Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:21:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jordana Carmo de Sousa.pdf: 590372 bytes, checksum: 63bc8d9298c23817255c0b74e251e395 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-21 / The present work searched to understand the feminine identity and to investigate the sexual life of an adult woman, as it deals and which the impact that a situation of social exclusion influences in its sexuality and main in its identity. The psicanalitic vision was the base used for the understanding of the material collected in the interview, what it points with respect to a inadequaded and the lack of an autonomy of the feminine identity and the place of the proper sexuality, what causes an exclusion the direction of "being woman" in a society where they are considered inferior and that it only has little time this left of being submiss to the man, conquering its right the diverse aspects politicians, social and cultural. In the second moment not of poverty, but for living less in a community favored what it takes it the lack of possibilities of the proper citizen of not consisting internally and not to have conditions to change this picture. Inside to the device of psicanalitic listening the present work is about a case study where an interview of the clinical type was carried through where the speech of the citizen was marked by the emotional instability, affective insatisfaction and difficulty with regard to proper autonomy to deal with its identity and its sexuality. The identity of the woman through such information is molded to take care of to a system of familiar and social domination. The fear, the unreliability, the shame, in turn, extravasm to the sexual one for the performance in the social one, in a system of constant feedback. In this context we insert the woman and its search, through the time, of a feminine identity. E this search modifies, takes to a transformation with regard to notion of nuclear family and romantic love. It is certain that of this form it looks for in a way if to adjust in the society and life in an acceptable way I obtain same. / O presente trabalho teve como objetivo entender a subjetividade da mulher face à construção de sua identidade sexual, no contexto de uma condição de vida marcada pela exclusão. A perspectiva adotada foi a perspectiva clínica, no sentido da escuta do sofrimento psíquico associado a condição feminina e de exclusão. Para tal foi realizado um estudo de caso, cuja perspectiva metodológica foi qualitativa, com entrevista do tipo clínica visando o aprofundamento do tema e interpretativo, conforme prevê o uso do método psicanalítico para pesquisa. A análise da entrevista nos permite pensar que a situação de exclusão do sujeito é tão profunda que atinge a autonomia do mesmo na reflexibilidade de seu próprio desejo. No caso estudado, não se pode pensar que as condições de exclusão dificultam ou impedem a realização dos desejos. Para um processo interno e primário, associado ás condições de vida, parece destituir o sujeito de possibilidades mesmas de se constituir como sujeito de seus desejos e projeto de identidade. Neste trabalho a identidade é vista como uma tarefa em aberto para o homem moderno, de qual a construção de identidade sexual é um dos aspectos centrais. Desde Freud a sexualidade feminina, ou seja, o desenvolvimento libidinal na mulher é objeto de grandes controvérsias teóricas, que indicam a necessidade de se compreender este fenômeno de modo mais aprofundado. A este contexto articula-se a noção de exclusão, não como sinônimo de pobreza, mas como conjunto de processos objetivos e simbólicos que têm por resultado a perda da autonomia. Enfim, as noções de família nuclear , amor romântico e amor relacionamento são empregados para contribuir na compreensão da subjetividade feminina.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a percepção dos terapeutas de família do Rio de Janeiro a respeito do recasamento, assim como as abordagens teórico-práticas, preferencialmente, utilizadas no atendimento a membros de famílias recasadas. A complexidade e a diversidade presentes na estrutura das famílias recasadas, assim como o aumento constante dessa configuração familiar, indica que o modelo de família nuclear, determinante na formulação inicial de algumas abordagens de terapia de família, e ao qual as famílias recasadas são comparadas, não é um parâmetro adequado. A literatura especializada ressalta que as diferenças essenciais entre esses formatos de família devem ser consideradas pelas diferentes abordagens psicoterápicas. Foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo, fundamentada na revisão da literatura, na qual foram entrevistados dez terapeutas de família do Rio de Janeiro. O grupo de entrevistados foi constituído por seis sujeitos do sexo feminino e quatro sujeitos do sexo masculino, todos com mais de quatorze anos de experiência clínica na área de terapia de família, inicialmente de orientação sistêmica. A partir da fundamentação teórica e do discurso dos sujeitos entrevistados, foram propostas cinco categorias de análise. A avaliação do material obtido mostra a influência significativa do modelo de família nuclear nas formulações da maioria dos entrevistados sobre relações familiares, assim como sobre as abordagens teórico-práticas utilizadas. A maioria dos entrevistados não pareceu considerar relevante para o seu trabalho o conhecimento acerca das especificidades das famílias recasadas. Observamos, através das palavras da maioria dos entrevistados, um distanciamento entre a clínica e as pesquisas atuais sobre o tema. / [en] The purpose of the present study is to analyze the perception of the family therapists from Rio de Janeiro in relation to remarriage, and the theoretical and clinical approaches preferentially used to treat members of remarried families. The complexity and diversity present in the structure of remarried families, as well as the increase of this family form, indicate that the nuclear family model, determinant in the formulation of the initial approaches of family therapy, and to which remarried families are compared, is not an adequate parameter. The specialized literature points out that the different psychotherapeutic approaches should consider the essential differences between these two family forms. A field study based upon the review of the specialized literature was conducted. Ten family therapists from Rio de Janeiro were interviewed. The group was formed by six female and four male subjects. All of the subjects had more than fourteen years of clinical experience as family therapists, and initially followed a systemic orientation. Based on the theoretical framework and on the analysis of the subjects discourse, five categories were proposed. The final evaluation of the data demonstrates the significant influence of the nuclear family model in the formulations made by the subjects about family relations, as well as those made about the theoretical and clinical approaches used. Most of the subjects did not seem to consider the specific knowledge about remarried families relevant to his/her practice. It was possible to observe, through the words of most subjects, a distance between their clinical work and current researches on the matter.

<p>This thesis takes as its point of departure the Swedish governmental family policy and the debate on the proposed reform ‘vårdnadsbidraget’. The supporters of the reform present it as something that will increase the freedom of choice for families and benefit the children, whereas the opponents warn for decreased equality and a return to the male breadwinner-model.</p><p>From a constructivist perspective, language is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. By applying a feminist political theory on the debate within the Swedish national parliament 2007/2008 and conducting a discourse analysis, the aim of this paper is to analyse which concepts are used and how they construct to what makes a family within the political debate – is there any difference or similarity between the view of the opponents and the supporters of ‘vårdnadsbidraget’?</p><p>The main conclusion of this paper is that even though the political ideal and rhetorical concepts differ between the supporters and the opponents, they still constitute the heterosexual nuclear family as an obvious norm in family politics. Even though the opponents of the reform are critical to the nuclear family as a ideal, their strife for gender equality contributes to reproduce the heterosexual nuclear family as the family norm.</p>

No description available.

This bachelor thesis examines gender related jokes in Swedish outhouse books (dassböcker), and howwomen and men are constructed and portrayed in text and image between 2003-2020. Outhouse bookstypically consist of jokes based on stereotypes of women, men and other groups and are intended toamuse readers during visits to the outhouse or private toilet. I used critical analysis and queer theoryto examine assumptions regarding gender visible in the material. The analysis shows how Swedishouthouse books employ genusslentrianer, (unreflected and repeated gender stereotypes) in theirportrayal of women and men, constructing women as ’naturally’ responsible for unpaid labour in thehome, and reproductive work such as caring for children. Further, women and men are in the materialdepicted as opposites based on binary and essentialist assumptions about gender and gender roles, andthe material adopts a male gaze which portrays men as simple and women as (unnecessarily)complicated. The analysis makes visible normative assumptions about woman and men as cis,heterosexual, and aspiring to live in nuclear families. However, it also shows taken for granteddifferences between assumed male and female heterosexuality, constructing women as ’naturally’monogamous, while men are presumed to aspire to have multiple sex partners. Finally, in theirportrayal of gender and heteronormative gender roles, Swedish outhouse books establish men’sdiscrimination, objectification, and sexual abuse of women as not only normative gendered practices –but also as humorous.

This dissertation is a critical examination of selected Tsonga novels by male and female writers. Positive and negative images of women by these authors are analysed, compared and evaluated from a feminist perspective. Emphasis is laid on the manner in which Tsonga writers portray female characters in a changing society and the extent to which the images of women in this literature represent the present day woman. Adherence to ideological, cultural and traditional values as well as the differences in portrayal of women by male and female writers is also investigated. Through a comparison of novels written by male and female writers it is established that because of patriarchy these writers differ markedly in their portrayal of female characters. In all the novels analysed, the sociol-cultural context influences the way in which these writers portray female characters. Male writers promote traditional values which female writers strive to discard by portraying female characters who predominantly undermine stereotypical cultural sex-roles. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage. / In Angkorian Cambodia, Khmer rulers administered a moving peasantry through temple-palaces. When the French took over, in 1845, they found what administrators called an unorganized mass of peasants, “even inorganic” (Delvert, 1961: 201) and were confounded by Cambodian peasants’ mobility (Forest, 1980: 30). During the postcolonial era, ethnologists essentially came to the same conclusions, while John F. Embree (1950) proposed to categorize South-East Asian indianized societies as “loosely structured”. He postulated that the prevalence of ad hoc individualistic behavior and the lack of organization found in communities were due to a weak integration of social structures at the individual level. Many ethnologists followed in Embree’s path. These observations appear just but the analysis seems unfruitful. Embree’s structure is modeled on a highly syncretic Khmer culture which was randomly reflected in individual behavior indeed. But Khmer social organization lies elsewhere: In the organizational strategies which govern individual choices when groups must come together to accomplish recurring tasks. In this respect, Cambodian peasants evolved in a social organization that was rigorously minimalistic and flexible. The household was the essential element here, while the local territorial community was incidental. In Cambodia’s generous natural environment, a small mobile group of individuals united under one roof could easily accomplish all the tasks essential to their survival. Thus the Khmer never attached themselves indefinitely to a locality: Only to ever evolving communities, centered on pagodas which acted as anchor harbors.

<p>The purpose of this paper is to see how differences are handled in preschools, with a focus on children with homo- or bisexual parents. By doing this we wanted to see how the conditions for a child with homo- or bisexual parents looks like, in order to have their family conditions mirrored, confirmed and visualised in the preschool.</p><p>The foundation for the discussion is a questionaire which has been answered by 229 preschool workers from 24 different preschools in the City of Stockholm. The result of the questionaire has been handled in a statistics program. Our analysis is based on the statistical numbers and the written replies to the open questions in the questionaire.</p><p>As a theoretical starting point we have used Iris Marion Young’s ideas about how our society is coloured by an ideal of similarity that defines liberation as the transcendence of group difference, where the dominant group cannot see how their perspective is just one of several perspectives. Furthermore, we use Tiina Rosenberg’s thoughts on the two main principles of heteronormativity and her focus on the sexed and sexual norms from which we organize our assumptions about our sex, sexuality and family. We also use Ann Runfors’ experiences of how differences are turned in to similarities when immigrant background is dealt with in the Swedish school.</p><p>Our results show that the nuclear family is still the norm when speaking about family in preschools and that the knowledge concerning children with homo- and bisexual parents is slight. Many of the informants believe that differences are best dealt with by treatin all children equally. A great number of the informants assume that giving attention to the rainbow children contributes to inequality and a negative distinction of the child as different. There are also informants that request more knowledge on the subject to be able to treat children and parents in an inclusive way.</p><p>We believe that differences have a social significance, which is why we are convinced that preschools ought to become aware of how the heterosexual norm is being reproduced. By reflecting on society’s norms and values, the preschools would be able to help the rainbow child to be proud of its family and in this way counteract heterosexism.</p> / <p>Syftet med detta utredningsarbete är att se hur olikheter hanteras på förskolan, med fokus på barn med homo- eller bisexuella föräldrar. Genom detta ville vi se hur förutsättningarna för ett barn med homo- eller bisexuella föräldrar ser ut för att få sin familjesituation speglad, bekräftad och synliggjord på förskolan.</p><p>Underlaget för diskussionen är en enkät som besvarats av 229 personer som arbetar på 24 olika förskolor inom Stockholm stad. Resultaten från enkäten har hanterats i statistikprogram. Vi baserar vår analys på de statistiska uppgifterna och de skrivna kommentarerna till de öppna frågorna i enkäten.</p><p>Som en av våra teoretiska utgångspunkter har vi använt oss av Iris Marion Youngs idéer om hur vårt samhälle är färgat av ett likhetsideal, där den priviligerade gruppen inte kan se att deras föreställningar om hur saker och ting är bara är ett av flera perspektiv. En annan utgångspunkt är Tiina Rosenbergs tankar om heteronormativitetens två bärande principer och det fokus hon lägger på de könade och sexuella normerna utifrån vilka vi organiserar våra föreställningar om kön, sexualitet och familjebildning. Vi använder oss också av Ann Runfors erfarenheter av hur olikhet görs till likheter när invandrarskap hanteras i den svenska skolan.</p><p>Våra resultat visar att kärnfamiljen fortfarande är norm då förskolorna talar om familj och att kunskapen om barn med homo- och bisexuella föräldrar inte är stor. Många informanter menar att olikhet bäst hanteras genom likabehandling av alla barn. Informanterna uppfattar i stor utsträckning att uppmärksamhet på regnbågsbarnen bidrar till ojämlikhet och ett negativt särskiljande av barnet som annorlunda. Det finns även informanter i materialet som efterfrågar mer kunskap för att kunna bemöta barn och föräldrar på ett inkluderande sätt.</p><p>Vi menar att olikheter har social betydelse. Det är därför förskolan bör, genom reflektion över hur samhällets normer och värderingar ser ut, bli medvetna om hur heteronormen reproduceras på förskolan för att kunna hjälpa regnbågsbarnet att känna stolthet över sin familj och att för att på så sätt motverka heterosexism.</p>

The purpose of this paper is to see how differences are handled in preschools, with a focus on children with homo- or bisexual parents. By doing this we wanted to see how the conditions for a child with homo- or bisexual parents looks like, in order to have their family conditions mirrored, confirmed and visualised in the preschool. The foundation for the discussion is a questionaire which has been answered by 229 preschool workers from 24 different preschools in the City of Stockholm. The result of the questionaire has been handled in a statistics program. Our analysis is based on the statistical numbers and the written replies to the open questions in the questionaire. As a theoretical starting point we have used Iris Marion Young’s ideas about how our society is coloured by an ideal of similarity that defines liberation as the transcendence of group difference, where the dominant group cannot see how their perspective is just one of several perspectives. Furthermore, we use Tiina Rosenberg’s thoughts on the two main principles of heteronormativity and her focus on the sexed and sexual norms from which we organize our assumptions about our sex, sexuality and family. We also use Ann Runfors’ experiences of how differences are turned in to similarities when immigrant background is dealt with in the Swedish school. Our results show that the nuclear family is still the norm when speaking about family in preschools and that the knowledge concerning children with homo- and bisexual parents is slight. Many of the informants believe that differences are best dealt with by treatin all children equally. A great number of the informants assume that giving attention to the rainbow children contributes to inequality and a negative distinction of the child as different. There are also informants that request more knowledge on the subject to be able to treat children and parents in an inclusive way. We believe that differences have a social significance, which is why we are convinced that preschools ought to become aware of how the heterosexual norm is being reproduced. By reflecting on society’s norms and values, the preschools would be able to help the rainbow child to be proud of its family and in this way counteract heterosexism. / Syftet med detta utredningsarbete är att se hur olikheter hanteras på förskolan, med fokus på barn med homo- eller bisexuella föräldrar. Genom detta ville vi se hur förutsättningarna för ett barn med homo- eller bisexuella föräldrar ser ut för att få sin familjesituation speglad, bekräftad och synliggjord på förskolan. Underlaget för diskussionen är en enkät som besvarats av 229 personer som arbetar på 24 olika förskolor inom Stockholm stad. Resultaten från enkäten har hanterats i statistikprogram. Vi baserar vår analys på de statistiska uppgifterna och de skrivna kommentarerna till de öppna frågorna i enkäten. Som en av våra teoretiska utgångspunkter har vi använt oss av Iris Marion Youngs idéer om hur vårt samhälle är färgat av ett likhetsideal, där den priviligerade gruppen inte kan se att deras föreställningar om hur saker och ting är bara är ett av flera perspektiv. En annan utgångspunkt är Tiina Rosenbergs tankar om heteronormativitetens två bärande principer och det fokus hon lägger på de könade och sexuella normerna utifrån vilka vi organiserar våra föreställningar om kön, sexualitet och familjebildning. Vi använder oss också av Ann Runfors erfarenheter av hur olikhet görs till likheter när invandrarskap hanteras i den svenska skolan. Våra resultat visar att kärnfamiljen fortfarande är norm då förskolorna talar om familj och att kunskapen om barn med homo- och bisexuella föräldrar inte är stor. Många informanter menar att olikhet bäst hanteras genom likabehandling av alla barn. Informanterna uppfattar i stor utsträckning att uppmärksamhet på regnbågsbarnen bidrar till ojämlikhet och ett negativt särskiljande av barnet som annorlunda. Det finns även informanter i materialet som efterfrågar mer kunskap för att kunna bemöta barn och föräldrar på ett inkluderande sätt. Vi menar att olikheter har social betydelse. Det är därför förskolan bör, genom reflektion över hur samhällets normer och värderingar ser ut, bli medvetna om hur heteronormen reproduceras på förskolan för att kunna hjälpa regnbågsbarnet att känna stolthet över sin familj och att för att på så sätt motverka heterosexism.

Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage. / In Angkorian Cambodia, Khmer rulers administered a moving peasantry through temple-palaces. When the French took over, in 1845, they found what administrators called an unorganized mass of peasants, “even inorganic” (Delvert, 1961: 201) and were confounded by Cambodian peasants’ mobility (Forest, 1980: 30). During the postcolonial era, ethnologists essentially came to the same conclusions, while John F. Embree (1950) proposed to categorize South-East Asian indianized societies as “loosely structured”. He postulated that the prevalence of ad hoc individualistic behavior and the lack of organization found in communities were due to a weak integration of social structures at the individual level. Many ethnologists followed in Embree’s path. These observations appear just but the analysis seems unfruitful. Embree’s structure is modeled on a highly syncretic Khmer culture which was randomly reflected in individual behavior indeed. But Khmer social organization lies elsewhere: In the organizational strategies which govern individual choices when groups must come together to accomplish recurring tasks. In this respect, Cambodian peasants evolved in a social organization that was rigorously minimalistic and flexible. The household was the essential element here, while the local territorial community was incidental. In Cambodia’s generous natural environment, a small mobile group of individuals united under one roof could easily accomplish all the tasks essential to their survival. Thus the Khmer never attached themselves indefinitely to a locality: Only to ever evolving communities, centered on pagodas which acted as anchor harbors.