Cette thèse a pour objectif de démontrer que la lutte contre le terrorisme n’exige pas de mesures arbitraires pour se prémunir et/ou éradiquer un tel phénomène globalisé. Deux notions s’affrontent : le maintien de la paix et la sécurité et les droits de l’homme. Sont-elles compatibles ? La lutte contre le terrorisme doit elle être menée à tout prix ? Nous verrons que le contrôle international/régional des mesures prises par les Etats au sein d’une instance internationale ou individuellement est nécessaire et ce en raison de la globalisation du terrorisme qui impacte toutes les nations. Certains droits sont particulièrement menacés par les diverses mesures anti-terroristes, ainsi que les cadres définis des possibilités ou des interdictions de déroger ou de limiter spécifiquement chacun de ces droits. Ce contrôle va être confié à des organes internationaux/régionaux de statuts différents et disposant de moyens de contrôles différents pour contrôler les mesures des Etats. Ce contrôle va permettre de vérifier si les mesures prises par les Etats sont bien conformes au droit international et notamment que ces mesures ne violent pas ni le droit international des droits de l’homme ni le droit humanitaire.Toutefois, ce contrôle international est limité. En effet, les mesures édictées au niveau international sont prises par les Etats victimes du terrorisme et pour lesquelles un contrôle de légalité semble difficile à envisager. Ce contrôle est limité également en raison de l’objectif primordial de lutte contre le terrorisme existant au sein de chaque organe international et régional visant à ne pas freiner l’action des Etats. Nous verrons ainsi que la portée de ce contrôle reste encore nuancée. / The aim of this work is to prove that the fight against terrorism doesn’t need arbitrary measures to eradicate such a globalised phenomena. Two notions are in conflict: peace keeping and human rights. Are they compatible? Should the fight against terrorism be lead by all means?We will see the the international/regional control of the measures taken by the States is necessary because of the globalisation of terrorism. Rights are threatened by measures undertaken by the States. The control is done by international/regional organs which can take different ways. It checks that the States respect international law and especially International Human rights and Humanitarian Law.Nethertheless, this control is limited because the measures adopted at international level are made by States who are victims of terrorism. The international control of legality is far from being accepted. The control is also limited because of the primary aim of the States which is to fight against terrorism. We will see that the scope of the control is nuanced.

Esta tese discute o entrelaçamento de três áreas de políticas sociais assistência social, segurança alimentar e nutricional e programas de transferência de renda na construção recente do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS), no campo do desenvolvimento social brasileiro pós-Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF 88). Analiso como essas áreas e suas trajetórias se combinaram, interpenetraram e acabaram se reunindo sob o mesmo locus institucional ministerial e trouxeram à tona uma rediscussão sobre projetos de desenvolvimento social. Debati a suposição de que a criação do MDS teria propiciado o entrelaçamento de políticas estabelecendo um padrão de gerenciamento articulado com um projeto político de desenvolvimento social reconhecível, de tipo protetor e voltado à mitigação das condições de precariedade de vida da população. Adotei uma perspectiva longitudinal e o método de process tracing (COLLIER, 2011) na discussão das ocorrências e sua avaliação como evidências. Entendi que a criação e as mudanças institucionais são processos que passam por diferentes caminhos: da persistência de padrões com acréscimos incrementais até extinções e momentos ruptivos. No decurso argumentativo, examinei o desenvolvimento institucional das três áreas em estudo, discuti os caminhos paralelos de construção, suas sequências diferentes e condições que apresentaram quando se chegou à reconfiguração organizacional decorrente da criação do ministério de desenvolvimento social e combate à fome, em 2004. O MDS adquiriu um nível aceitável de autoridade para coordenação de planos e programas prioritários, dependente da agenda do executivo, e isso contribuiu para incentivos à integração, mesmo que apenas no plano normativo. Essa despretensiosa unificação acabou criando um corpo de coordenação diferenciado para conduzir a agenda social dos últimos governos. Assim, o MDS estruturou o espaço de rede de proteção no brasil, com primazia do estado, seja na mitigação de condições precárias de certos segmentos populacionais, seja no fortalecimento de serviços básicos na garantia de direitos. A cooperação entre as instâncias governamentais não se constitui em característica própria do funcionamento do aparelho estatal moderno, o que torna o entrelaçamento de políticas, apesar de um consenso discursivo, um processo inabitual/ incomum que requer maior esforço de articulação. / This dissertation discusses three intertwining areas of social policy social Assistance, food security, and income transfer programs in relation to the recently formed Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (MDS) in Brazils post-democratization period (1988-present). I analyze how these social policy programs combined, interpenetrated, and ultimately coalesced under the same ministerial institutional locus, bringing forth a renewed discussion on social development. I started the research with the assumption that the creation of the MDS would have promoted hybridization of the policies, thus establishing a consolidated management system with a recognizable social development project united in its focus on improving living conditions for the most precarious sectors of the population. The assumption was based on the idea that the merging of the institutional locus for social policies could increase their interdependence, open new possibilities for working together, require negotiation of existing resources and priorities, and thereby result in institutional changes for all three policy areas. I adopted a longitudinal perspective and the process tracing method (COLLIER, 2011) for events and their evaluation as evidence. I conceptualized the creation and evolution of institutions as processes that may follow different paths: from persistence of patterns with incremental additions to extinctions and ruptures. My findings challenge the prevailing literature that suggests that cooperation between government bodies is rarely observed in the modern state apparatus. The conditions under which disparate policy domains are interwoven was in need of greater scholarly attention. My findings show that the MDS acquired enough legitimacy to coordinate once-atomized plans and priority programs that aligned with the executive agenda. This authority contributed to the incentive to integrate, even if only in normative terms. This unification created a distinctive coordination body for recent administrations social agendas. Thus, through the actions of a strong and integrating state, the MDS strengthened the social safety net in Brazil, mitigating hardships for the most precarious segments of the population, and improving access to basic services as rights.

Les marchés publics au Congo ont été longtemps encadrés par le décret colonial du 9 mars 1959. Rédigée dans un contexte historique particulier, cette règlementation s’est avérée éloignée des réalités socio-économiques du Congo à la suite de l’indépendance proclamée le 15 août 1960. Institué pour accompagner le pays vers son développement dans un environnement économique libéral, ce décret colonial a été, dans la pratique, complètement écarté au profit des règles édictées par le Parti unique et l’idéologie marxiste à partir de l’année 1964. En 1982, une nouvelle réglementation des marchés publics devant servir de fondement à la politique contractuelle de développement économique du pays a été définie par les autorités congolaises de l’époque. Cette nouvelle réglementation des marchés publics, mise en place par le décret du 22 avril 1982, a le mérite d’avoir créé les autorités de gestion des marchés publics et fixé un cadre de passation des marchés et contrats de l’État. Toutefois, elle a aussitôt montré ses limites et ses insuffisances au regard de la configuration socio-politique du pays. Plusieurs facteurs participent à l’inefficacité du dispositif de 1982 : le monopartisme, l’endettement des entreprises publiques et de l’État, la corruption dans la passation des marchés publics, le recours excessif au gré à gré et l’instabilité institutionnelle. Avec l’avènement dans les années 1990-1991 de la démocratie, même fragilisée par les guerres civiles, un vent de réformes importantes souffle sur le Congo. C’est ainsi que, dans la perspective de la reconstruction institutionnelle et économique du pays, avec l’appui des organisations financières internationales, les autorités congolaises ont engagé une série de réformes, parmi lesquelles s’inscrit la réforme portant codification des marchés publics. Mis en place par le décret du 20 mai 2009, le Code des marchés publics constitue une réponse à plusieurs objectifs : la transparence, la bonne gouvernance, la lutte contre la corruption et le développement économique du Congo. Dès lors, un état des lieux de la réglementation des marchés publics au Congo, de son accession à l’indépendance en 1960 à nos jours, semblait nécessaire pour dégager des perspectives nouvelles. Pour que les marchés publics deviennent un outil au service du développement économique du pays, quelques préalables s’imposent : la lutte contre la pauvreté, le renforcement du rôle de la justice, l’égalité entre les candidats aux marchés, la prise en considération des exigences sociales et environnementales locales. / Procurement in the Congo has long been framed by the colonial decree of March 9th, 1959. Written in a particular historical context, this regulation has proven to be far from the socio-economic realities of the Congo as a result of the independence proclaimed on August 15th, 1960. Established with the view of leading the country towards its development in a liberal economic environment, this colonial decree was, in practice, completely sidelined in favor of the rules issued by the Single Party and the Marxist ideology from the year 1964. In 1982, new procurement rules to serve as a basis for the contractual policy of economic development has been defined by the Congolese authorities of the time. This new procurement regulation, established by a Decree of April 22nd, 1982, is credited with having created the management authorities of public contracts and having set a framework for procurement and government contracts. However, it soon showed its limits and shortcomings with regard to the socio-political configuration of the country. Several factors contributed to the inefficiency of the device in 1982: the party system, the State debt and that of public enterprises, corruption in public procurement, the excessive use of OTC over the counter negotiations and institutional instability. In the years 1990-1991, with the advent of democracy, even though weakened by civil wars, a significant wind of change blew across the Congo. Thus, in view of the institutional and economic reconstruction of the country, with the support of the international financial organizations, the Congolese authorities have undertaken a series of reforms, including the reform codifying procurement. Established by the Decree of May 20th, 2009, the Procurement Code aims at several objectives: transparency, good governance, the fight against corruption and economic development of the Congo. Therefore, an overview of the procurement rules from the Congo's independence in 1960 until today seemed necessary to identify new prospects. For public procurement to become a tool of economic development, there are some prerequisites: fighting against poverty, strengthening the role of justice, granting candidates equal access markets, taking into consideration local social and environmental requirements.

En 2001, la République Démocratique du Congo s’est vigoureusement engagée avec le soutien de diverses organisations internationales pour réduire la pauvreté à partir de la stratégie de croissance. Dix ans plus tard, ce pays pointait à la dernière place du classement réalisé par le Programme des Nations unies pour le développement (PNUD) en fonction de l’indice du développement humain (IDH) des pays. En marge, ont émergé et se sont développées de multiples initiatives locales fondées sur des stratégies relationnelles et dont certaines sont présentées dans ce travail. Alors que la stratégie officielle contre la pauvreté a échoué, la société a survécu et évolue. En partant de ce constat, cette étude découvre que les approches conceptuelles et les solutions à la base de la lutte contre la pauvreté sont souvent réductrices. Elles se doublent malheureusement souvent d’une certaine tendance à oublier que toute pauvreté n’est pas qu’à combattre : la pauvreté anthropologique – qui est celle de notre condition fragile – est souvent oubliée, la pauvreté volontaire est reléguée au second rang. Finalement, cette étude montre qu’il ne faut pas trop simplifier le problème de la pauvreté afin de redonner du sens aux actions entreprises pour la combattre, et ainsi étendre la portée de ces actions. Cette question du sens est un élément décisif pour bien appréhender la lutte contre la pauvreté : avoir une vision réductrice d’une action revient à en diminuer considérablement la portée. La lutte contre la pauvreté aujourd’hui doit pouvoir redonner du sens à la vie en ayant une vision intégrale de l’existence humaine, intimement liée à l’anthropologie que présente le message chrétien. / In 2001, The Democratic Republic of Congo strongly committed itself, with the support of diverse international organizations, to reduce poverty based on the economic growth strategy. Ten years later the nation found itself at the bottom of the countries produced classification by The United Nations Development Program of the Human Development Index (HDI). Besides that program, several local initiatives have come out and developed, based on relational strategies, some of which are presented in this work. While the official strategy against poverty has failed, the society has survived and progressed. Based on this statement, this study discovers that the conceptual approaches and solutions at the base of the fight against poverty often are constricting. Unfortunately, these restrictive attitudes multiply themselves with some tendencies which tend to forget that all kind of poverty isn’t to be fought : the anthropological poverty – which is that of our fragile condition – is often omitted and voluntary poverty is often relegated to the second place. Finally, this study shows that the poverty problem should not be simplified with the intention of giving sense to the actions adopted to fight it, and in this way extend the scope of these actions. This question of sense is decisive in viewing the fight against poverty : a simplistic vision of an action, means, indeed, a considerable reduction of its scope. Today, the fight against poverty should be capable of giving sense to life incorporating an integral vision of the human existence, intimately related to the anthropology presented by the Christian message.

Les scandales financiers survenus ces dernières années et l'hémorragie des recettes fiscales ont remis sur le devant de la scène la lutte contre les paradis fiscaux. Au niveau national, la France et les États-Unis ont mis en place tout un arsenal de dispositifs afin de mettre un terme à l'utilisation des paradis fiscaux. Ils ont renforcé leur législation, qui met l'accent sur la coopération en matière fiscale. L'efficacité de la lutte contre les paradis fiscaux nécessite également une intervention au niveau international. L'Organisation de Coopération et de Développement économiques en est le chef de file et met en œuvre une série de mesures en faveur de la coopération en matière fiscale, tout comme l'Union européenne. C'est donc autour de deux axes que se constitue la lutte contre les paradis fiscaux : l'unilatéralisme et le multilatéralisme. / Financial scandals and the massive drain of tax revenue have highlighted the fight against tax havens. At a national level, France and the United States are strengthening their laws in order to eradicate tax havens. They focus on tax cooperation. But the fight has to be also at an international level. The OECD and the European Union are adopting an important series of measures about tax cooperation. The fight against tax havens is organized around two main lines: unilateralism and multilateralism.

Introdução: a tuberculose é uma doença milenar, constituindo um problema de saúde pública, desde sua descoberta até hoje em dia. Recentemente, com o surgimento da HIV/AIDS, a doença ganhou outros contornos e dimensões, nos países desenvolvidos e, sobretudo, nos países em desenvolvimento. Objetivo: análise das ações da Luta Contra Tuberculose na República da Guiné-Bissau e do fluxo do sistema de notificação e de informação de dados, dentro do Sistema Nacional de Saúde. Metodologia: trata-se de um estudo exploratório descritivo que consiste no diagnóstico da situação de tuberculose no país, no período de 2000 a 2005, mediante levantamento das informações secundárias dos principais indicadores epidemiológicos e operacionais mais utilizados no país. Foram feitos cálculos de coeficientes e taxas, assim como a padronização pelo método direto de coeficientes de incidência de casos bacilíferos, para comparação. Resultados: no período de estudo, foram registrados 10.623 casos de tuberculose. O menor coeficiente de incidência de tuberculose foi de 116,4/100.000 habitantes, no ano de 2003, e o mais alto foi de 131,3/100.000 habitantes, em 2005. O maior coeficiente de mortalidade registrado foi de 16,8/100.000 habitantes, em 2005. A maior taxa de letalidade foi de 11,8%, em 2005, e a mais baixa, de 5,1%, em 2003. Conclusão: é de notar que a busca ativa de sintomáticos respiratórios ainda é baixa, assim como a cobertura da estratégia DOTS, por possíveis problemas técnicos operacionais. Há necessidade da melhoria do diagnóstico no país, sobretudo da forma clínica extrapulmonar, e de um sistema de notificação e informação eficiente em todos os níveis. / Introduction: tuberculosis is a millenarian disease, constituting a public health problem since its discovery until nowadays. Recently, with the advent of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis has developed into other shapes and dimensions, in developed countries and, above all, in developing countries. Objective: to analyze the actions of the Fight against Tuberculosis in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the flow of the notification and data information system, from the National Health System. Methodology: this is an exploratory descriptive study that consists on the diagnosis of the situation of tuberculosis in the country, in the period between 2000 and 2005, by means of survey of secondary information from the main epidemiological and operational indicators used in the country. Calculations of coefficients, rates, were made as well as the standardization by the direct method of coefficients of incidence of infectious (smear-positive) cases for comparison. Results: in the period of study, 10.623 cases of tuberculosis were registered. The lowest coefficient of tuberculosis incidence was of 116,4/100,000 inhabitants in the year of 2003, and highest one was of 131,3/100,000 inhabitants in 2005. The highest coefficient of mortality registered was of 16,8/100,000 inhabitants, in 2005. The highest lethality rate was of 11,8% in 2005, and the lowest was of 5,1% in 2003. Conclusion: it is possible to notice that the active search for respiratory symptomatic is still low, as well as the covering of DOTS strategy, because of possible technical operational problems. The improvement of diagnosis in the country is necessary, specially the extra pulmonary clinical form, and also a system of notification and efficient information in all levels.

Un grand nombre de dramaturges français aussi différents qu’André Gide, Antonin Artaud,Albert Camus, Jean-Paul Sartre, Henry de Montherlant et Jean Vauthier se sont emparés de la pensée de Nietzsche pour la représenter sur scène. Si des études ont été menées sur les liens entre la pensée de Nietzsche et les écrivains français, aucune n’a abordé de manière synthétique la présence de la pensée de Nietzsche dans le théâtre français du XXème siècle et notamment dans l’élaboration même du texte théâtral. Pourtant, cette pensée tragique qui part du Dionysos de La Naissance de la tragédie jusqu’à Ecce homo, ne cesse d’entretenir des liens consubstantiels avec le genre même du théâtre. La conception esthétique du dionysiaque présente des affinités avec l’art dramatique et semble prédisposée à se retrouver transposée et incarnée sur une scène de théâtre. La réflexion de Nietzsche sur la physiologie de l’art a pu entraîner un renouvellement de l’écriture des pratiques et écritures dramaturgiques traditionnelles au profit d’un théâtre vivant, incarné, usant de toutes les ressources dela scène. Paradoxalement, le théâtre métaphysique d’inspiration nietzschéenne va de pair avec une affirmation du corps et des passions. Á l’opposé d’un théâtre d’idées ou à thèse, certaines des oeuvres étudiées montrent que le théâtre métaphysique nietzschéen est avant tout un théâtre du corps, à la recherche d’une fusion entre l’art et la vie, le spectacle et le réel, au rebours de la conception mimétique aristotélicienne. / Many different french playwrights such as André Gide, Antonin Artaud, Albert Camus, Jean-Paul Sartre, Henry de Montherlant and Jean Vauthier took up Nietzsche's thoughts to impicture it onstage. If studies were made on the links between Nietzsche's thought process and french writer, noneadress the question of Nietzsche's thought in the XXth century french theatre synthetically. None theless, this tragic thought starting in «La Naissance de la tragedie» 's Dionysos and ending with «Eccehomo» keeps maintaining consubstantial links with the theatre genre. Dionisyan esthetical conceptionshows affinities with dramatic art and seems predisposed to be transposed and embodied on stage.Nietzsche's thought on art's physiology has caused a renewal of traditionnal writing for theatre for thebenefit of a living theatre, incarnated, using all the stage's ressources. Paradoxically, this nietzschean metaphysical theatre goes with assertion of body and passions. In contrast with « theatre of ideas »,some of the studied works show that Nietzsche's metaphysical theatre is above all an embodied theatre, seeking a fusion between art and life, show and reality, against Aristote’s Poetics.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Natalia Lucas Mesquita - 2016.pdf: 5941777 bytes, checksum: b9f5ba25af080c742440785cc4cc016b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-07 / Geography is a science that studies the (re)produced space from the social relations – like the gender ones – established in the scope of the social work and conducted for the hegemonic demands of the capital. The land concentration of the municipality of Goiás (state of Goiás, Brazil) is a result of these demands, representing the spatialization of the capitalism in Brazil and evidencing the inequalities of this system, for example, when preventing that a part of peasants would have the possibility of (re)produce themselves social, cultural and economically from the access to the land. Thus, this class united around the fight for the land, reverberating in the creation of twenty-three rural settlements in the municipality of Goiás, which the Serra Dourada Settlement is part and territory of this research. The research aims to understand the acting of peasant women of Serra Dourada Settlement in the production of contra-spaces. For this, the methodological procedures selected were organized in three continued and simultaneous steps: bibliographic review; information and data gathering; field research, with semi structured interviews, participating observation, participating mapping and transversal walking. It was possible to observe that this settlement present itself as a contra-hegemony for permitting the peasants to rescue their modes of life and produce contra-spaces, i.e., spaces produced from a contra-hegemonic logic, even for the way of the production of vegetables and other foods for self-consumption and commercialization; for the way of the reciprocity established between the members of the familiar group, of these ones and other ones also with the Cerrado; for the religious manifestations; or, also, for the family organization around the work in the land. The organization of the family group obeys a patriarchal structure which the man is responsible for the work directions, while women and children are subordinated to him. The functions made by women in the productive space are those considered socially lighter and require more cares in contraposition of the functions of men. The social place occupied by women is, mostly, the reproductive role. We realized a gain of strength of the women of the settlement in the scope of the family relations as well as between the peasants who they live together, propitiated by the participation in the cultivation and, posteriorly, selling of their products in fairs of the city of Goiás and for the supplying to governmental programs, through the participation in social movements. However, it was not enough to have a review of the power structures of the familiar group because of factors as fragility of their territories in the public space, invisibility of domestic work added to the patriarchal/capitalist thought which considers the reproductive space subordinated to the productive. We understand the fight for gender equality is extremely linked to the class struggle in a sense of complementarity, and, therefore, must be considered when we think about the rupture with the bonds of an order which the capitalists and patriarchal relations form, together, a system that submit the members of a social class composed by men and women who suffer together, but differently, the situations of oppression. / A Geografia é uma ciência que estuda o espaço (re)produzido a partir das relações sociais - dentre as quais as de gênero - estabelecidas no âmbito do trabalho social e conduzidas pelas demandas hegemônicas do capital. A concentração fundiária do município de Goiás/GO é um reflexo dessas demandas, representando a espacialização do capitalismo no Brasil e evidenciando as desigualdades inerentes desse sistema, por exemplo, ao impedir que parcela de camponesas e camponeses tivessem a possibilidade de se (re)produzirem social, cultural e economicamente, a partir do acesso a terra. Diante disso, essa classe se organizou em torno da luta pela terra reverberando na criação de vinte e três assentamentos rurais no município de Goiás/GO, dentre os quais o Assentamento Serra Dourada, território delimitado para essa pesquisa. Essa visa compreender a atuação das mulheres camponesas do Assentamento Serra Dourada na produção de contra-espaços. Para isso, os procedimentos metodológicos selecionados foram organizados em três etapas contínuas e concomitantes: revisão bibliográfica; levantamento de dados e informações; pesquisa de campo, com realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas, observação participante, mapeamento participativo e caminhada transversal. Foi possível observar que esse Assentamento se apresenta como uma contra hegemonia por ter possibilitado que as camponesas e os camponeses resgatassem seus modos de vida e produzissem contra-espaços, ou seja, espaços produzidos a partir de uma lógica contra-hegemônica, por meio da produção de hortaliças ou de outros alimentos para autoconsumo e comercialização; das relações de reciprocidade estabelecidas entre os membros do grupo familiar, destes com as outras e os outros e também com o Cerrado; das manifestações religiosas; ou, ainda, da organização familiar em torno do trabalho na terra. A organização do grupo familiar obedece a uma estrutura patriarcal em que o homem é responsável pelo direcionamento do trabalho, enquanto a mulher, as filhas e os filhos são subordinados a ele. As funções desempenhadas pelas mulheres no espaço produtivo são aquelas socialmente consideradas mais leves e que exigem maiores cuidados, em contraposição às dos homens. O lugar social ocupado por elas é, predominantemente, o reprodutivo. Percebemos um fortalecimento das mulheres do Assentamento no âmbito das relações familiares como, também, entre as camponesas e os camponeses com quem convivem, propiciado pela participação no cultivo e, posteriormente, na venda de seus produtos em feiras na Cidade de Goiás/GO, pelo fornecimento a programas governamentais e pela participação em movimentos sociais. Todavia, não foi suficiente para que houvesse uma revisão das estruturas de poder do grupo familiar em razão de fatores como fragilidade de seus territórios no espaço público, invisibilidade do trabalho doméstico somado ao pensamento patriarcal/capitalista que considera o espaço reprodutivo como subordinado ao produtivo. Entendemos que a luta por igualdade de gênero está extremamente vinculada à luta de classes, em um sentido de complementaridade, e, portanto, deve ser considerada ao se pensar a ruptura com as amarras de uma ordem cujas relações capitalistas e patriarcais formam, juntas, um sistema que submete os membros de uma classe social, composta por mulheres e homens que sofrem juntas e juntos, mas, diferentemente, as situações de opressão.

Este estudo objetivou identificar e caracterizar algumas parcerias, voltadas ao controle da tuberculose, estabelecidas entre organizações não-governamentais (ONGs) e o Programa de Controle da Tuberculose (TB) no Estado de São Paulo. Buscou, ainda, analisar as ações desenvolvidas, de forma a verificar seu potencial para responder aos determinantes da doença. A abordagem do estudo foi qualitativa e utilizou-se a técnica do snowball para a escolha dos sujeitos. Os dados foram coletados entre Março e Julho de 2010, por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Participaram do estudo, 6 sujeitos de órgãos governamentais e 13 sujeitos de organizações da sociedade civil. A análise teve como base a determinação social do processo saúde-doença e os conceitos oriundos de Gramsci, de Estado e sociedade civil. O projeto foi aprovado por Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa e os sujeitos foram convidados a participar do estudo mediante ciência do Termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido. Os depoimentos foram analisados segundo técnica de análise de discurso. Os resultados revelaram que as parcerias se iniciaram por estímulo do governo estadual; tiveram como população-alvo, a população geral e alguns grupos específicos (os vulneráveis à doença); em sua maioria, contaram com financiamento do Fundo Global; o monitoramento não foi sistematizado por parte do Estado, mas pelos financiadores dos projetos e; a relação acordada entre ambos foi mais de caráter informal e baseada no compromisso de cada parte. Sobre as ações desenvolvidas, estavam centradas na promoção do controle social, da intersetorialidade, na difusão de informações sobre a doença e, em menor escala, na execução de tarefas que caberiam ao Estado. As ONGs, de maneira geral, não tinham doentes portadores de TB como membros, mas como alvos de suas ações. O papel do Estado, na parceria, foi de estímulo e apoio, enquanto as ONGs se dedicavam à operacionalização das ações. A análise demonstrou que as ações das parcerias foram baseadas no entendimento de que a TB se relaciona com a exclusão social e de que é necessário defender os direitos dos doentes. Ainda, foram capazes de aproximar certos grupos populacionais e o governo. Dessa maneira, as parcerias parecem contribuir para diminuir as vulnerabilidades a que estão expostos alguns doentes com TB, entretanto, não alcançaram revelar a base da exclusão social e as contradições estruturais da sociedade que determinam a TB. / The objective of this study was to identify and characterize some partnerships oriented towards tuberculosis control set between non governmental organizations (NGOs) and the Tuberculosis (TB) Control Program in the State of São Paulo. It also analyzes the actions implemented in order to check their potential responses to the diseases determinants. The study had a qualitative approach and used the snowball technique to select its subjects. Data were collected from March to July 2010 by means of semi-structured interviews. 6 subjects of governmental agencies and 13 subjects of the civil societys organizations participated in the study. The analysis was based on the social determination of the health-disease process and Gramscis concepts of State and civil society. The project was approved by the Committee of Ethics in Research and the subjects were invited to join the study by signing a Free and Informed Consent Form. Their statements were analyzed according to the speech analysis techniques. The results disclosed that the partnerships were stimulated by the federal government; their target-population were the population in general and some specific groups (vulnerable to the disease); most of them were financed by the Global Fund; the State did not systematically monitored the program, the projects financers did; and the relationship agreed among the parties was more informal and based on each partys commitment. About the actions implemented, they were focused on promoting social control, cross-sectional actions, divulging information on the disease and, with less emphasis, on doing tasks that are responsibilities of the State. Generally speaking, the NGOs did not have sick people with TB among its members, but they were the target of their actions. The role of the State in the partnerships was to stimulate and support, while the NGOs implemented the actions. The analysis showed that the partnerships actions were based on the understanding that TB is related to social exclusion and that it is necessary to defend the rights of the sick. They were also able to make the government come closer to certain groups of population. So, partnerships seem to contribute to decrease the vulnerabilities to which TB carriers are exposed; however, they failed to disclose the base of social exclusion and structural contradictions of the society which determine TB.

La loi du 27 juillet 1999 portant création de la couverture maladie universelle est intervenue dans le cadre d'une politique générale de lutte contre l'exclusion. Afin d'améliorer l'accès aux soins d'un nombre croissant de personnes pauvres, les socialistes ont élaboré un dispositif comportant deux volets. Le premier volet visait la généralisation de l'assurance maladie, en permettant l'affiliation au régime général sur un critère subsidiaire de résidence. Le second volet avait pour ambition d'offrir une couverture santé complémentaire, aux millions de personnes qui n'en bénéficiaient pas. Cette prestation étant soumise au respect d'une condition de résidence et d'une condition de ressources. L'ensemble du dispositif instauré par la loi CMU s'est substitué à l'aide médicale départementale et à l'assurance personnelle. L'ampleur des inégalités de santé, touchant en premier lieu les individus les plus pauvres et les plus isolés de la société, a conduit au bon accueil général de la loi CMU. Cependant, bien que considérée comme une grande loi de santé publique, certaines mesures ont été le théâtre de débats et d'oppositions, tant sur la scène politique que dans la société. Cela a été le cas concernant l'effet de seuil induit par l'instauration d'un plafond de ressources, le risque de déresponsabilisation des bénéficiaires ayant accès gratuitement au dispositif, les règles de financement essentiellement basées sur des taxes et contributions publiques, le choix d'une gestion partenariale entre sécurité sociale et partenaires privés, ou encore concernant la réticence d'une minorité de professionnels de santé à l'égard du dispositif. / The law of the bearing July 27th, 1999 creation of the universal health coverage intervened within the framework of a general policy of fight against exclusion. In order to improve the access to the care of a growing number of poor people, the Socialists worked out a device comprising two facets. The first facet aimed at the generalization of the health insurance, by allowing the affiliation the general scheme on a subsidiary criterion of residence. The second facet had as an ambition to offer a complementary coverage health, to the million people who did not profit from it. This service being subjected to the respect of a condition of residence and a condition of resources. The whole of the device founded by law CMU replaced for the departmental medical assistance and the personal insurance. The extent of the inequalities of health, concerning initially the poorest individuals and most isolated from the society, led to general warm welcome of law CMU. However, although regarded as a great law of public health, certain measurements were the theatre of debates and oppositions, as well on the political scene as in the society. That in particular was the case concerning the effect of threshold induced by the introduction of a ceiling of resources, the risk of deresponsabilisation of the recipients having access free to the device, rules of financing primarily based on public taxes and contributions, the choice of a partnership management between social security and private partners with in particular the organizations of complementary health, or concerning the reserve of a minority of health professionals with regard to the device leading to refusal of care.