articles in Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet? What does the conformation of the role as a victim and perpetrator look like? How does the conformation change during the arrest? We conducted a qualitative content analysis using a question template based on four questions taken from media logic and framing theory. By examining the portrayal of the parties involved and roles as victims and perpetrators, we were able to distinguish that none of the roles are portrayed or lived up to the definition of the roles.One theme in the essay was that ASAP Rocky's celebrity status was in his favor. This theme is also demonstrated when ASAP is embodied in the empirical material.

The purpose of this essay is to examine and compare the news covering of Swedens three biggest cities (the metropolitan areas) and their surrounding areas with the covering of the rest of the country (the provincial areas) in two daily national newspapers, Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. The aim has been to answer the following questions:- What amount of the news coverage in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter concern the metropolitan areas compared to the provincial areas, and how do these two newspapers differ in the news covering of these areas?- Is there a difference in the news articles size and content, depending on weather they concern the metropolitan or the provincial areas?- How has the balance between news concerning metropolitan and provincial areas changed over the recent 20 years?The theories used in this study are News values, the media commercialization and Popular Journalism, and The Agenda Setting Theory. The method that has been used is a Quantitative Content Analysis.Despite the essays hypothesis, that the news coverage in the two newspapers would be dominated by material from the metropolitan areas, the result showed that a majority of the examined articles concern the provincial areas. It also showed that Aftonbladet has a bigger percentage of provincial news than Dagens Nyheter. The result also pointed towards the conclusion that the metropolitan areas and the provincial areas are similarly represented in the news, regarding the articles’ sizes and content.The overall conclusion in this study is that the fact that the provincial areas are being overrepresented in the examined newspapers news coverage ought to mean that the consumers of these papers are probable to get a wide, true image of what is Sweden, considering the Agenda setting theory and it’s view on how the media’s priorities will become important to the public.

The aim of this study was to examine how the Danish people and Denmark are represented in the daily Swedish press. We wanted to examine how the Danish people were represented, the characteristics given to the Danes and the differences we see between the different genres. We used theories about discourse, representation, stereotype and national community, too see what underlying messages was hidden in the texts. We analysed 30 texts from three Swedish daily newspapers: Sydsvenska Dagbladet Snällposten, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet. The method we used was discourse analysis based on Faircloughs theories and methods.One of the most interesting results we found was that the Danish people often were represented as different kinds of stereotypes. We found the following stereotypes that we named: the drunken Danish, the racist, the laidback Danish and the criminal Danish. The drunk Danish stereotype is mostly seen in the text about sports when the journalists are writing about the Danish football supporters. In these texts the supporters are given properties like drunk and that they like to drink a lot of beer when they are watching football. The stereotype that we named the racist, we mostly see in the texts that were about politics and about the Dansk Folkeparti. The laidback Danish is particularly evident in texts that describe the Danish culture. The fourth stereotype, the criminal, we see in the texts about gang violence.Our study also showed that the Danish people and Denmark are represented through people that are not Danish. In many of the texts we could see that Swedish journalists interviewed other Swedish people about Denmark and the Danish people.

This study investigates the news discourses to find out how deaf people and/or deafness is represented and analyses how the discourses might be affected by or influence common attitudes and prejudices about deaf people and/or deafness. First, however, this study analysed the contents of the news articles quantitatively in order to find frequencies of different news topics with references to deaf people and/or deafness and whether deaf people were allowed to talk or not. After the content analysis, ten articles were selected for the discourse analysis.   The results of the content analysis show that deaf people are represented and allowed to talk in most of the articles, but that hearing people are also represented in a majority of the articles. Most articles are about culture and personalities, but there are also articles about for example sign language and hearing devices. Most deaf people are represented as individuals, but they are also represented as representatives for the deaf and as both individuals and representatives.   The discourse analysis shows that deaf people are represented as a linguistic and cultural minority in both cultural and personal discourses but represented as broken and in need of being fixed for integration in society in medical discourses. In medical discourses, only experts talk about deafness and no deaf people are represented. In other discourses, both deaf and hearing people talk about deaf people, sign language and deaf culture. In some of the discourses, however, it is clear that deaf people are represented from the hearing viewpoint on deafness. There were discursive discrimination of deafness in medical discourses but occurred rarely in other discourses except when the medical view on deafness is present. Deaf people are represented as a minority distinct from the hearing majority in most articles and some of the cultural discourses show attempts to build a bridge between the deaf world and the hearing society. The majority of the discourses point to pluralism as a social practice but some of those discourses also point to inclusion and exclusion as social practices. The medical discourses however point to both assimilation and exclusion as social practices.

Problemformulering och syfte: Den 17-åriga flickan Lisa Holms försvinnande den 7 juni 2015 var ett fall som gavs enorm publicitet i svensk media och denna nyhetshändelse engagerade hela Sverige. Den stora uppmärksamhet som dramatiska händelser väcker i svensk media kan förklaras av att en händelses sensationella karaktär har inverkan på nyhetsvärdet. Konkurrensen mellan medier och jakten efter att fånga publikens uppmärksamhet gör att de använder sig av olika journalistiska grepp och berättartekniker när de rapporterar om stora dramatiska händelser. Syftet med den här studien har varit att, utifrån fallet Lisa Holm, se hur tre svenska tidningar använder sig av medielogik, samt hur de gestaltar och berättar narrativt om en dramatisk händelse i nyhetsrapporteringen. Metod och material: Med narrativ innehållsanalys och teorierna medielogik, gestaltning och framing narrative och våra frågeställningar har vi undersökt nyhetsrapporteringen om fallet Lisa Holm i tidningarna Nya Lidköpings-tidningen, Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter från 9 juni till 15 juni 2015. Till hjälp i arbetet att analysera artiklarna från respektive tidning har vi använt oss av en frågemall från Anna Johanssons bok Narrativ teori och metod – med livsberättelsen i fokus. Huvudresultat: Medielogikens journalistiska grepp är mest framträdande i Aftonbladet. Alla tre tidningarna har dock ett stort fokus på personliga berättelser. Det finns skillnader i hur Aftonbladet, NLT och DN väljer att gestalta fallet, men berättelsens poäng blir densamma för alla tre tidningar. Narrativt berättande och dramaturgi ser vi exempel på genom hur de tre tidningarna presenterar berättelsens händelseförlopp och uppbyggnad.

<p>The aim of this paper is to compare and analyze Eugene O’Neill’s play Long Day’s Journey into Night with Lars Noréns Natten är dagens mor (Night is Mother to the Day). The gender and power structures, as well as the characters in the two plays are analyzed. The main focus of the analysis is on masculinities, and therefore on the brother to brother relationships in the dramas. The presence of “queer leakage” (as defined by prof. Tiina Rosenberg) in both plays is also pointed out and discussed. The main conclusion is that Long Day’s Journey into Night confirms and conserves the traditional gender and power structures, while Natten är dagens mor challenges, and thereby contributes to the changing of them.</p>