The research presented here has three major purposes. The first is to explain how political institutions and policy outputs can change in the presence of a growing minority population when the preferences of these minorities differ from those of the majority. I show how representation in all three branches of government can lead to these changes, specifically in the local legislature and local bureaucracy. Secondly, I demonstrate the relationship between local legislative representation of Latino minority populations to substantive policy outcomes that favor this minority group, and explain how variable electoral institutions influence this relationship. The third general purpose of this research is to make the argument that the study of minority politics need not take place within a theoretical vacuum. That is, I use theories of minority group behavior (as opposed to Latino group behavior), and relevant empirical tests, to inform mainstream democratic theory. What democratic theory is missing, I argue, is the ability to fully explain and predict changes in institutions, policy, and policy outputs in a dynamic preference environment. Examining minority politics over time helps fill this void.

Different reports imply that the Roma are an excluded group in numerous areas of both Sweden and Europe. Efforts have been done through the centuries without given intentional results. The past 12 years as a Swedish national minority have not diminished the gap between the Roma and the majority society. How does Sweden create and operate its minority policy especially towards the Roma? We have studied international and national minority policy to see how it is described and implemented in the municipality work. Malmö is the base of our study because of its high population of the Roma from various groups. Malmö is also one of the pilot municipalities in the governmental venture for including the Roma into the society. To obtain information we have analyzed governmental documents and minority rights and complemented those with interviews with politicians, community workers in the minority field. A lot of effort and work are being done in Malmö to change the situation of the Roma. Our informants gave an impression of feeling confident and hopeful towards the future. At the same time we feel a lack of discussion about the essence of minority policy and the possible negativity in “helping” the Roma as a minority group. We also think it’s important to question the meaning of recognition to motivate what efforts should be done in the minority field. By this study we hope to demonstrate the complexity that lies within the field of minority policy in general and regarding the Roma in particular.

Slovak national minority are among the largest minority in the Czech Republic. The work offers an analysis of the political and cultural framework aimed at Slovak minority in our country. Slovak question is presented on the basis of minority rights in a historical perspective, but the emphasis is on analysis of the current situation. The work is complemented by field research that maps the real situation of implementation of minority rights, cultural and political rights in the Czech Republic in relation to international and national standards.

Abstract Bisexuality became a viable identity in Finnish sexual culture in the early 1990’s. Prior to this, bisexuality was not a concept to which identities could be credibly attached. Instead, the concept was used to explain the fundamental nature of human sexuality. This usage also played a role in sexual minority politics, explaining the existence of homosexuality and justifying its acceptance. Bisexuality has helped define the border between comprehensible and incomprehensible sexuality, at certain times strengthening the normal, at other times positioning itself among the weirdest of the weird. The research material of this dissertation includes volumes of publications by the Finnish organizations active in sexual minority politics from the years 1969–1994, volumes of porn magazines from the years 1972–2006, a selection of single articles collected from mainstream press from the years 1993–2012 as well as interviews of 40 Finnish bisexuals from the years 1999, 2005 and 2009–2010. There is a total of 52 interviews, 12 of the informants having been interviewed twice. These interviews form a longitudinal study of Finnish bisexuals and their experiences. This doctoral thesis explores the question of how changes in Finnish legislation, sexual minority politics and media landscape have affected the concept of bisexuality and the experiences of the people who define their sexuality through that concept. This research traces the processes which made bisexuality a viable identity term in Finland after the removal of same-sex fornication from the criminal law. The concept of bisexuality has seen frequent use in porn as well, and the study reflects on how bisexual experiences can be characterized in a situation where the concept of bisexuality has been pornified. This research explains how bisexuality evolved from an instrument of sexual minority politics in the 1970’s and 1980’s to a concept employed by identity politics starting from the 1990’s, and finally to a term which can be used to entice and entertain different audiences in the 2010’s. / Tiivistelmä Biseksuaalisuus identiteettinä on tullut suomalaisessa seksuaalikulttuurissa mahdolliseksi 1990-luvun alkupuolelta lähtien. Ennen tätä biseksuaalisuus ei ollut käsite, johon identiteettiä olisi uskottavasti voinut kiinnittää, vaan käsite, jonka avulla selitettiin inhimillisen seksuaalisuuden perusluonnetta. Tässä roolissa käsite toimi myös seksuaalivähemmistöpolitiikassa homoseksuaalisuuden olemassaolon ja hyväksyttävyyden oikeuttajana. Biseksuaalisuus on määrittänyt ymmärrettävän ja käsittämättömän seksuaalisen halun rajaa, välillä toimien normaalin vahvistajana, välillä sijoittuen oudoista oudoimman alueelle. Väitöstutkimuksen aineistona on seksuaalivähemmistöpoliittisten järjestöjen julkaisujen vuosikertoja vuosilta 1969-1994, pornolehtien vuosikertoja vuosilta 1972–2006, valtavirtalehdistöstä kerätty, yksittäisistä artikkeleista koostuva aineisto vuosilta 1993–2012, sekä 40 suomalaisen biseksuaalin haastattelua vuosilta 1999, 2005 ja 2009–2010. Yhteensä haastatteluja on 52, eli 12 haastateltavaa on haastateltu kahdesti. Haastattelut muodostavat suomalaisia biseksuaaleja ja heidän kokemuksiaan käsittelevän pitkittäistutkimuksen. Väitöskirjassa vastataan siihen, miten muutokset suomalaisessa lainsäädännössä, seksuaalivähemmistöpolitiikassa ja mediamaisemassa ovat vaikuttaneet biseksuaalisuuden käsitteeseen ja niiden ihmisten kokemuksiin, jotka määrittävät seksuaalisuutensa tuon käsitteen kautta. Tutkimus jäljittää sitä, millaisten prosessien kautta biseksuaalisuudesta tuli mahdollinen identiteettitermi samansukupuolisen haureuden rikoslaista poistamisen jälkeisessä Suomessa. Biseksuaalisuuden käsite on taajaan käytössä myös pornossa, ja tutkimus pohtii myös, miten biseksuaalista kokemusta voi luonnehtia tilanteessa, jossa biseksuaalisuuden käsite on pornoistunut. Tutkimus selvittää, miten biseksuaalisuus muuttui 1970- ja 1980-lukujen seksuaalivähemmistöpoliittisesta välineestä 1990-luvulta alkaen identiteettipoliittiseksi käsitteeksi, ja lopulta termiksi, jonka avulla voi 2010-luvulla viihdyttää ja houkutella erilaisia yleisöjä.

Problemformulering och syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur de nationella minoriteterna synliggörs på ett svenskt folkbibliotek samt hur bibliotekets arbete kan förstås utifrån R. David Lankes teoretiska ramverk för The New Librarianship. Enligt tidigare studier är det flera av Sveriges folkbibliotek som idag inte uppfyller det lagstadgade uppdraget gentemot de nationella minoriteterna. Uppdraget ska realiseras av olika aktörer i samhället, däribland biblioteken och bibliotekarier. Hur uppdraget utförs verkar vara beroende av resurser men framförallt av professionens kunskap och kompetens vilket sannolikt är något som påverkar målgruppens synliggörande på biblioteken. Det avser både på individnivå och institutionell nivå. Det skapar en ojämlikhet i samhället och är problematiskt ur flera aspekter men främst på grund av att man inte uppfyller lagstiftningen om demokratiska, mänskliga rättigheter. Lisa Hussey (2010) menar att det sätt som professionella inom biblioteks-och informationsvetenskap tillhandahåller tjänster kan stärka positiva sociala strukturer men det kan också förstärka orättvisor.  Metod och teori: Undersökningen är en kvalitativ fallstudie av Upplands Väsby biblioteks arbete gentemot de nationella minoriteterna i Sverige. Det empiriska materialet består av en semistrukturerad intervju med två respondenter, en observationsstudie av biblioteksrummet och en textanalys av Upplands Väsby kommuns biblioteksplan 2021–2024. För analys av studiens resultat, används utvalda delar av R. David Lankes teoretiska ramverk The New Librarianship. Material och resultat: Genom studier av den semistrukturerade intervjun, observationsstudien och närläsning av Upplands Väsby biblioteksplan framkom det sju teman som resultatet delades in i. I undersökningen framgår det att den enskilda bibliotekariens engagemang, kunskap och kompetens spelar en viktig roll för bibliotekets arbete med att stärka och främja de nationella minoriteterna. Det framgår även att det är en politisk fråga och en fråga om resurser som påverkar hur målgruppen synliggörs i samhället. I resultatet lyfts även vikten av samverkan fram, dels med minoriteterna själva, dels med andra aktörer i samhället. Slutsatser: På Upplands Väsby bibliotek drivs det ett medvetet och riktat arbete för de nationella minoriteterna. Det kan ses som en utveckling av uppdraget och en ny bibliotekarieroll, som med rätt kompetens och kunskap har utrymme att bedriva ett värderingsstyrt biblioteksarbete. Med begränsade resurser behöver prioriteringar göras och man kan även med små medel synliggöra och samverka på olika sätt. Genom omvärldsbevakning och att vara i samtal med andra kan man vidga sin kunskap. De delarna tillsammans och att verka för mångfald av människor, litteratur och programverksamhet kan ändå åstadkomma viss skillnad i bibliotekens arbete gentemot de nationella minoriteterna. / Problem and purpose: The purpose of this study is to investigate how the national minorities are made visible in a Swedish public library and how the library´s work can be understood from R. David Lankes theoretical framework The New Librarianship. According to previous studies, several of Sweden’s public libraries do not fulfill their statutory mission towards the national minorities. The mission must be realized by various actors in society, including libraries and librarians. How the assignment is carried out seems to depend on resources, but above all by the librarian’s knowledge and competence, which is likely something that affects the visibility of the target group in the libraries. This applies both at the individual level and at the institutional level. It creates an inequality in society and is problematic from several aspects, but mainly due to not complying with the legislation on democratic, human rights. Lisa Hussey (2010) argues that the way library and information science professionals provide services can reinforce positive social structures but also reinforce injustice. Method and theory: The survey is a qualitative case study of Upplands Väsby library’s work towards the national minorities in Sweden. The empirical material consists of a semi structured interview with two respondants, an observation study of the library room and a text analysis of Upplands Väsby municipality library plan 2021-2024. For analysis of the study’s result, selected parts of R. David Lankes theoretical framework The New Librarianship are used. Materials and results: Through studies of the semi-structured interview, the observation study and a close reading of Upplands Väsby’s library plan, seven themes emerged which the result were divided into. The survey shows that the commitment, knowledge, and competence of the individual librarian play an important role in the library’s work to strengthen and promote the national minorities. It also appears that it is a political issue and a matter of resources that affect how the target group is made visible in society. The result also highlights the importance of cooperation with the minorities themselves and with other actors in society. Conclusions: At Upplands Väsby’s library, a conscious and targeted work is carried out for the national minorities. It can be seen as a development of the mission and a new librarian role, which with the right skills and knowledge has room to carry out value-driven library work. With limited resources, priorities need to be set, but even with small funds you can collaborate with and make the national minorities visible in different ways. By observing the world around you and being in conversations with other, you can expand your knowledge. Those parts together and working for a diversity of people, literature and program activities can still make a certain difference in the work of the libraries for the national minorities.

Die Siedlung Friedrichslohra stellt insofern eine Besonderheit dar, als es sich neben den Siedlungen in Wittgenstein und Württemberg um eine der frühesten Ansiedlungen von Sinti in Deutschland handelte. Bis heute wird in der Geschichtsschreibung die These tradiert, der preußische König Friedrich II. (1712-1786) habe das Modell der Zwangsassimilierung der Roma in Österreich-Ungarn zum Vorbild genommen und befohlen, die Sinti seines Herrschaftsbereiches in Friedrichslohra bei Nordhausen in der preußischen Provinz Sachsen anzusiedeln. Diese These wird in der Studie hinterfragt und die Bedingungen für die Sesshaftwerdung dargestellt werden. Ein exemplarischer Umerziehungsversuch von Sinti, die sich in Friedrichslohra niedergelassen hatten, durch den protestantischen Naumburger Missions-Hilfs-Verein unterstützt durch die preußischen Behörden in den Jahren 1829-1837 ist einer der Schwerpunkte der vorliegenden Arbeit. Daran anschließend folgt eine Untersuchung der Eingaben von Sinti gegen die Ablehnung von Gewerbescheinen und Pässen an das preußische Innenministerium im Zeitraum von 1842-1909. Ein weiterer umfangreicher Teil der Studie setzt sich mit der NS-Verfolgung der Sinti aus Friedrichslohra und ihrer Nachkommen auseinander. Im Fokus stehen die Biographien verfolgter Sinti. Die Erforschung des Themas beruht auf Recherchen und Auswertungen historischer Dokumente und zeitgenössischer Literatur in diversen Archiven und Bibliotheken. Im Gegensatz zu den meisten Publikationen über Sinti und Roma, in denen negative Urteile tradiert werden, überliefern die bearbeiteten Aktenbestände eine Reihe von Selbstzeugnissen. Diese geben Rückschlüsse auf die Selbstdarstellung und Selbstbehauptung der Sinti von Friedrichslohra. / The settlement Friedrichslohra is special in that it was one of the earliest settlements of Sinti in Germany, along with the settlements in Wittgenstein and Württemberg. To this day, historians maintain that the Prussian King Frederick II (1712-1786) took the model of the forced assimilation of the Roma in Austria-Hungary as a model and ordered the Sinti of his domain to settle in Friedrichslohra near Nordhausen in the Prussian province of Saxony. This thesis will be questioned in the study and the conditions for the settlement will be presented. An exemplary reeducation attempt of Sinti, who had settled in Friedrichslohra, by the Protestant Naumburger Missions-Hilfs-Verein supported by the Prussian authorities in the years 1829-1837 is one of the focal points of the present work. This is followed by an investigation of the petitions of Sinti against the refusal of trade licenses and passports to the Prussian Ministry of the Interior in the period 1842-1909. Another extensive part of the study deals with the Nazi persecution of the Sinti from Friedrichslohra and their descendants. The focus is on the biographies of persecuted Sinti. The research of the topic is based on research and evaluation of historical documents and contemporary literature in various archives and libraries. In contrast to most publications on Sinti and Roma, in which negative judgments are passed on, the files examined contain a number of self-testimonies. These allow conclusions to be drawn about the self-presentation and self-assertion of the Sinti of Friedrichslohra.

Desis and Racial Minority Politics: Disrupting Assumptions of Ethnoracial Solidarity: Current sociological analyses of Desi political interests are incomplete because they gravitate toward flattened identity-based, and electoral-based, understandings of ethnoracial groups. This study examines the political agendas and campaigns of four political organizations, located in New York City and Washington, D.C., with South Asian-origin members and constituents. These groups are 1) The Washington Leadership Program; 2) South Asian Americans Leading Together; and 3) Seva New York; and 4) Desis Rising Up and Moving. I collected qualitative data via in-person interviews (n=40) and participant observations (n=10) with members and organizational leaders, and at public events and programs. A key finding from this study is that South Asians are not a cohesive political force. The narratives demonstrate that the political agendas and activities of each organization undoubtedly shift and evolve in response to racializing moments (such as the events and aftermath of September 11, 2001). The data also illustrate that because the political interests of South Asian Americans get activated in subgroups, along the margins, and fragmentally, their agendas still cannot be captured through a shared ethnoracial or "panethnic" experience. While the desire for ethnoracial solidarity comes from an identification of common cause, the internal fragments – defined by issues of class, religion, gender, sexuality, nation of origin, immigration and citizenship status, and language – point to the difficulty of developing an authentic practice of intra-ethnic solidarity for Desis. Further, each organization's relationship to building alliances and coalitions cross-racially further delineate the fragmented nature of Desi political values. Based on the narratives from participants and leaders in these organizations, I make a case for why sociologists need to expand their theoretical lens for interpreting South Asian political agendas and locate Desi politicization along an “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” that intersects the paradigms of “assimilation” and “racialization” in conversation with one another. The categories between the “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” are as follows: “Wholehearted Assimilation (of Racial Minorities into the Mainstream Elite),” “Model Minority Assimilation (into "Honorary Whiteness”) ,” “Normalizing Minority Representation and Racial Diversity,” “Racial Justice and Progressive Inclusivity,” and “Empowering the Most Marginalized for Social Justice & Transformative Change.” Although this study reveals the specificity of an “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” and its application to the political lives of South Asian Americans, we can nevertheless think of ways that this model can be extended to other ethnic and racial groups in the U.S. I posit that we adopt the “assimilation-to-racialization continuum” to better understand how fragmented ethnoracial communities engage the political sphere. / Sociology

I juli 2019 försågs förskolan med en ny läroplan och med den ett utökat minoritetsuppdrag, vilket i korthet innebär att förskolan ska bidra till att skydda och främja de nationella minoriteternas språk och kulturer. Tidigare forskning pekar på att läroplansändringar om de nationella minoriteterna haft liten inverkan på ämnesinnehållet inom utbildningssystemet och att det finns svårigheter kopplade till att implementera kultur- och språkrelaterade policyer i förskolan. Syftet med föreliggande studie är därför att genom förskolepersonals förståelser lyfta fram dilemmatiska aspekter i förskolans minoritetsuppdrag. En tonvikt har placerats vid den nationella minoriteten romer, vilket delvis motiveras genom en webbenkät som distribuerats i studiens startskede. Av de fem nationella minoriteterna hade färst respondenter berört romer i förskolans utbildning. För en fördjupad förståelse och för att generera mer data hölls två fokusgruppsintervjuer med totalt sex informanter och en kompletterande individuell intervju med ytterligare en informant. Eftersom studien undersökt ett känsligt ämne genomsyras den av reflexivitet och etiska överväganden. Den data som genererats har analyserats och diskuterats med hjälp av Michael Billigs begreppsapparat ideologiska dilemman, med fokus på sunt förnuft och motstridigheter. Det sunda förnuftet säger att förskolans minoritetsuppdrag är viktigt för att bevara ett kulturarv, revitalisera minoritetsspråken och motverka fördomar. Motstridigheterna består i att arbetet med Sveriges nationella minoriteter och minoritetsspråk villkoras på grund av prioriteringar och rangordningar, resonemanget ”inget minoritetsbarn – inget minoritetsuppdrag”, en rädsla för att göra fel och en strävan att undvika konflikter. Genom en analytisk diskussion påträffas fyra dilemmatiska aspekter i skärningspunkterna mellan 1) ideologier som förskolan förväntas förmedla och ideologier om förskolan som institution, 2) en strävan att revitalisera minoritetsspråken och att det aktualiseras först när ett minoritetsspråkigt barn finns i barngruppen, 3) en strävan att motverka fördomar och en rädsla för att i stället befästa dem och 4) att ge barn förutsättningar att utveckla en kulturell identitet och minoritetsspråket och att upprätthålla tillitsfulla relationer och samarbeten med vårdnadshavare genom att låta bli när de så önskar.Studien bidrar till kunskap om dilemmatiska aspekter i förskolans minoritetsuppdrag och gör dem på så sätt möjliga att adressera. / In July 2019, the preschool was provided a new curriculum and with it an extended minority assignment. In short, this assignment means that the preschool shall protect and promote the languages and cultures of the Swedish national minorities. Previous research indicates that curriculum changes regarding the national minorities generally have little impact on the subject content within the education system and that there are difficulties linked to implementing policies about language and culture in preschool. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to highlight dilemmatic aspects in the preschool's minority assignment through preschool personnel's understandings. An emphasis is placed on the national minority Roma, which is partly motivated by a web survey that was distributed in the initial stages of the study. Out of the five national minorities, the fewest respondents had referenced Roma people in the preschool’s education. For a deeper understanding, and to generate more data, two focus group interviews with a total of six informants and a supplementary individual interview with yet another informant were held. Since a sensitive subject is being examined, the study is permeated by reflexivity and ethical considerations. The data generated has been analyzed and discussed using Michael Billig's theoretical approach to ideological dilemmas, with a focus on common sense and contrary themes. What passes as common sense is that the preschool's minority assignment is important to preserve a cultural heritage, revitalize the minority languages and counter prejudice. The contrary themes regard conditions for working with the Swedish national minorities and minority languages, such as priorities and rankings, the reasoning "no minority child – no minority assignment", a fear of making mistakes, and avoiding conflicts. Through an analytical discussion, four dilemmatic aspects are found in the intersections between 1) ideologies that the preschool is expected to convey and ideologies about the preschool as an institution, 2) an effort to revitalize the minority languages and that this is only actualized when a minority language speaking child is present in the child group, 3) an effort to counter prejudices and a fear of instead reinforcing them and 4) supporting children’s need to develop a cultural identity and their minority language and to maintain trusting relationships and collaborations with children’s guardians by not doing so, if that is their wish. This study contributes to highlighting dilemmatic aspects in the preschool's minority assignments and is thereby making them possible to address.

In 2000 when Sweden signed the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities the Roma minority became one of the acknowledged national minorities in the country. It meant that the rights of the Roma mi-nority would be safeguarded and the knowledge of its history and culture would be spread. In that context, the Swedish school, with its founded as-signment of democracy, was given an important role. The education was to communicate the multicultural values of the society and to make visible the history and culture of the Roma minority. The school books used in teaching today do not meet these demands. The view of the Roma minority given in school books is often inadequate and simplified. The present study will therefore examine a different type of edu-cational material used in schools and teaching, The Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s programs of history and social studies regarding the Roma minority. Starting in postcolonial theory as well as critical dis-course analysis the study examines how the picture of the Roma cultural and ethnic identity in the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s material has been displayed and possibly changed during the period of 1975 to 2013. The results show a picture of Roma which, both in form and content, con-sists of some clearly demarcated discursive categories. The obvious continui-ty of the categories gives a picture of static and invariable Roma identity. At the same time this unambiguous picture is broken both by giving the existing discourses new meaning and also adding new discourses. The complexity and nuances become more prominent and the Roma identity is integrated in common Swedish history telling. The changes in the view of Roma, given by the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company, can mainly be explained by the change of the Swedish immigration and minority policy and, as a conse-quence of this, the change of the school‟s mission regarding knowledge communication of Sweden as a multicultural country.

In 2000 when Sweden signed the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities the Roma minority became one of the acknowledged national minorities in the country. It meant that the rights of the Roma mi-nority would be safeguarded and the knowledge of its history and culture would be spread. In that context, the Swedish school, with its founded as-signment of democracy, was given an important role. The education was to communicate the multicultural values of the society and to make visible the history and culture of the Roma minority. The school books used in teaching today do not meet these demands. The view of the Roma minority given in school books is often inadequate and simplified. The present study will therefore examine a different type of edu-cational material used in schools and teaching, The Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s programs of history and social studies regarding the Roma minority. Starting in postcolonial theory as well as critical dis-course analysis the study examines how the picture of the Roma cultural and ethnic identity in the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company‟s material has been displayed and possibly changed during the period of 1975 to 2013. The results show a picture of Roma which, both in form and content, con-sists of some clearly demarcated discursive categories. The obvious continui-ty of the categories gives a picture of static and invariable Roma identity. At the same time this unambiguous picture is broken both by giving the existing discourses new meaning and also adding new discourses. The complexity and nuances become more prominent and the Roma identity is integrated in common Swedish history telling. The changes in the view of Roma, given by the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company, can mainly be explained by the change of the Swedish immigration and minority policy and, as a conse-quence of this, the change of the school‟s mission regarding knowledge communication of Sweden as a multicultural country.