Edmund Husserl tratta l’etica e l’intersoggettività separatamente e con scopi diversi. Allo stesso tempo, nei suoi testi sono presenti indizi di una mutua connessione tra tali ambiti. Nel mio lavoro intendo chiarire come sia interpretabile tale connessione. In particolare, considero che l’affermazione husserliana del valore della relazione e del dovere di promuoverla indica che il soggetto può realizzare attivamente la dimensione intersoggettiva in cui si trova solo attraverso una scelta a favore della relazione. Tale scelta presuppone l’esperienza del valore altrui. Mi chiedo quindi quali siano le condizioni dell’esperienza della rilevanza assiologica ed etica dell’altro e della relazione con lui. Per rispondere a questa domanda, mi rivolgo a due ambiti della fenomenologia trascendentale di Husserl: la teoria dell’intersoggettività e le analisi etiche. Attraverso la prima, valuto se gli strati costitutivi dell’esperienza intersoggettiva abbiano una rilevanza assiologica. Tuttavia, dati i limiti di una considerazione etica della teoria dell’intersoggettività, mi rivolgo alle analisi etiche per ulteriori approfondimenti. Esse mostrano che il valore dell’altro e il dovere nei suoi confronti sono colti dall’atto emotivo dell’amore e che l’amore a sua volta è fondato nel coglimento dell’altro come soggetto trascendentale. Così facendo chiarifico la mutua connessione tra etica e teoria dell’intersoggettività in Husserl. / Edmund Husserl treats ethics and intersubjectivity separately and with different purposes. At the same time, he disseminates clues of their interconnectedness throughout his works. In my dissertation, I aim to elucidate how to interpret their connection. In particular, I argue that Husserl’s insistence on the value of relationship and on the duty to promote it indicates that the subject can actively realize the intersubjective dimension in which it is situated only through a choice in favour of the relationship. This choice presupposes the experience of the value of the other. I thus ask which are the conditions of the experience of the axiological and ethical relevance of the other and of the relationship with it. To answer this question, I turn to two areas of Husserl’s transcendental phenomenology: his theory of intersubjectivity and his ethical analyses. Through the first, I assess whether the constitutive levels of intersubjective experience have axiological relevance. However, given the limits pertaining to an ethical consideration of his theory of intersubjectivity, I move to Husserl’s ethical analyses for further insights. These analyses show that the value of the other and the duty towards it are captured by the emotional act of love, and that love is in turn grounded on grasping the other as a transcendental subject. I thereby shed light on the interconnectedness of Husserl’s ethics and theory of intersubjectivity.

We examine the impact of Mergers & Acquisitions on credit- and investment risk using a sample of 402 acquisitions by 215 Swedish firms from 2000 to 2020. We find significant evidence that, on average, M&A increases the credit risk and inversely decreases the investment risk of the acquiring firm. Our results indicate that firm credit risk however is positively correlated with investment risk. After controlling for specific deal- and firm characteristics, our findings suggest that managerial hubris decreases the level of credit risk and increases the level of investment risk in acquiring firms. Our results are consistent with the asymmetric information hypothesis that managers may exploit the volatility of their stock price to hide risk-increasing activities. We also observe that acquirers with high pre-deal credit risk undertake acquisitions that decrease credit risk and increase investment risk. We find no significant impact from neither method of payment nor valuation errors.

[pt] Se diz que uma linguagem de programação tem funções de primeira classe quando ela fornece a capacidade de manipular funções da mesma maneira que outros valores, isto é, guardar em variáveis, passar como parâmetros, etc.. Programar com funções de primeira classe abre o programadora novas formas de abstração e é o padrão em linguagens de programação funcionais. Porém, se tratando de linguagens imperativas (incluindo linguagens orientadas a objeto), cada linguagem tem semântica, propriedades e terminologia diferentes para funções—em grande parte graças a seu foco em mutabilidade, que as linguagens funcionais não têm. Para esclarecer essas diferenças, nós fizemos um levantamento sobre a especificação de funções como valores em linguagens de programação imperativas de várias disciplinas diferentes. Para cada linguagem, nós ilustramos, nos baseando em exemplos, as propriedades dos valores de funções nela,destacando onde ela difere de outras linguagens—tudo isso usando uma terminologia consistente em todas as linguagens. Nós esperamos oferecer uma referência para desenvolvedores compararem e contrastarem as diferentes versões de funções num só lugar. / [en] A programming language is said to have first-class functions when it provides the capability of manipulating functions in the same way as other values, i.e., storing in variables, passing as parameters, etc.. Programming with first-class functions opens the programmer to new forms of abstractions and it s the default in functional programming languages. However, in the realm of imperative languages (including object-oriented languages), each language has different semantics, properties, and terminology for functions—in great part, thanks to their focus on mutability, which isn t present in functional languages. To help shed light on these differences, we made a survey of the specifi-cation of function values in imperative programming languages from many different disciplines. For each language, we illustrate, based on examples,the properties of function values in it, highlighting where it differs from other languages—all this with a consistent terminology in all languages. We provide a reference that compares and contrasts different renditions offunctions in one single place and conclude that the design of functions in a language depends on the interaction of its features and constraints with its functions.

Le statut contentieux du droit administratif souple est très hétérogène. Les actes non décisoires sont soumis par le juge à des régimes juridiques assez variés : tandis que les circulaires administratives demeurent généralement indifférentes du point de vue contentieux (inopposables, ininvocables, insusceptibles de recours direct), les directives administratives et les mesures préparatoires peuvent être utilement invoquées en justice, et sont contrôlées par le juge de manière incidente, par la voie de l’exception d’illégalité. S’y ajoutent les actes tels que les « recommandations de bonnes pratiques médicales », ou les « cahiers des clauses administratives générales applicables aux marchés publics » (CCAG), qui peuvent faire l’objet d’un recours direct. La complexité de ce paysage contentieux ne semble pourtant pas irréductible. Certaines des distinctions pratiquées par la jurisprudence actuelle paraissent injustifiées, ce qui permet d’envisager l’harmonisation - ou la simplification - du régime juridique appliqué aux catégories existantes d’actes non décisoires. Tel est l’objectif principal de la présente thèse. / The litigation status of soft administrative law is very heterogeneous. The non-decisive acts are submitted by the judge to quite varied legal regimes: while the administrative circulars remain generally indifferent from the point of view of litigation (unenforceable, inviolable, insusceptible of direct appeal), the administrative directives and the preparatory measures can be usefully brought before the courts, and are under the control of the judge incidentally, by way of the plea of illegality. In addition, there are acts such as "recommendations for good medical practice", or "general contract terms and conditions applicable to public procurement" (CCAG), which may be the subject of a direct appeal.The complexity of this contentious landscape does not seem irreducible. Some of the distinctions made in the current case law seem unjustified, which allows for the harmonization - or simplification - of the legal regime applied to existing categories of non-decisive acts. This is the main objective of this thesis.

La portée de la liberté contractuelle dans les relations entre associés est régulièrement relativisée, voire anéantie, à l’aune des règles impératives qui régissent les personnes morales. L’hypertrophie de ces dernières est parfois décriée. La liberté serait d’autant plus bridée qu’elle subirait le joug d’un principe d’égalité, lequel s’oppose à ce qu’une différenciation de traitement soit permise, si ce n’est à titre expressément exceptionnel. Pour autant, à l’analyse des textes, la préférence se révèle n’être que l’expression de la liberté contractuelle dans les relations entre associés. Elle en adopte un régime similaire : en dehors des prohibitions expresses – issues tant de la théorie générale du contrat que du droit des sociétés –, et de l’excès d’inégalité – dont l’intérêt social se fait garant spécial en la matière –, dès lors que le consentement des associés aux aménagements est libre et éclairé, le principe est la liberté de stipuler une altérité de traitement. Quelle que soit la forme sociale considérée, les associés bénéficient d’une grande liberté pour aménager l’ensemble de leurs prérogatives à l’image de leurs besoins. Inégalité constructive et dynamique au service de l’intérêt social, la préférence doit être promue : le souhait est alors renouvelé d’une clarification et d’une simplification du cadre normatif offert aux statuts des sociétés françaises. / The impact of contractual freedom in associates’ relations is often contextualized, if not annihilated, with regard to the mandatory rules governing legal entities. The hypertrophy of those rules is sometimes criticized. Not only is freedom limited, it also suffers from a principle of equality, which prohibit unequal treatment, unless it is on exceptional occasions. However, upon a thorough text analysis, the preference turns out to be the expression of contractual freedom in the relations between associates. It adopts a similar system: apart from intentional prohibitions – originating both from the general theory of contract and corporate laws -, and from excessive inequality –to which social interest acts as a protector in that area-, as soon as the consent of the associates to the organization is free and enlightened, the principle is the freedom to stipulate an alterity of processing. Whichever social form is considered, the associates receive an important freedom to build all their prerogatives reflecting their needs. With constructive and dynamic inequality in social interest’s service, preference must be promoted: the wish must be expressed again with a clarification and a simplification of the standard framework offered to French companies statuses.

Στην εργασία παρουσιάζεται η Θεωρία Δικαίου του Καντ, σε συνδυασμό με την Ηθική και Πολιτική Φιλοσοφία του φιλοσόφου προκειμένου να αναδειχθεί η κοινή θεμελίωσή τους στον ηθικό νόμο που ενυπάρχει στον ανθρώπινο Λόγο και ελευθερία.. Η σύνδεση πολιτικής, δικαίου και ηθικής διατυπώνεται ρητά από τον Καντ, και επίσης υπό την ανάλυση του σύγχρονου φιλοσοφικού στοχασμού (Τίμμονς, Βίλλασεκ, ΜακΝτάουελ) τεκμηριώνεται η ανεξάλειπτη ηθική διάσταση εντός του δικαίου και της πολιτικής μέσα από την πραγμάτευση των σύγχρονων αντιλήψεων, όπως η περιγραφικότητας, η εξωτερικότητα και η επιτακτικότητα, και μέσα από την απόρριψη των επιμέρους θέσεων της ανεξαρτησίας και της εξωτερικότητας του δικαίου. / In this paper, the Kant’s Doctrine of Right is presented in combination with his Moral and Political Philosophy, in order to display; their common foundation on the moral law that prevails on the human Reason and freedom. Kant has explicitly expressed the connection between politics, law and morality, and additionally in the modern philosophical thought (Timmons, Willaschek, McDowell) the ineffaceable moral dimension of right and politics is validated through the modern concepts of descriptivity, externality and prescreptivity, by the refutation of Independence and Externality Theses.

La démocratie représentative reste un régime essentiellement représentatif qui a été conçu précisément pour exclure la participation directe de l’universalité des citoyens à la prise de décisions politiques. L’introduction d’instruments de la participation directe, en forme de l’e-démocratie, crée un conflit au sein de ce régime, conflit qui ne sera résolu que par un aménagement de la notion de démocratie représentative, voire sa substitution par une autre notion, ayant vocation à concilier les exigences de la participation et de la représentation. Cette thèse se propose de réfléchir à un modèle de régime politique-type susceptible de permettre l'intégration de l'e-démocratie.Une telle intégration met en lumière l’interdépendance entre la démocratie et les droits fondamentaux qui sont menacés de manière inédite à l’ère numérique. La possibilité d’introduire l’e-démocratie est donc conditionnée à la protection renforcée des droits essentiels : la liberté d’expression, le droit au respect de la vie privée, ainsi qu’à la reconnaissance de nouveaux droits fondés sur l’autodétermination personnelle. L’introduction de l’e-démocratie peut également remettre en cause certains concepts bien établis, tels que le principe majoritaire, ou exiger leur reconsidération, comme dans le cas de la bonne gouvernance. / Representative democracy remains essentially a representative government that was created precisely to avoid all the citizens to participate directly in political decision-making. Implementation of direct participation’s instruments in form of e-democracy creates a conflict within this government, a conflict which can be solved only by a renewal of representative democracy concept, even its substitution by another idea committed to reconciling representation and participation. This thesis aims a reflection on a concept of government capable of integrating e-democracy.Such an integration highlights the interdependent character of the link between democracy and human rights that are exposed to totally new threats in the digital era. The possibility to introduce e-democracy is conditional upon the reinforced protection of such essential rights and freedoms: as freedom of expression and right to respect for private and family life in the digital environment, as well as recognition of new rights based on personal self-determination. Implementation of e-democracy can also challenge well-established concepts such as majority principle or require their reconsideration, as in the case of good governance.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Norberto Carbone de Carvalho.pdf: 1111622 bytes, checksum: 579a2500023600cdd506783797783afe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-09 / This thesis makes an analysis of the democracy practiced by political parties in Brazil, especially regarding their evolution from the 1988‟s Constitution. The study begins covering the different kinds of state‟s power organization, justifying the origin of democracy. After that, it discusses the beginning of representative government and the reasons for the birth of representative democracy and the democracy through political parties. As a result, this dissertation studies the modern political parties, especially its history, role and legal treatment, culminating with a brief historical analysis of those associations in Brazil. Finally, the work makes a thorough assessment of democracy through political parties in Brazil‟s current political framework. There are, at least, three assumptions that must be observed for the model‟s success: only political parties must present candidates; there must be political party loyalty; and we should have intra-party democracy. It took so long before political parties detain the exclusive prerogative of present candidates, that helped consolidate in Brazilians‟ popular culture the so called personal vote , where voters does not care about political parties, following charismatic leaders, regardless of their political party link. For a long time, candidates have become true masters of their term, which allows them to migrate from one political party to another, without any consequences, disturbing the democracy through political parties. Therefore, the absence of intra-party democracy has contributed to a paradox: the existence of an oligarchy inside the Brazilian‟s democracy. The political party leaders, perpetuated in power, impose, top-down, his favorite names to internal and external elections, not allowing sufficient space for debates, distorting the institution of political representation. The Tribunal Superior Eleitoral Act nº 22.610/2007, which governs the procedure of term loss due to disloyalty to a political party, represented a significant step forward to insure democracy through political parties; however, a number of small issues still wait for resolution, which delays the full implementation of the political party loyalty in Brazil. The intra-party democracy, on the other hand, must be thoroughly regulated by the law. Only after that, we will be able to discuss, with high probability of effectiveness, one policy reform that has as its objective reduce any existent gap between the voter‟s will and the elected one. / A presente dissertação faz uma análise da democracia pelos partidos praticada no Brasil, especialmente quanto à evolução da figura da agremiação partidária a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. O estudo inicia seu caminho abordando o surgimento e as diferentes maneiras de organização e funcionamento do poder estatal, justificando a explanação sobre a concepção e a origem da democracia. Ato contínuo, trata do surgimento do governo representativo e do respectivo modelo de exercício do poder político, além das razões do nascimento da democracia representativa e das justificativas para a adoção de uma democracia pelos partidos. Na sequência, a dissertação estuda os partidos políticos modernos, especialmente sua trajetória, função e tratamento legal, culminado com a análise de um breve histórico das agremiações no Brasil. Por fim, o trabalho efetua uma avaliação minuciosa da democracia pelos partidos no atual quadro político pátrio, examinando, à luz da realidade, ao menos três pressupostos que devem ser observados para o sucesso do modelo: a reserva do monopólio das candidaturas aos partidos políticos, a fidelidade partidária e a democracia intrapartidária. Conclui-se que os atrasos na adoção do monopólio das candidaturas e da fidelidade partidária contribuíram para consolidar, na cultura popular brasileira, o modelo de atribuição do voto na figura pessoal do candidato, fomentado, também, pela tradição do mandato representativo. Durante muito tempo, os candidatos tornaram-se verdadeiros donos dos mandatos, podendo migrar de uma agremiação a outra sem qualquer consequência, desnaturando o instituto da democracia pelos partidos. Já a ausência de democracia intrapartidária contribuiu para um paradoxo: fomentou a existência de uma oligarquia dentro de uma democracia, já que, no seio dos partidos políticos, os dirigentes partidários, perpetuados no poder, impõem, de cima para baixo, nomes de sua preferência aos cargos internos e eletivos, não permitindo que haja espaço para questionamentos, viciando a vontade popular e desvirtuando o instituto da representação política. A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral n° 22.610/2007, que disciplinou o processo de perda de cargo eletivo nos casos de infidelidade partidária, representou um avanço significativo para a democracia pelos partidos, porém, questões que decorrem da Resolução ainda estão sendo solucionadas, o que contribui para a demora na plena efetivação da fidelidade partidária. Quanto à democracia intrapartidária, torna-se vital a edição de normas que tenham como escopo assegurar o funcionamento democrático dos partidos, para que a vontade popular, quando do exercício do voto, não esteja maculada na origem. Dessa forma, presentes tais sustentáculos, teremos condições de discutir, com alta probabilidade de eficácia, uma reforma política que tenha por intuito diminuir eventual distância existente entre a vontade do eleitor e a do eleito.

La lutte contre l’impunité telle qu’elle est menée par la Cour pénale internationale est critiquée et suscite la controverse. Les actions de l’institution pénale internationale sont perçues par ses critiques comme reconduisant des formes de racisme, d’ethnocentrisme, d’impérialisme, de néocolonialisme, d’autoritarisme qui corrompent fondamentalement l’aspiration à la justice. Paradoxalement, le besoin d’une justice pénale internationale s’entend comme un impératif de paix et de justice. Ce mémoire questionne et examine les justifications d’un tel impératif moral. Il part de l’hypothèse que celui-ci est catégorique et relève d’une approche éthique déontologique. Les justifications d’une telle hypothèse découlent d’une analyse des différents contextes historiques ayant vus l’affirmation ou les ré-affirmations d’un rejet catégorique des crimes d’inhumanité (article 5 du Statut de Rome de la Cour pénale internationale : le crime de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes de guerre, les crimes d’agression). Ces condamnations ont posé les bases d’une éthique de portée universelle et ont reconnu en l’humanité une communauté morale universelle. Ainsi, indifféremment des particularismes moraux et éthiques, les fondements philosophiques de la lutte contre l’impunité reposent sur un universalisme moral et l’idée régulatrice d’un contrat éthique liant la communauté des États et des peuples. Il est question d’être et de faire humanité. Dès lors, en dépit; des théories réalistes en relations internationales suggérant à la fois l’amoralité des relations inter-étatiques, des motivations prudentielles et de la rationalité instrumentale (moralité de l’intérêt), en dépit des perspectives culturalistes qui témoignent d’un pluralisme moral et éthique, nous voulons démontrer que la lutte contre l’impunité est avant tout un devoir moral universalisable (fondé sur le principe de dignité) de nature déontologique (même si cette lutte implique aussi des considérations conséquentialistes). Face à la complexité de cette problématique, notre recherche sera transdisciplinaire; et notre approche combine et le déductivisme. / The fight against impunity as conducted by the International Criminal Court is criticized and controversial. The actions of the international criminal institution are perceived by its critics as renewing forms of racism, ethnocentrism, imperialism, neocolonialism, authoritarianism that fundamentally corrupt the aspiration to justice. Paradoxically, the need for international criminal justice is understood as an imperative of peace and justice. This research examines the justifications for such a moral imperative. It starts from the assumption that it is categorical and comes from an ethical approach to ethics. The justifications for such an assumption rest analysis of the different historical contexts that have seen the affirmation or re-affirmation of a categorical rejection of crimes of inhumanity (Article 5 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, crimes of aggression). These condemnations laid the foundations for an ethic of universal significance and recognized humanity as a universal moral community. Thus, despite moral and ethical particularisms, the philosophical foundations of the fight against impunity is based on a moral universalism and the regulating idea of an ethical contract linking the community of states and peoples. It is about being and making humanity. Therefore, in spite of; realistic theories of international relations suggesting both the amorality of inter-state relations, prudential motivations and instrumental rationality (morality of interest), despite the culturalist perspectives that testify to moral and ethical pluralism, we want to show that the fight against impunity is above all an universalizable moral duty (based on the principle of dignity) of a deontological nature (even if this struggle also implies consequentialist considerations). Given the complexity of this issue, our research will be transdisciplinary; and our approach combines inductivism and deductivism.

The thesis analyzes the theory of Steady-State Economy based on a research of literature as well as principles and starting points for its application in practice. The central question revolves around the viability of the theory. First, however, the thesis focuses on the context, i.e. the background and needs for the emergence of this theory. Thus, the research begins at a time of industrial revolution and the rise of modern economies. In the course of the research, the analysis also points out the phenomenon of cooperatives, which arise in the early days of industrialization, as examined at the start of the work. Later, after a comprehensive introduction of the steady-state economy theory, the thesis returns to cooperatives, as during the research certain parallels in both of the phenomena emerge. Consequently, the conclusion recapitulates and examines whether steady state economy has been proven to be viable, what could support its functioning and whether one of the answers might be cooperatives - considered they have been shown to realize certain assumptions of this economic theory in practice. After a review of criticism of both of the phenomena, a final evaluation and decision may be reached, i.e. the research questions may be answered.