Introduktion: Nästan 6,5 miljoner människor har mist sina liv i Covid-19. Barnmorskan har stöd i lagen att ha en säker arbetsplats och ska inte bli smittad av Covid-19 på arbetsplatsen. Patienten har stöd i lagen och ska inte bli smittad av Covid-19 på sjukhuset. Barnmorskan ska ge patienten en säker vård och arbetsgivaren har en skyldighet att verktyg finns till detta. Syfte: Syftet var att beskriva hur barnmorskor upplevde smittskyddssäkerheten för sig och sina patienter på förlossningar under Covid-19 pandemin i Sverige. Metod: Intervjustudie med 6 barnmorskor på förlossningar. Innehållsanalys med manifesttolkning. Resultat: Barnmorskor har upplevt att de varit oskyddade på sin arbetsplats för de har inte haft en säker skyddsutrustning eller tillgång till en säker skyddsutrustning. De har inte upplevt att munskydd och visir kommer att skydda dem mot Covid-19. Barnmorskor har inte upplevt att patienterna varit skyddade då det inte funnits en säker skyddsutrustning, man har inte testat alla, friska och sjuka patienter har inte separerats. Barnmorskor har inte upplevt stöd från chefer för att kunnage en säker vård. Brister i smittskyddssäkerheten har skapat etiska dilemman där barnmorskor varit rädda för att bli smittade eller för att smitta patienterna. De har tvivlat gällande sitt yrkesval då deras hälsa riskeras. Slutsats: Barnmorskor måste få tillgång till en säker skyddsutrustning. Barnmorskor måste få tillgång till verktyg såsom, testning, kohortvård, separera friska och sjuka patienter så att de kan ge patienterna en säker vård. Staten måste bidra till organisationers och samhällets health literacy. Chefer måste stötta barnmorskor att bedriva en säker vård. / Introduction: Almost 6.5 million people have lost their lives to COVID-19. The midwife has support in the law to have a safe workplace and must not be infected by COVID-19 in the workplace. The patient has support in the law and should not be infected by COVID-19 when they need care in the hospital. The midwife must provide the patient with safe care and the employer has an obligation to provide the midwife with tools for this. Aim: The aim was to describe how midwives experienced the safety of infection control for themselves and for their patients during deliveries during the COVID-19 pandemic in Sweden. Methods: Interview study with 6 midwives at births. Content analysis with manifest interpretation. Results: Midwives have experienced that they were unprotected in their workplace because they did nothave safe protective equipment. They have not experienced that mouth guards and visors will protect them against COVID-19. Midwives did not feel that the patients were protected as there was no safe protective equipment, everyone was not tested, healthy and sick patients were not separated. Midwives have not experienced support from managers to be able to provide safecare. Shortcomings in infection prevention safety have created ethical dilemmas where midwives have been afraid of becoming infected or of infecting the patients. They have doubts about their choice of profession as their health is at risk. Conclusion: Midwives must have access to safe protective equipment and a safe workplace. Midwives must have access to tools such as, testing, cohort care, separating healthy and sick patients so they can provide patients with safe care. The state must contribute to the health literacy of organizations and society. Managers must support midwives to provide safe care.

Background: Managing credit risks is an integral part of the banking sector and is crucial for banks’ success. Effective risk management ensures stable and profitable operations, addressing challenges like information asymmetry between lenders and borrowers. To combat these challenges, banks are shifting from manual methods to automated processes in credit assessment and credit risk management.Purpose: The purpose of the study was to investigate how the use of AI has contributed to credit risk management and the handling of risk assessments within Swedish banks. Additionally, the study explored the factors driving the use of AI in this area.  Methodology: An abductive research approach was employed within the framework of a qualitative research method. Four banks were included in the study: two major banks and two niche banks. Semi structured interviews provided the primary data for the study, while secondary data, such as articles and literature, were used to support and explain the findings during the analysis and discussion.  Theory: The study was based on two models and the theory of information asymmetry. The first model focuses on the credit assessment process, while the second addresses critical success factors for the implementation of AI. The theory of information asymmetry consists of moral hazard and adverse selection. Conclusions: The study’s conclusion indicated that AI has contributed to increased efficiency and precision in credit risk management. Furthermore, AI supports addressing information asymmetry by automating data collection, analysis, and fraud detection. The study concludes that effective AI usage necessitates a balanced combination of management support, strategic vision, organizational culture, and structure.

Temporary migrant workers and circular migration constitute a growing global phenomenon as the management of migration becomes increasingly important to policymakers. This thesis takes academic discussions on citizenship and migration as its starting point, and examines the role of employers in terms of defining temporary migrant workers and their role in the Swedish labour market. The concept of moral economy is applied in particular to analyse the justifications and negotiations through which working conditions of migrant workers, and their role in local and transnational economies, are established and contested. The role of capital in migration management is studied through ethnographic fieldwork and through interviews with managers in the Swedish wild berry and IT industries; two very different industries that are, however, both shaped by particular structures of seasonal labour and international outsourcing and that increasingly rely on temporary foreign workers from Thailand and India respectively. The conceptualisation of supply chains in these industries offers a particular framework through which relations, as well as management discourses, can be analysed. The study explores how notions of circularity, nation, cultural difference, and transnational economic difference, are managed by private sector actors. It also explores how managers relate to public discourse and emotions in the face of global economic restructuring and changing citizenship, which situates temporary migrants as part of, yet different from, Swedish labour. / Temporära migrantarbetare och cirkulär migration utgör ett växande globalt fenomen till följd av intresset bland regeringar och myndigheter att styra genom sk ”managed migration”. Denna avhandling tar avstamp i forskning om medborgarskap och migration för att undersöka vilken roll arbetsgivare får när det gäller att definiera tillfälliga migrantarbetare och deras roll på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Begreppet moralisk ekonomi används för att lyfta fram och analysera de praktiker genom vilka migrantarbetarnas arbetsvillkor förhandlas och rättfärdigas, samt hur deras roller i lokala och transnationella ekonomier befästs eller förändras. Ekonomins roll i migrationshantering studeras i denna avhandling genom etnografiskt fältarbete och intervjuer med chefer inom den svenska bärindustrin samt IT industrin; två mycket olika industrier som dock båda struktureras av säsongsarbete respektive internationell outsourcing, och som alltmer använder tillfällig utländsk arbetskraft från Thailand respektive Indien. Genom begreppet utbudskedjor (supply chains) möjliggörs en analys av de relationer, samt de managementdiskurser, som påverkar dessa industrier. Avhandlingen utforskar hur föreställningar om cirkularitet, nation, kulturella skillnader, samt transnationella ekonomiska skillnader, förhandlas av aktörer inom näringslivet. Vidare diskuteras hur chefer relaterar till de diskurser och emotioner som en global ekonomisk omstrukturering och ett förändrat medborgarskap ger upphov till, vilket positionerar tillfälliga migrantarbetare som en del av, men ändå annorlunda än, svensk arbetskraft.

This essay argues that cannibalism is not inherently immoral. To demonstrate this, I have analyzed the ethics of cannibalism through the perspective of consent, rights, autonomy, and consumption of flesh. I have defined the concepts of cannibalism and morality. The case of the German Cannibal Armin Meiwes is used throughout the essay as it gives factual examples of a case where cannibalism is in accordance to consent. I have analyzed cannibalism as a taboo, in the ways this taboo has formed and how we differentiate cannibalism in humans and nonhumans. Following this I have demonstrated how the relations surrounding human rights, the law's interpretation of consent and autonomy can alter its morality. With discussing consumption of flesh, whether it be from an animal or a human being, followed by how our view on treating nonanimals as a means to an end, I illustrate a comparison to cannibalism in human beings. By exploring the relationship of cannibalism with morality through these theories I conclude that cannibalism in fact cannot be inherently immoral.

This study aims to understand how social and sexual relations are initiated, negotiated and constructed among homo- and bisexual men within a specific sexual field; the geo-social application Grindr. It’s based on qualitative and semi-structured interviews with six self-identified homosexual men in Sweden from various age groups and with various social backgrounds who are using, or has used, Grindr in order to initiate and establish contacts with other homo- and bisexual men. Of certain interest are their experiences of using the application and being a part of its social and sexual setting.   In order to analyse the interviews, a combination of sexual script theory and sexual field theory has been used, together with Norbert Elias theories on the relationship between the established and the outsiders. The results indicate that Grindr is a refuge and safe space for homo- and bisexual men and queer persons from the social and sexual norms that prevails in a heteronormative society. As such, Grindr could be understood as a social and sexual field of its own, in which interpersonal scripts and negotiations are crucial for establishing contacts of various kinds. There is also a remarkable sexual stratification based on various sexual capitals that the users of Grindr use to position themselves in relation to each other in order to be regarded as desirable. One consequence of these “structures of desire” is that some personal and bodily qualities often are regarded in a less favourable way, sometimes with stigmatization and marginalization of groups of people as dire consequences of these structures of sexuality. There’s also a remarkable distinction, resistance and ambivalence against the heteronormative society and its cultural scenarios, but at the same time it was a necessary part in the collective self-image of being an outsider group.

The normative political theory problem of dirty hands (DH) concerns the troubling possibility that political leaders, from a (mostly) consequentialist perspective, might sometimes be morally required to make exceptions from sensitive rules like prohibitions of extremely harmful practices (e.g. torture) in order to avert catastrophic threats and crises, while such rules are still considered so important and such crises so rare that one nonetheless feels inclined to deem dirty exceptions categorically wrong so as to prevent their unnecessary proliferation through a slippery-slope type development.  How can we conceptualize such a problematic necessity? A latent but insufficiently explored idea in the DH literature is that the normatively preferrable approach to such a wicked problem might be to not try to conceptualize it at all, or at least not in our public work as academics. In this thesis, I introduce the straightforward suggestion that if the DH problem cannot be discussed without risking slippery-slope demoralization of the partaking deliberators and/or audience, we seem to be morally required to content ourselves with terming it an unspeakable, taboo subject in non-crisis times, as a meta-level ersatz solution to the core-level political problem conventionally centered in the DH literature.  I also discuss to what extent the mainstream, weak rule utilitarian (WRU) DH literature can themselves be understood as intentionally testing the limits of consequentialist reasoning in a search for a 'higher' moral truth than what their ethical position might entail at first glance.

Den breda mitten, eller bara mitten, är ett centralt begrepp i Centerpartiets identitet. Trots detta är Centerpartiets sakpolitik inte särskilt positionerad i ”mitten”. Partiet är snarare det mest högerlutande partiet av samtliga riksdagspartier vad gäller ekonomiska frågor. Samtidigt är själva idén med den breda mitten att etablera ett bredare samarbete över blockgränser men exkludera Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna på grund av deras respektive ytterkantsposition. Rent sakpolitiskt är den breda mitten en gåta. Medan fenomenet inte tillåter sig att begripas speciellt väl ur ett sakpolitiskt perspektiv, argumenterar föreliggande uppsats för att det bättre kan förstås utifrån dess symboliska betydelse. Den breda mitten undersöks således som en instans av sekulär religion. Genom intervjuer med Centerpartister kartläggs ett religiöst meningssystem som grundas på; (1) ett heligt ideal om en icke-extrem politisk karaktär i form av mitten; (2) en moralisk gemenskap som sluter upp kring idealet och försvarar det från all form av upplevd extremism, men som är mer intresserad av sitt förakt för Sverigedemokraterna och (3) upplevelser av hur ritualer kring motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna och självuppoffring för idealet erbjuder frälsning från synden att kunna associeras med Sverigedemokraterna via högeridentiteten. Religionens funktion tolkas vara att reglera diskrepansen mellan partiets identitet och praktik genom ritualer och moraliska argument som triumferar över sakliga problem med motstånd mot Sverigedemokraterna som den övertygande mekanismen. Mitten identifieras vidare som den perfekta täckmanteln för en förlorad högeridentitet och för de framgångar som motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna bringar partiet, då motstånd mot båda ytterkantspartierna gör att Centerpartiet kan hävda sig som mitten och därigenom attrahera den större grupp väljare som finns där. Motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna tolkas i sin tur som den grundläggande drivkraften bakom fenomenet den breda mitten, en drivkraft som inte bara bygger på framgångar i termer av en ökad väljarbas utan också på en upplevd välvilja, en dold förhoppning om en alternativ och självständig högergemenskap men även på en möjlighet för Centerpartiet att göra upp med sin egen historia av främlingsfientlighet. / The broad middle, or just the middle, is a central concept in the identity of The Centre Party in Sweden. Despite this, the politics of The Centre Party is not particularly positioned in “the middle”. Rather, The Centre Party is the most right-leaning party of all the parliamentary parties when it comes to economic issues. Simultaneously, the very idea behind the broad middle is to establish wider cooperation across block boundaries but exclude the parliamentary parties The Left Party and The Sweden Democrats due to their respective outer edge position. As a matter of concrete policy, the broad middle is an enigma. While the phenomenon does not allow itself to be understood particularly well from a concrete political perspective, the present thesis argues that it can be better understood based on its symbolic meaning. The broad middle is thus analysed as an instance of secular religion. Through interviews with members of The Centre Party, a religious meaning system is mapped which is based on; (1) a sacred ideal of a non-extreme political character in the form of the middle; (2) a moral community that defends the ideal by protecting it from all sorts of experienced extremism, but whose interest lies more in its contempt for The Sweden Democrats and (3) experiences of how rituals surrounding the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats and self-sacrifice for the ideal offers salvation from the sin of being associated with The Sweden Democrats trough a Right-wing identity. The function of the religion is interpreted as regulating the discrepancy between The Centre Party’s identity and practise through rituals and moral arguments that triumphs over factual problems with the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats as the convincing mechanism. The middle is further identified as the perfect cover for a lost Right-wing identity and for the successes that the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats brings the party, since opposition to both the outer-edge parties allows The Centre Party to assert itself as the middle and thus attract the larger group of voters who are located there. The antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats is in turn identified as the primal driving force behind the phenomenon the broad middle, a driving force that is not only based on successes in term of increased voters but also on an experienced benevolence, a hidden hope for an alternative and independent Right-wing community as well as on an opportunity for redemption with The Centre Party’s own history of xenophobia.