Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a realização da Copa do Mundo de Futebol de 2014 no Brasil, levando em consideração não apenas seus legados e impactos mais evidentes, mas principalmente compreendendo-a como parte substantiva da dinâmica mais geral do modo de produção capitalista em sua relação com as cidades-sede, os lugares. Como maiores eventos do planeta, as Copas apresentam-se como veículos passageiros e particulares do processo de totalização do capitalismo, sendo simultaneamente matrizes parciais do tempo e do espaço desse período histórico marcado pela crise econômica internacional. Nesse movimento, tendo os lugares como espaços finais de sua realização, esses megaeventos deixam marcas profundas; promovem a qualificação de uma determinada fração do tempo no qual ocorrem, determinados pelas necessidades do capital de se reproduzir lucrativamente, algo complexo nesse momento crítico. A totalidade, essa trama de eventos emaranhada entre as necessidades e possibilidades concretas dos lugares, ganha novos desenhos nas cidades a partir do contato com a agenda estabelecida pelo megaevento. Desde 2007, quando o Brasil foi escolhido como sede do Mundial e a crise econômica já aparecia no horizonte dos Estados Unidos e da Europa, as cidades brasileiras vivem a realidade desta agenda crítica pautada pela Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Tendo como pano de fundo as estratégias rígidas das corporações patrocinadoras e interessadas no evento, promove-se um verdadeiro estado de emergência para o atendimento das normas e padrões FIFA. Tomadas por uma avalanche de obras e negócios imobiliários desvinculados de planos estratégicos associados às necessidades mais sentidas da população, as cidades-sede tornam-se experimentos de novas formas de privatização e espoliação, sob o regime de leis de exceção e violações de direitos. Tal dinâmica imposta às cidades da Copa como um todo é manifesta de forma evidente na elaboração de uma nova centralidade na Região Metropolitana de Recife por meio da construção do grande empreendimento imobiliário Cidade da Copa, a partir do novo estádio construído para o evento. Trata-se pois, da eclosão no Brasil de uma crise fundamentalmente urbana que, se por um lado estrutura verdadeiras cidades de exceção, no outro vértice promove também a força criativa das resistências. Como demonstraram as manifestações urbanas multitudinárias de junho de 2013 e os protestos ininterruptos que se seguiram a elas, a revanche dos lugares à agenda da Copa pode estruturar também cidades rebeldes como legados. / This dissertation aims to examine the implementation of the World Cup 2014 in Brazil, taking into consideration not only its legacy and most obvious impacts, but mostly understanding it as a substantive part of the wider dynamics of the capitalist way of production in its relationship with the host cities, the places. As some of the biggest events on the planet, the World Cups are presented as individual and transitory vehicles of the aggregation process of capitalism, while being simultaneous matrices of time and space during this historical period marked by global economic crisis. In this movement, having spaces as the places of their full realization, these mega events leave deep marks; they promote the qualification of a certain fraction of the time in which they occur, determined by the needs of capital to play profitably, something complex during this critical moment. The totality, this \"web of events\" tangled between the concrete needs and possibilities of places, gains new designs in cities from contact with the agenda set by the mega event. Since 2007, when Brazil was chosen to host this event and the economic crisis had already appeared on the North American and European horizon, Brazilian cities are living the reality of a critical agenda guided by the International Football Federation (FIFA). In the background of the rigid strategies of the sponsors and corporations interested in the event, a true state of emergency is promoted to meet norms and \"FIFA standards\". Taken by an avalanche of construction sites and real state negotiations unrelated to strategic plans that take into account the needs of the population, the host cities become experiments in new forms of privatization and dispossession, under the regime of emergency laws and rights violations. Such dynamics - imposed on the World Cup cities as a whole - is clearly manifested in the drafting of a new central location in the metropolitan area of Recife through the construction of large real estate project called \"Cidade da Copa\", around the stadium built for the event. This is the outbreak in Brazil of a fundamentally urban crisis, where on the one hand \"cities of exception\" are structured, and in another vertex a creative power of resistance is also promoted. As demonstrated in the multitudinous urban protests of June 2013 and the uninterrupted protests that followed them, the requital that took places in host cities can also structure \"rebellious cities\" as legacies.

La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de surmonter l'omniprésence du conflit entre Palestiniens et Israéliens. Ceci coïncide avec la pensée économique standard qui place le marché au centre de ses attentions, et entend s’affranchir de l’existence de « faits de pouvoir » dans les rapports sociaux. En présentant le politique comme un obstacle au bon fonctionnement de l'économie, le souhait est ainsi exprimé de voir celle-ci s'imposer comme une alternative à celui-là. Ces travaux-là sont dominants ; ils participent à la formulation des politiques et orientent le versement de l'aide financière internationale. J'envisage pour ma part la paupérisation de la société palestinienne comme une conséquence de la politique coloniale de dépossession dont les conséquences sont la dépendance économique mais aussi la perte d'autonomie politique des Palestiniens. Ainsi dès l’époque du mandat britannique, la colonisation de la Palestine par le mouvement sioniste se fait au détriment de la présence arabe palestinienne. En Israël après 1948, puis dans les territoires nouvellement occupés de Cisjordanie et de Gaza à partir de 1967, ce processus de dépossession va de pair avec une intégration économique qui perdure à ce jour. Pendant ce temps, le processus de paix entamé en 1993 participe à l'ébauche d'une région pacifiée et intégrée dans la globalisation néolibérale sous hégémonie américaine. Dès lors le transfert de fonds institué par l'aide financière internationale, l'exhortation faite par la Communauté internationale aux Palestiniens de participer aux objectifs de croissance économique et de développement, ainsi que l'intégration de l'économie palestinienne dans l'économie israélienne et dans la globalisation, sont un moyen éminemment politique d'évacuer en apparence les rapports de domination et d'inviter la société palestinienne à s'en accommoder. En ce sens, l’économie, de même que la politique, doit ici être considérée comme « la guerre continuée par d’autres moyens ». / Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks “facts of power” in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be “war by other means”.

This thesis mobilizes the concept of “colonial entanglement” to emphasize the deep complexity and unpredictability of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships within what is now known as the Banff-Bow Valley. Responding to various literatures—including Indigenous Studies, Settler Colonial Studies, Political Theory, and Canadian Politics—I posit that the concept of colonial entanglements offers a parallax view of contexts, such as the Banff-Bow Valley, and events like the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Not only does such a concept reveal how Indigenous nations— both human and non-human—are targeted by the racializing and gendered entanglements of colonizing regimes that seek to break up and replace them, but it also shows how these nations continue to persist and resist despite colonizing efforts to achieve otherwise. In other words, colonial entanglements compel one to also consider how nations like the Ĩyãħé Nakoda also exert influence on other Indigenous and non-Indigenous life in the Banff-Bow Valley—albeit, in different ways and to different degrees. After unpacking the concept in the first chapter, I use colonial entanglement to show how colonizing regimes and their expansionist modes of relationship react to the Indigenous nations they become entangled with. Using the signing of Treaty 7 and the establishment of a national park in Banff, I reveal how the Canadian state seeks to erect colonizing regimes of property that cater to capital as they transit the Banff-Bow Valley by ‘breaking up’ and ‘breaking from’ Indigenous nations and their expansive modes of relationship. Next, I consider how such reactionary violence is continually justified and legitimated through the articulation and reiteration of state of nature fictions that rely on notions of wilderness and tropes of Indigeneity to delegitimize the enduring presence of Indigenous nations. Specifically, I look at the Indian Act, the prohibition of hunting in the Park, and the Banff Indian Days festival to show how state of nature fictions articulate a supposed transition from a “past state of nature” to a contemporary “state of (dis)possession” entangled with white supremacist and heteropatriarchal forms of power. In doing so, these fictions make and reproduce colonial subjects who buy into and support colonizing violence and breakage that disproportionately targets those Indigenous to place. In the final chapter, I turn to focus on the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Here, I consider how the project presents contemporary opportunities for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to support and/or disrupt colonizing states of (dis)possession and the state of nature fictions they rely on, while also considering the project’s potential for a politics oriented towards expansive modes of relationship revolving around principles of decolonization and anti-colonial internationalism. / Graduate

Cette réflexion découle d’un constat simple, mais qui à la fois invoque la réévaluation en profondeur de notre lien à la pensée, au sens et au langage. L’expérience de l’inconnaissable, de tout ce qui n’est pas là, devant nous, demande de se détourner du langage conventionnel, logique et rationnel, afin de pouvoir l’exprimer. Les écrits mystiques, dans leur mise en forme langagière d’un contact direct avec Dieu, constituent un espace foisonnant et exemplaire, afin de réfléchir la pensée. Celle-ci est traversée de toutes parts d’un besoin pressant de dire l’ineffable, par l’entremise d’une inscription langagière qui déroge du sens convenu du monde, des liens communicationnels ordinaires. Cette manière particulière de dire est structurée par la métaphore, cette suspension de la pensée qui appelle à la recréer, à sortir de leur endormissement le sens et la langue cristallisée du quotidien. Ce mémoire se propose donc de penser les modes de l’expression et de concrétisation de l’expérience de l’ineffable, en se penchant sur ce que la métaphore, dans son inscription, permet de connaître, ailleurs que dans le langage discursif. En premier lieu, il s’agira de présenter les modalités générales de l’expérience mystique et ses différentes manières de s’inscrire au sein de l’existence. Je me pencherai plus précisément sur le propre de son inscription métaphorique dans le langage. En deuxième lieu, je voudrai réfléchir théoriquement et pratiquement la métaphore, par-delà le titre réducteur d’ornement ostentatoire que le langage logique lui fait vêtir, niant sa possibilité singulière de propulser la pensée et de créer une connaissance nouvelle. En troisième et dernier lieu, il s’agira d’exemplifier l’inscription métaphorique de l’expérience mystique, à travers deux figures mystiques singulières, soit Simone Weil (1909-1943) et Al-Hallâj (858-922), chez qui la constatation de l’absence matérielle de Dieu invite plutôt à se détacher de sa construction langagière imaginaire, et à l’aimer, dans toute son absence. Cela, en dépouillant le langage, métaphore imitant le mouvement de dépossession de soi qu’appelle leur conception unique de l’extase mystique. / This reflection comes from a simple observation, which at the same time demands that we deeply re-evaluate our relation to thought, meaning and language. In order to be expressed, the experience of the unknowable, of everything not there in front of us, requires a diversion from conventional, rational language. Mystical writings, shaping through language direct contact with God, constitute an abundant and exemplary space to reflect upon thought, which is met with a pressing need to express the ineffable through a kind of linguistic inscription capable of departing from the agreed meanings of the world, from ordinary communicational connections. This particular way of saying is structured by the metaphor, this suspension of thought asking to be recreated, so that language and meaning, crystallized in daily life, may awake from their slumber. Thus, this thesis proposes to reflect upon the modes of expression and concretization of the experience of the ineffable, by examining what knowledge the metaphor, in its inscription, allows to be understood outside discursive language. To begin with, the general modalities of the mystical experience, and the different ways in which it inscribes itself in existence, will be presented. I will consider more precisely its characteristic metaphorical inscription in language. I will then reflect theoretically and practically on the metaphor, beyond the reductive title of ostentatious ornament that rational language gives to it, denying its singular possibility to propel thought and create new forms knowledge. Finally, I will exemplify the metaphorical inscription of the mystical experience through two particular mystical figures: Simone Weil (1909-1943) and Al-Hallâj (858-922), for whom the observation of God’s material absence instead implies detachment from their imaginary linguistic construction and invites to love him in all his absence. This, by stripping down language, a metaphor imitating the movement of the dispossession of self, which is called for by their unique conception of mystical ecstasy.

This study is an attempt to contribute to the discussion on theology and land restitution. The researcher approaches it from a theological background and acknowledges the many contributions on this subject in other fields. Since this is a theological contribution, this research has the Bible as its point of departure. Black people are deeply rooted in the land. Land dispossession destroyed the God-ordained and created bond between black people and their black selves. Land dispossession also had a terrible economic impact upon black people. As result of land dispossession Bantustans were established. These black areas were economically disadvantaged and black people were forced to live in impoverished conditions. Land, which was a primary source of life for black people, was brutally taken away from them. Consequently, black people were forced to leave the Bantustans in search for employment in “white” South Africa. Because of this, they were made slaves and labourers in the country of their birth. The Bantustans were not considered to be part of South Africa; hence black people were aliens in their ancestral motherland. The black communal economic system was destroyed as a result of land dispossession. (The black communal economic system refers to an economic system where everyone works the land and thus benefits economically from the land.) The results of this are still seen in present-day South Africa. The majority of black people are still living at the margins of society because in the past, they were made subservient and dependent on white people to survive economically. Since apartheid was a system that was sustained on cheap black labour, this dependency on the white economy was systemic and generational. It is for this very reason that we see the very disproportionate face of the economy today. In an attempt to arrest the imbalance, the restoration of land to black people is inevitable. It is only then that black people will be liberated from being overly dependent on white people for their 3 survival. Land dispossession also had a terrible impact upon the identity and “blackness” of black people; black people internalised oppression as a result of the apartheid system, which was affirmed by the Dutch Reformed Church as a God-ordained system. This system officially paved the way and was used as the vehicle for land dispossession in South Africa; it destroyed black people and it is therefore not by chance that black people have become the greatest consumers. The identity of black people is deeply rooted in their ancestral motherland and land dispossession had a brutal impact upon the blackness of black people. Black people, as a result of land dispossession, started to doubt their humanness. Land dispossession also had a dreadful impact upon the relationships of black people with themselves and the relationships between white people and black people. These relationships were immorally and officially damaged by the apartheid system, which was deeply structural. Thus, when dealing with the land question in South Africa, the fact that it is deeply structural should be kept in mind. The church is entrusted with the task of reconciling the damaged relationships in a transformational manner. This can only be done when black people and white people engage and embrace each other on an equal basis. But black people and white people in South Africa cannot be on an equal basis as long as structural divisions which still advantage some and disadvantage others are not dealt with in a transformational manner. Therefore the need for land restitution in South Africa is necessary today because it does not only relate to the issues of faith and identity, but it is also economic. The consequences of the dispossession of land in the past are still evident in present-day South Africa. Land dispossession has had a terrible impact upon the faith of black people, whose faith is strongly linked to land (place). Faith and belonging are interrelated. The restoration of land to black people is necessary to reconcile black people with their faith and consequently with themselves. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

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The rights of tenants to the spaces that they are possessors of but do not hold titles to is contested in practice in large scale redevelopment projects. This thesis takes a look at two specific instances of urban district redevelopment and renewal in Malmö, Sweden: the slum clearance of Lugnet in the 1960s and the attempts to densify Holma in the present day. Using the concepts of the power of law, property and dispossession the thesis asks “how have the rights of tenants been taken into consideration?” This thesis finds that there is a great discrepancy between legal and philosophical constructs of property and ownership – that have been articulated in law well before the modern age – and the “dispossessory tendencies” prevalent in urban planning. It also finds that the codifying of tenant rights in the communicative model of planning has little relation to tenants rights as possessors – users – of their everyday spaces. These rights are challenged by ideas of the public good and the large scale of redevelopment projects. / Hyresgästers rättigheter till de platser som de besitter men inte innehar lagfarten till har i praktiken åsidosatts vid storskalig exploatering av bebyggda områden. Denna uppsats tittar närmare på två specifika fall av sådan exploatering, som berör hela stadsdelar i Malmö. Det första fallet är slumsaneringen av Lugnet i centrala Malmö på 1960-talet, och det andra är pågående försök att förtäta Holma i de södra delarna av Malmö. Utifrån begreppen makt, egendom och besittningsrätt ställs frågan “hur har hyresgästers rättigheter beaktats i dessa situationer?” Uppsatsen finner att det finns en stor diskrepans mellan de juridiska och filosofiska sätten att tänka kring egendom och ägandeskap – så som de har uttryckts i lag långt innan den moderna tidsåldern – och de bortträngande tendenserna som är inneboende i stadsplanering. I uppsatsen framkommer det också att fastställandet av hyresgästers rättigheter i planeringens kommunikativa process har liten koppling till hyresgästers rättigheter som besittare – dvs. brukare – av sina vardagsplatser. Dessa rättigheter utmanas av idéer om det allmännas bästa och storskaligheten på nybyggnationen.

Text in English / This study aims to apply the biopolitical theories of Giorgio Agamben on homo sacer to the stereotypical representation of the violent woman. Using feminist methodologies for dismantling and exposing social stereotypes, this research explores the relationship between femininity, violence and the representation of these. By focussing on the influence of traditional narratives as found in ancient mythology and fairy tales, the study investigates the contemporary portrayal of the stereotypical violent woman using acts of dismemberment and dispossession in the work of Quentin Tarantino and Nathalie Djurberg, which serve as examples of the controversial relationship between real and filmic violence. / Art History, Visual Arts & Musicology / M.A. (Art History)

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This project uses Michel Foucault’s underdeveloped notion of “tolerated illegality” as a departure point for two converging inquiries. The first analyzes, and then critiques, dominant legal logics and values. This part argues that traditional legal philosophers exhibit a “disagreement without difference,” generally concurring that legal certainty and predictability enhance agency. Subsequently, this section critiques “formal legal” logic by linking it to science envy (specifically the desire for certainty and predictability), and highlighting its agency- limiting effects (e.g. the violence of law en-force-ment). The second part examines multiple dimensions of tolerated illegality, exploring the permutations of this complex socio-legal phenomenon. Here the implications of tolerated illegality are mapped across different domains, ranging from the dispossession of Indigenous peoples of their lands, to the latent ideologies embedded in superhero shows. This section also examines the idea of liberal “tolerance,” as well as the themes of power, domination, politics, bureaucracy, and authority. Ultimately, this project demonstrates that it is illuminating to study legality and (tolerated) illegality in tandem because although analyses of “formal legality” provide helpful analytical texture, the polymorphous and entangled nature of tolerated illegality makes clear just how restricted and artificial strict analyses of legality can be. / Graduate