Esta dissertação privilegia a etnografia para avançar uma proposta de entendimento das dinâmicas do Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Público em Porto Alegre/RS – uma coalizão de forças políticas que agrega desde indivíduos singulares, colectivos autônomos, anarquistas até organizações juvenis de partidos políticos de orientação à esquerda, cujas estratégias incidem na acção directa como meio de luta política. É um estudo empírico sobre os sentidos e práticas de um valor e um princípio ordenador da vida em sociedade- a política. / This dissertation gives privilege to ethnography in order to bring forth the proposal of an understanding of the dynamics of BLOCO de LUTAS PELO TRANSPORTE PÚBLICO EM Porto ALEGRE/RS - a collision of political forces that assembles itself from anything ranging between unique individuals, an autonomous and anarchist collectivity, and left-wing political parties whose strategies lie in direct action as an approach to political struggle. The present research is an empirical stud dealing with practices and meanings that revolve around a value and principle that governs life in society – politics.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / In a world in which the use of violence continues to be viewed as an acceptable method to pursue political goals, the use of terrorism as a political method will also continue. And within that world, in the coming years, hostage rescues and other direct actions to combat terrorism are likely to be the most frequent type of missions conducted by state special operations forces, including those of Romania. This thesis explores the importance of integrating three types of decisions-informational, structural, and operational-for the successful outcome of special operations. The thesis analyzes four operations, conducted by American, Belgian, and Israeli forces, and the circumstances of their positive or negative outcomes. The historical cases show that, if any one of the three types of decisions was not integrated with the other two, the operation was doomed. The analysis also reveals that the integration of decision-making can best be realized by using interagency coordination mechanisms and a collocation of decision-makers, especially for situations in which command arrangements are highly complicated or unclear. In light of the findings in the four case studies, an analysis of the Romanian Special Operations Forces reveals that its overall structure does not favor either immediate-response or high-complexity missions. The thesis concludes with a number of recommendations for short- and long-term mitigation of current command and control problems faced by Romanian Special Operations Forces. / Captain, Romanian Army

Ce mémoire vise à analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer à Montréal dans un contexte francophone. Bien que plusieurs travaux portent en partie sur les groupes militants queers québécois, aucune recherche ne s'est employée à comprendre comment les militant.es queers à Montréal se constituent comme un collectif qui développe une identité. Pour analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer montréalais, je m'appuie sur la théorie de Melucci (1985; 1996), qui définit l'identité collective d'un mouvement selon plusieurs axes : les champs d'action, les moyens employés et les fins visées, ainsi que le mode d'organisation. Afin de répondre à cette question de recherche, j'ai effectué une recherche documentaire ainsi que sept entrevues avec des militant.es queers montréalais.es francophones. L'analyse des données a été faite grâce à divers travaux qui portent sur les champs d'action, les valeurs, les fins et moyens, le mode d'organisation de mouvements contemporains anti-autoritaires et anti-oppressifs, ainsi qu'en fonction de trois dimensions élaborées par Melucci (1985) : le conflit, la solidarité et les limites du système. Je conclus que l'identité collective comme processus s'articule autour de plusieurs enjeux : premièrement, la diversité des champs d'action, les valeurs anti-oppressives, les relations d'affinités, le mode de vie alternatif et le mode d'organisation anti-oppressif des militant.es queers permettent au mouvement de créer une solidarité interne, d'affirmer une position anti-autoritaire qui brise les limites du système dominant et de se différencier du mouvement LGBT mainstream. Par ailleurs, les actions militantes concrètes qui réalisent le changement dans l'ici et maintenant participent à créer une solidarité et une reconnaissance entre militant.es, ainsi qu'à mettre en lumière un conflit avec le système dominant oppressif. Enfin, les perspectives francophones sur le mouvement queer ne semblent pas donner au bilinguisme du mouvement un rôle fondamental dans la construction de son identité collective. Cependant, l'intérêt marqué des militant.es francophones comparativement aux militant.es anglophones pour la politique institutionnelle fait émerger de nouvelles interrogations sur l'impact que pourrait avoir le mélange des cultures francophone et anglophone à Montréal sur la culture politique et l'identité du mouvement. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the process of construction of the collective identity of the Montreal queer movement in a french-speaking context. Although several works partly focus on queer militant groups from Quebec, no research tries to understand how queer militants in Montreal are formed as a collective which develops an identity. To analyze this process, I employ Melucci's theory (1985; 1996), which defines the collective identity of a movement according to three axes : the field of action, the means used and the ends aimed, as well as the forms of organization. In order to answer this research question, I carried out a documentary research and seven interviews with french-speaking queer militants from Montreal. The data analysis is based on various works concerning the fields of action, the values, the means and the ends, as well as the forms of organization of anti-authoritative and anti-oppresive contemporary movements, but also through three dimensions developed by Melucci (1985) : the conflict, the solidarity and the limits of the system. I argue that collective identity is articulated around several challenges : firstly, the diversity of the fields of action, the anti-oppressive values, the relation of affinity and the anti-oppressive form of organization of the queer militants allow the movement to create an internal solidarity, affirm an antiauthoritarian position which breaks the limits of the dominant system, and dissociate itself from the mainstream LGBT movement. In addition, concrete militant actions play a part in the social change here and now, contribute to creating solidarity and recognition between militants and reveals a conflict with the dominant oppressive system. Lastly, from the perspective of its french-speakers, the bilingual feature of the queer movement does not play a fundamental role in the construction of its collective identity. However, the shown interest of french-speaking militants for the institutional policy by comparison with english-speaking militants brings up new questions concerning how the mixture of the french-speaking and english-speaking cultures might have an impact on the political culture and the identity of the queer movement in Montreal.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renata Husek.pdf: 1022133 bytes, checksum: 83b9ef024e3a4c8e720f868a28826b1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-07 / Convention No. 158 of the International Labor Organization, in force within the international sphere since November 23, 1985, prohibits arbitrary dismissal of employees. Although Brazil ratified the Convention on January 5, 1995 and it came into force within Brazil as from publication of Promulgation Decree 1855 of 1996, the effects of said Convention were vacated by the Brazilian President on December 20, 1996. Within the international sphere, this vacation has been considered valid, but the lawfulness of such vacation is still under discussion on domestic terms, as per Direct Action for Unconstitutionality No. 1625. We conclude that a vacating act performed solely by the Brazilian President is valid and, therefore, International Labor Organization Convention No. 158 is currently not in force in Brazil. On the other hand, we believe there is no legal obstacle for Brazil to ratify, once again, International Labor Organization Convention No. 158, which seems to us to the course of action to be taken in view of the need of regulating article 7, item I of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, as well as due to the latest court decisions warning about the absence of legal guidelines for formal recognition of collective termination of employment contracts. If Convention No. 158 is once again ratified, its rules would be incorporated into the Brazilian legal system, being at least comparable to a constitutional rule; within this context, major changes would refer to the need of justification for termination of employment agreements, which should be based on article 482 of the Consolidated labor Law or on the employee s level of performance or on the employer s operations, as well as to incorporation of rules on collective dismissal of employees, which currently do not exist in the Brazilian legislation / A Convenção nº 158 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho, vigente no âmbito internacional desde 23.11.1985, veda a dispensa arbitrária de trabalhadores. Apesar de o Brasil ter ratificado a Convenção em 5.1.1995 e de a mesma ter entrado em vigor no âmbito interno a partir da publicação do Decreto de Promulgação nº 1.855/1996, a Convenção foi denunciada pelo Presidente da República em 20.12.1996. No âmbito internacional, a denúncia foi considerada válida, mas internamente a legalidade da denúncia ainda está sendo discutida através da Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade nº 1625. Concluímos que a denúncia realizada exclusivamente pelo Presidente da República é válida e, portanto, atualmente a Convenção nº 158 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho não está vigente no Brasil. Por outro lado, entendemos que não há óbice legal para o Brasil ratificar, novamente, a Convenção nº 158 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho, o que nos parece ser o caminho que deveria ser seguido, em razão da necessidade de regramento do artigo 7º, inciso I, da Constituição Federal, bem como das recentes decisões judiciais que alertaram sobre a ausência de diretrizes legais para a formalização de rescisões coletivas de contratos de trabalho. Na hipótese de nova ratificação da Convenção nº 158, suas regras integrariam o ordenamento jurídico com, ao menos, status de norma constitucional e as mudanças significativas referem-se à necessidade de motivação da rescisão do contrato de trabalho, a qual deveria ser baseada no artigo 482 da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho ou no desempenho do trabalhador ou no funcionamento do empregador, bem como à incorporação das regras relacionadas à dispensa coletiva de trabalhadores, atualmente inexistentes na legislação pátria

Twentieth century modernity has provoked multiple problems ranging from environmental degradation to human rights violations. Globally, diverse communities of people have organized to promote, not just reactive reforms, but a fundamental alteration of the foundational worldview underlying these issues. Radical activists committed their work to promoting an alternative ethos based on egalitarian, democratic, and ecologically-wise concepts. An array of methodologies emerged from these endeavors. More radical political groups focused on cultural tools to engage people in the construction of an alternative worldview. Radical activists utilized two forms of cultural politics: prefigurative politics, the physical presentation of an envisioned future and direct theory, the constant interaction between theory and practice. Within the artistic community, Ecological Artists centered their practice on cultural activism, creating publicly accessible, site-specific collaborative pieces that illuminate and utilize ecosystem principles to promote an eco-wise worldview. The concept of utilizing cultural production as a method for achieving social transformation has only recently been analyzed within the social movement discipline. Artists rarely utilize social movement vocabulary, or the term "activism" to describe their practices. To date, no correlation between artistic production and social movement strategies has been made. I argue in this thesis that Ecological Artists are cultural activists who simultaneously developed strategies and methods similar to those being worked out by radical social movement activists. While prefigurative politics and direct theory are terms defined within social movement discipline, the cultural activities are similar. Political activists' internal organization and external political work, prefigurative of an envisioned future and the result of constant interaction between theory and practice, correlates to the necessary collaborative organizations of Eco-Art and the physical presence of the work, a manifestation of the constant interaction between ecosystem theory and artistic practice. In this thesis I analyze the work of Ecological Artist Ruth Wallen as a form of cultural activism. I argue that the intention, execution, and content of her work are forms of prefigurative politics and direct theory. Ruth Wallen has been practicing Eco-Art for twenty years. Her work is focused on the heart of Eco-Art, its intention to produce an eco-wise future through artistic practice.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-11T20:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A presente pesquisa, de natureza bibliográfica, tem o objetivo de analisar o instituto da “omis-são inconstitucional” no ordenamento jurídico vigente, explicando de que forma a evolução dos direitos fundamentais e da nova hermenêutica permitem o seu enfrentamento. Para isso, será observado de que forma a evolução do constitucionalismo e a posterior crise do positi-vismo jurídico está atrelado à emergência dos direitos fundamentais e da necessidade de com-bate daquela temática. O estudo permitirá que se demonstre que a crise do positivismo jurídi-co, materializado nas duas grandes guerras mundiais, fez surgir a necessidade de retomada dos valores aos ordenamos jurídicos mundiais, fazendo com que os “princípios” passassem a ter a natureza de normas jurídicas, e por isso, de observância forçosa. Será analisado, ainda de que forma os princípios constitucionais – dentre eles, o princípio da máxima efetividade cons-titucional e o da aplicação imediata dos direitos e garantias fundamentais – estão diretamente vinculados ao nascimento de uma teoria que combate as omissões legislativas inconstitucio-nais. Verificar-se-á, então, algumas propostas estrangeiras para o combate a tais omissões à luz das novas tendências hermenêuticas e de que maneira possa ser feita uma releitura nos atuais instrumentos no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro – o mandado de injunção, a ação direta de inconstitucionalidade por omissão e a argüição por descumprimento de preceito fundamen-tal – para que possam ser um efetivo meio de combate às omissões inconstitucionais. / Salvador

La présente étude a pour objet de montrer que les moyens de la protection des actionnaires minoritaires en droit chinois et en droit français ne sont pas soumis à des critères fondamentalement différents. Dans les sociétés anonymes, les règles juridiques visent à trouver un équilibre des rapports entre les actionnaires majoritaires et minoritaires, ainsi qu’entre les actionnaires et la société ou le groupe de sociétés.C’est l’intérêt social et le principe d’égalité qui guident le législateur et le juge de proposer des solutions convenables.Il importe de noter qu’en droit français, les dispositions sur les responsabilités et les moyens de recours pour les minoritaires sont d’applications faciles qu’en droit chinois. D’ailleurs, la recherche de l’acquisition des sociétés cotées chinoises sous l’angle de la protection des minoritaires, tout à fait différent à l’offre publique en droit français, présente les particularités du marché réglementé chinois et mérite que les investisseurs étrangers découvrent davantage. / The dissertation aimed to point out that the methods of the protection of minority shareholders in Chinese law and in French law are not subject to the different criteria. In company limited by shares, the legal provisions intend to find a balance of relation between majority shareholders and minority shareholders, and between the shareholders and the company or group of company. It is corporate profits and the principal of equality that direct legislators and judges to suggest applicable solutions.It is important to notify that in French law, legal provisions about the responsibility of majority shareholders or company leaders and the ways of resort of minority shareholders provide reference for improvement of Chinese law. Besides, the study of acquisition of chinese listed companies, looked from the angle of the protection of minority shareholders, very different from tender offer in French law, demonstrate the characteristics of Chinese stock market and deserve foreign investors’ enough attention.