<p><strong>AbstractIII-essay in political science by Christoffer Harnell, autumn -08. Supervisor: Malin Stegman-McCallion. ”Nuclear Disarmament - USA and the Soviet Union 1960-2002” </strong>This essay is about USA and the former Soviet Union and their nuclear disarmament. The purpose is to explain why and when the two states begun their nuclear disarmament, as well as what caused the start of the process. The essay investigates how well the two states have followed the NPT-Treaty’s article of nuclear disarmament. The article says that the states who have signed the NPT-treaty shall work for an disarmament of their nuclear weapons.          The arguments are that a state’s nuclear disarmament starts because of a previous action or happening, the new development of a disarmament-theory, the essay aims to proove this.Both the United States of America and the Soviet Union show evidence that they have started their nuclear disarmament after a previous action. USA started their nuclear disarmament in the period 1966-70 because of the former American minister of security Robert McNamara and his U-turn in the aggressive war politic and the former president Nixon and his ambition to lower the heat between USA and the Soviet union by signin the ABM-Treaty.          The Soviet Union started their nuclear disarmament many years later in the period of 1986-1987, the cause of this, it is believed, is the nuclear explosion in Chernobyl and the former president of the Soviet Union Michail Gorbatjov’s ambitions to end the war in the world and disarm the nuclear weapons, not just between USA and the Soviet Union, but in all states.          USA has followed the NPT-Treaty’s article of nuclear disarmament well, one reason for this is that, they started the disarmament before they signed the NPT-Treaty in 1968. The Soviet Union, however, has followed the NPT-treatys article of nuclear disarmament less well and did not start their nuclear disarmament until 1986-87, even though they signed up for the NPT-Treaty in 1968.           The NPT-Treaty will probably still be relevant in the future for the nuclear disarmament, but how well the world’s states will follow it, the future will tell. The nuclear disarmament in this two states has been caused by a previous action and the new developed disarmament-theory is avaliable for further disarmament research.</p>

Den försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska debatten i Sverige har under 2000-talet förändrats från ett internationellt engagemang till idag när vi åter diskuterar tillskott av ny materiel men med ett mera nationellt fokus. Hur ska vi förstå detta? Är det dags att rusta? Vad är det som får ett land att påbörja rustning i någon mening? Syftet med arbetet är att öka förståelsen för vilka variabler som påverkar småstaten, Sverige, inför rustning och genom en teoriutvecklande fallstudie ta fram ett analysramverk för att studera detta. Arbetet gör nedslag i försvarsberedningens underlag 1999/2000 respektive 2013/2014 med en utgångspunkt att utfallen blir olika. Resultatet visar att Sverige nedrustat som följd av underlaget från 99/00 respektive sannolikt kommer att upprusta i någon mening med ledning av underlaget från 13/14. Arbetets teoriutvecklande analysramverk kan därför sägas fylla sitt syfte att studera småstaten inför rustning i någon riktning.

Den pågående coronapandemin har lamslagit stora delar av världen och brister i den svenska krisberedskapen har därmed uppdagats. Uppsatsens syfte är att förklara varför det svenska totalförsvaret nedrustades. För att kunna ge svar på forskningsfrågan kommer fem försvarsbeslut – försvarsbeslutet 1992, försvarsbeslutet 1996, försvarsbeslutet 2000, försvarsbeslutet 2004 och försvarsbeslutet 2009 – att analyseras. Besluten studeras utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys, där Rational Actor Model används. Innehållsanalysen kompletteras med en kvalitativ forskningsintervju med den tidigare svenske försvarsministern Anders Björck. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna som studien följer är säkerhetisering, risker och hot. Bakgrundskapitlet behandlar den svenska beredskapen i nutid och det svenska försvarets historia. Tidigare forskning om beredskap och försvar internationellt lyfts fram tillsammans med hur delar av den svenska beredskapen har påverkats under de senaste 30 åren. Det rådande säkerhetsläget efter kalla kriget bidrog till nedskärningar i försvarsorganisationen, avskaffandet av ett invasionsförsvar och skapandet av ett insatsförsvar. Insatsförsvaret skulle ha hög operativ förmåga, såväl nationellt som internationellt och krävde därför förband av hög kvalitet, varpå värnplikten avskaffades. Beredskapslager ansågs inte vara lika behövande under det nya säkerhetsläget och det fördjupade samarbetet med den Europiska unionen skapade en naiv trygghet i att försörjningsberedskapen skulle kunna säkras genom medlemskapet. Arbetets slutsats till varför totalförsvaret nedrustades var det förändrade säkerhetsläget och en tilltagande tro på stöd från EU vid hanteringen av krissituationer i kombination med bristande historiekunskaper. / The ongoing coronavirus pandemic has paralyzed large parts of the world and shortcomings in the Swedish crisis preparedness have thus been discovered. The purpose of the thesis is to explain why the Swedish total defense was disarmed. In order to answer the research question, five defense decisions – the defense decision in 1992, the defense decision in 1996, the defense decision in 2000, the defense decision in 2004 and the defense decision in 2009 – will be analyzed. The decisions are studied based on a qualitative content analysis, using the Rational Actor Model. The content analysis is supplemented by a qualitative research interview with the former Swedish Defense Minister Anders Björck. The theoretical starting points that the study follows are security, risks, and threats. The background chapter deals with the Swedish preparedness of today and the history of the Swedish defense. Previous research on preparedness and defense internationally has been highlighted as well as how parts of Swedish preparedness have been affected over the past 30 years. The prevailing security situation after the Cold War contributed to cuts in the defense organization, the abolition of an invasion defense and the creation of an intervention defense. The intervention defense would have high operational capability, both nationally and internationally and therefore required high-quality associations and the military duty was abolished. Emergency preparedness stocks were not considered to be as needed during the new security situation, and the deeper cooperation with the European Union created a naive security that security of supply could be secured through the membership. The work's conclusion as to why the total defense was disarmed was the changed security situation and a growing belief in support from the EU in dealing with crisis situations, in combination with lack of historical knowledge.

Den svenska Försvarsmakten har under de senaste 100 åren varit stadd i ständig förändring. Dess styrka, organisation och uppgifter har ändrats i takt med rådande politiska villkor och  säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar. Denna anpassningspolitik, som tidigare benämndes elasticitetsprincipen, är en uttalad politisk viljeinriktning syftande till att balansera de ekonomiska anslagen till försvaret med övriga viktiga samhällsområden. Som utgångspunkt för anpassningspolitiken anges, nu som då, säkerhetspolitiska argument. Det är det rådande omvärldsläget som avgör om försvaret måste tillväxa eller kan reduceras, heter det från beslutsfattarna.I denna uppsats görs en jämförelse mellan försvarsbesluten 1936 och 2000. Med en kvalitativ metod som grund, studeras de bägge besluten utifrån ett policyprocessperspektiv. Tonvikten läggs på själva policyutformningsfasen, d.v.s. hur besluten växer fram och formuleras. Uppsatsen visar att det är andra frågor än de rent säkerhetspolitiska som avgör omfattningen, och därmed realismen, i den svenska anpassningspolitiken. Ekonomiska förutsättningar, budgetmässiga aspekter samt sociala och kulturella ambitioner, har påverkat utformningen och omfattningen av Försvarsmaktens utveckling. Behovet av folkligt stöd för den förda politiken samt den uttalade viljan till politiskt samförstånd är också genomgående teman. / During the latest century, the Swedish armed forces have been in a state of constant development and change. Its organisation, strength and overall tasks changed in line with the, at that time, actual conditions for domestic and security policy. This so-called policy of adaptability, earlier named the principle of resilience, was and still is an explicit political intention aiming to balance the economical appropriations between the armed forces and other important public functions.Today, as well as in the past, security policy is marked as a cornerstone for the policy of adaptability. It is the international political and security environment that should be the determined reason for growth or reduction of the armed forces.This essay compares the parliamentary defence resolutions from 1936 and 2000. With a qualitative method as basis, the two resolutions are examined from a policy process point of view. The emphasis is on the so-called working phase, in which the resolutions progresses and finally formulates. The essay points out, that it is a fact that other reasons than strict national security policy shape the dimensions of the national defence, and therefore also the credibility, of the policy of adaptability. Economical, social and cultural aspects have influenced the form and size of the development of the armed forces. The need for public support and the political will to reach consensus in these matters is also significant. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

AbstractIII-essay in political science by Christoffer Harnell, autumn -08. Supervisor: Malin Stegman-McCallion. ”Nuclear Disarmament - USA and the Soviet Union 1960-2002” This essay is about USA and the former Soviet Union and their nuclear disarmament. The purpose is to explain why and when the two states begun their nuclear disarmament, as well as what caused the start of the process. The essay investigates how well the two states have followed the NPT-Treaty’s article of nuclear disarmament. The article says that the states who have signed the NPT-treaty shall work for an disarmament of their nuclear weapons.          The arguments are that a state’s nuclear disarmament starts because of a previous action or happening, the new development of a disarmament-theory, the essay aims to proove this.Both the United States of America and the Soviet Union show evidence that they have started their nuclear disarmament after a previous action. USA started their nuclear disarmament in the period 1966-70 because of the former American minister of security Robert McNamara and his U-turn in the aggressive war politic and the former president Nixon and his ambition to lower the heat between USA and the Soviet union by signin the ABM-Treaty.          The Soviet Union started their nuclear disarmament many years later in the period of 1986-1987, the cause of this, it is believed, is the nuclear explosion in Chernobyl and the former president of the Soviet Union Michail Gorbatjov’s ambitions to end the war in the world and disarm the nuclear weapons, not just between USA and the Soviet Union, but in all states.          USA has followed the NPT-Treaty’s article of nuclear disarmament well, one reason for this is that, they started the disarmament before they signed the NPT-Treaty in 1968. The Soviet Union, however, has followed the NPT-treatys article of nuclear disarmament less well and did not start their nuclear disarmament until 1986-87, even though they signed up for the NPT-Treaty in 1968.           The NPT-Treaty will probably still be relevant in the future for the nuclear disarmament, but how well the world’s states will follow it, the future will tell. The nuclear disarmament in this two states has been caused by a previous action and the new developed disarmament-theory is avaliable for further disarmament research.