本論文之主旨即在系統析述民國二十（一九三一）年冬在瑞金所建立之「江西蘇維埃 」諸般狀況，由而採討其所產生之影響。 本論文全十章，分三部綜論其建立，作為及崩潰。 本論文第編含三章，分別析述其建立背景、建立經過、及建立後之組織型態。 第二編論蘇維埃政權之主要作為，四、五兩章即分析其土地鬥爭及軍事鬥爭之實質。 第六章探討中共政權如何克服財政困難，如稅制、幣券、公債、及征糧工作等諸般作 為。第七章論「肅反」工作，蓋中共承受了俄共肅反鬥爭特質，對於黨內黨外固然經 常以「肅清反革命」排斥異己，即政務之推行亦以「紅色恐怖」為依恃，此種肅反工 作實為中共政權之主要特質。 第八章析論該時期中共重要黨務活動及黨內派系鬥爭。在江西時期，中共黨內派系之 爭，以留俄派與毛澤東集團為兩大陣營，幾乎無「時」不鬥，無「事」不鬥，爭端尤 其集中於「富農路線」、與「游擊主義」，至於反「羅明路線」鬥爭乃是具有代表性 的著名事例。 第三編論蘇維埃政權之崩潰，其中第九章說明崩潰經過，第十章分析其崩潰原因。第 五次圍勦歷時一年，國軍採用新戰略，配合經濟封鎖，政治動員及農村復興諸般方略 ，以雷霆萬鈞之勢向贛南步步進逼，國民政府是以組織民眾、動員民力、改善民生作 為最高作戰策略，由於國軍在軍事上的勝利，同時誘發了蘇區民眾長時期潛在的反共 意識轉而化為行動，乃更加速了共黨政權的潰敗，其間雖歷「閩變」，仍未能挽回紅 色政權之厄運，至民國二十三年（一九三四）年十月，紅朝乃終告全面崩潰。

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

Esta tese volta-se à análise crítica da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público brasileiro sob dois aspectos: de um lado, a sua independência em relação às esferas organizacionais dos poderes clássicos do Estado; e, de outro, os limites da independência funcional que visa a assegurar, para os seus membros, o livre desenvolvimento das funções institucionais. Sob o influxo do processo de reconhecimento universal dos direitos humanos a partir da Declaração de 1948, o valor da dignidade da pessoa humana representa o fundamento central do Estado Democrático de Direito da Constituição Federal de 1988, constituindo a fonte jurídica do vasto conjunto de direitos fundamentais dela constante. A proteção dos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana é indissociável de um regime político democrático, que não pode prescindir de um sistema eficaz de controle do exercício do poder político para a persecução de tal desiderato. Daí a importância da efetividade dos mecanismos de controle recíproco entre os órgãos estatais, no comando do princípio fundamental projetado por Montesquieu que, atualmente, não mais se reduz à formula tríplice de distribuição das funções legislativa, executiva e judicial. É nesse contexto que se pretende introduzir a análise da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público, à luz, especificamente, de determinadas funções que lhe foram atribuídas para o controle de decisões de outros órgãos estatais, sobretudo do Executivo, envolvendo a tutela dos direitos fundamentais de proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana. A hipótese é a da existência de aspectos organizacionais condicionando o funcionamento do Ministério Público em dissonância de sua plena afirmação como novo ator político; quais sejam: a) a ausência de limites precisos à garantia de independência funcional no desenvolvimento de suas atividades; b) um sistema autocrático de gestão orientando as decisões sobre todas as políticas institucionais; c) a manutenção dos vínculos que prendem a instituição ao Executivo do Estado, concebido como o ramo hegemônico do regime político brasileiro. O trabalho pretende investigar as causas das incorreções, correlacioná-las e apontar os seus equívocos, para a identificação dos pontos relevantes sujeitos a uma pronta alteração de cunho organizacional, de modo a serem reproduzidos no funcionamento do Ministério Público brasileiro os valores republicanos e democráticos que devem informar um regime político como Estado Democrático de Direito. / This thesis offers a critical analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office regarding two aspects: on one hand, its independence concerning the organizational spheres of the classical branches of the State; on the other hand, the limits of the functional independence that aims at securing free development of the institutional functions to the members of the Public Attorney\'s Office. Due to the process of universal acknowledgement of human rights since the Declaration of 1948, the value of a human being\'s dignity represents the central basis of the Democratic Rule of Law of the 1 988 Federal Constitution, establishing a legal source for the vast set of fundamental rights contained in it. The protection of the fundamental rights of a human being is intrinsic to a democratic political system, which cannot dispense with an efficient procedure to control the use of political power for pursuing such desideratum. Hence the importance of the efficiency of the mechanisms of checks and balances among state agencies, in carrying out the fundamental principle proposed by Montesquieu that is no longer limited nowadays to the triple distribution formula of legislative, executive and judiciary functions. It\'s in this context that the present work intends to introduce the analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Public Attorney\'s Office, specifically examining certain functions attributed to it for the control over decisions by other state agencies, particularly in the executive branch, that involve the safeguarding of the fundamental rights of protection of a human being\'s dignity. The hypothesis is the existence of organizational aspects stipulating the operation of the Public Attorney\'s Office in discordance with its full role as new political agent, such as: a) absence of precise limits to guarantee functional independence in the development of its activities; b) an autocratic ruling system guiding decisions on all institutional policies; c) maintenance of the bonds linking the institution to the executive branch, which is conceived as the hegemonic branch of Brazil\'s political system. This work intends to investigate the causes of those problems, correlate them and pinpoint mistakes, in order to identify the relevant points that would be subject to a swift alteration in terms of organization, so the republican, democratic values that ought to conduct a political regime as a Democratic Rule of Law may be reproduced in the operations of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T18:15:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Carlos Rocha.pdf: 10945860 bytes, checksum: 68d43542d3aec09436938bf12c2d8c03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-23 / Populism consisted in a phenomenon politician consolidated in the country from the Age Vargas. In 1945 with the democratization, one would become hegemonic in the relations brazilian politics. Multiclass representative Populism, with its utopian attempt of representation of all the social classrooms, answering to its demands was considered the adapted concept more to the space and secular circumstances of Bauru. The populist hegemony in Bauru was extended enters 1948 and 1968. In this period, the janismo and the ademarismo had disputed the political power municipal, reflecting in the production of specific urban landscapes. During transcorrer of twenty years of populist domain, the ademarismo prevailed between 1948 and 1955, the janismo between 1956 and 1959 and one third composed phase of janistas and ademaristas elements, had lead a transistion between proper Populism and the power technocrat. Tecnocracia installed from 1968, with the election of a group politician associated with the interests of the military government. Ademarista Populism in Bauru made possible a harmonious urban evolution, constructing an entailed landscape to the educational sphere. The janismo, its opposite, not yet considered and produced a surprising intervention in the evolution of the fabric urban of Bauru, constructing quarters without infrastructure, defining solved problems in the current days. The junction of the ademarismo and the janismo in the final administrations of the populist period determined the concretion of urban interventions already associates to the posterior period: the tecnocracia / O populismo constituiu-se em um fenômeno político consolidado no país a partir da Era Vargas. Em 1945 com a democratização, tornar-se-ia hegemônico nas relações políticas brasileiras. O populismo multiclassista, com sua utópica tentativa de representação de todas as classes sociais, respondendo às suas demandas, foi considerado como instrumento de análise mais adaptado às características da realidade bauruense. A hegemonia populista em Bauru estendeu-se entre 1948 e 1968. Neste período, o janismo e o ademarismo disputaram o poder político municipal, refletindo na produção de paisagens urbanas específicas. Durante o transcorrer de vinte anos de domínio populista, o ademarismo prevaleceu entre 1948 e 1955, o janismo entre 1956 e 1959 e uma terceira fase composta de elementos janistas e ademaristas, conduziram uma transição entre o próprio populismo e o poder tecnocrata. Tecnocracia instalada a partir de 1968, com a eleição de um grupo político associado aos interesses do governo militar. O populismo ademarista em Bauru possibilitou uma evolução urbana harmoniosa, construindo uma paisagem vinculada à esfera educacional. O janismo, antagonicamente, propôs e produziu uma intervenção surpreendente na evolução do tecido urbano de Bauru, construindo bairros sem infra-estrutura, definindo problemas ainda não solucionados nos dias atuais. A junção do ademarismo e do janismo nas administrações finais do período populista, determinou a concretização de intervenções urbanas já associadas ao período posterior: a tecnocracia

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

如何從大量的資料中擷取隱匿或不容易直接觀察的資訊，是重要的議題，社會網路提供了一個適當的系統描述模型與內部檢視分析的方法，過去社會網路分析多著重於靜態的分析，無法解釋發生在網路上的動態行為；我們的研究目的是從動態社會網路分析的角度，觀察政治權力的變化，將資料依時間切分成多個資料集，在各個資料集中，利用官員共同異動職務及共事資料建構網路，並使用EdgeBetweenness分群方法將網路做分群，以找出潛在的政治群組，接著再採用事件導向的方法(Event-based Framework)，比較連續兩個時間區間的網路分群結果，以觀察政治群體的動態發展，找出政治群組事件，並將其匯集成政治群組指標，以用來衡量政治群組的變動性及穩定性。我們提供了一個觀察政治權力變化的模型，透過網路建立、網路分群到觀察網路動態行為，找到不容易直接取得的資訊，我們也以此觀察模型解決以下問題：(1)觀察部門之接班梯隊之變化，(2)觀察特定核心人物之核心成員組成模式，(3)部門專業才能單一性或多元性之觀察。實驗結果顯示，利用政治群組事件設計的政治群組指標，可實際反應政府部門選用人才的傾向為內部調任或外部選用。 / Extracting implicit information from a considerable amount of data is an important intelligent data processing task. Social network analysis is appropriate for this purpose due to its emphasis on the relationship between nodes and the structure of networked interactions. Most research in the past has focused on a static point of view. It can't account for whatever action is taking place in the network. Our research objective is to observe the evolution of political power by dynamic social network analysis. We begin by creating static graphs at different time according to the synchronous job change between the government officials or the relationship between the government officials whom work in the same government agency. We obtain political communities from each of these snapshot graphs using edge betweenness clustering method. Next we define a set of evolutionary events of political communities using event-based framework. We compare two consecutive snapshots to capture the evolutionary events of political communities. We also develop two evolutionary political community metrics to measure the stability of political communities. We propose a model of observing the evolution of political power by three steps－network construction, community identification and community evolution tracking. The approach is shown to be effectual for the purposes of: (1) finding succession pool members in government agencies, (2) observing the inner circle of a leading political figure, (3) measuring the specialized degree of government agencies. Experiments also show that our community evolution metrics reflect the tendency of whether a government agency conducts internal succession or outside appointment.

This work analyzes the patterns of recruitment and selection of the lawyers publics elite in the Brazilian State of Sergipe. Focusing initially on the relations between the legal and political space in the institutionalization process the state attorney career in Sergipe, in intenden to comprehend the historical and social conditions of formation that rulling elite. Recently, the state attorney started the discussion the importance their profession, with the resolute purpose in motion the process of professional career, passing by the implementation of the ideology of professionalism and meritocracy imported from core countries. Conflicts arising there from confined in the context of the need for border demarcation between the professional and the political in a country that historically guided the access and mobility in the legal profession by the logic of personal relationships. From the investigation into high positions occupation rules on prosecutors of space, the intention of the work, to discuss issues surrounding the problem of professionalization of the State Attorney careers, is to examine the form of production of discourses and toggle positions within the group to face the questioning of social practices, concepts and meanings into play in the interaction of these singularly considered individuals and groups that have formed within the common social space. The composition´s examination of the ruling elite the institution, in different historical periods, and recent divisions of the group revealed that the effects of social and demographic diversification of the group, from the 1990s, became progressively mobile conflicts in inside the field that, despite this, it kept the old logic of recruitment and selection its ruling elite, primarily recruited from the remarkable origins holders, endowed with social capital and political relationship needed to win the game. / Ce travail a pour objet l'étude des modes de recrutement et de sélection de l'élites avocats publics dans la province brésilienne du Sergipe. Son point de départ a ét´l'étude des relations entre l'espace juridique et politique dans le processus d'institutionnalisation de l'Etat avocat carrière dans Sergipe, la recherche a porté à saisir les conditions historiques et sociales qui prévalent dans la composition du groupe d'élite au pouvoir. Récemment, les procureurs de l'État ont rouvert le débat sur l'importance de leur profession, avec la ferme intention de décoller la carrière du processus de professionnalisation, ce qui implique la mise en oeuvre de l'idéologie de la méritocratie professionnalisme et importés de pays clés. Les conflits qui en découlent confiné dans le contexte de la nécessité de la démarcation de la frontière entre le professionnel et le politique dans un pays qui, historiquement, a guidé l'accès et la mobilité dans la profession juridique par la logique des relations personnelles. De l'enquête sur les positions élevées règles d'occupation sur les procureurs de l'espace, de l'intention du travail, pour discuter des questions entourant le problème de la professionnalisation des carrières State Attorney, est d'examiner la forme de production de discours et de bascule postes au sein du groupe pour faire face à la remise en cause des pratiques sociales, des concepts et des significations en jeu dans l'interaction de ces singulièrement considérés comme individus et des groupes qui se sont formés dans l'espace social commun. L'examen de la composition de l'élite dirigeante de l'institution, à différentes périodes historiques, et des divisions récentes du groupe a révélé que les effets de la diversification sociale et démographique du groupe, à partir des années 1990, sont devenus progressivement des conflits mobiles dans à l'intérieur du champ qui, malgré cela, il a gardé la vieille logique de recrutement et de sélection de son élite dirigeante, principalement recrutés parmi les titulaires origines remarquables, doté d'un capital social et la relation politique nécessaire pour gagner le jeu. / Este trabalho tem por objeto o estudo dos padrões de recrutamento e seleção da elite dos advogados públicos sergipanos. Partindo do exame das relações entre o espaço jurídico e político no processo de institucionalização da carreira de procurador de estado em Sergipe, a pesquisa centrou-se em apreender as condicionantes históricas e sociais preponderantes na composição da elite dirigente do grupo. Recentemente, os procuradores de estado reabriram a discussão sobre a importância de sua profissão, com o firme propósito de deslanchar o processo de profissionalização da carreira, que passa pela implantação da ideologia da profissionalização e meritocracia importada de países centrais. Os conflitos daí decorrentes circunscrevem-se no contexto da necessidade de demarcação das fronteiras entre o profissional e o político, num país que historicamente pautou o acesso e mobilidade nas carreiras jurídicas pela lógica das relações pessoais. A partir da investigação sobre as regras de ocupação de altas posições no espaço dos procuradores, a intenção do trabalho, ao discutir questões em torno do problema da profissionalização das carreiras de procurador de Estado, é examinar a forma de produção dos discursos e da alternância de posições dentro do grupo ao enfrentar os questionamentos sobre práticas sociais, concepções e significados em jogo na interação destes indivíduos singularmente considerados e dos grupos que se formaram dentro do espaço social comum. O exame da composição da elite dirigente da instituição, em diferentes períodos históricos, e das recentes clivagens do grupo revelou que os efeitos da diversificação social e demográfica do grupo, a partir da década de 1990, se tornou, progressivamente, o móvel dos conflitos no interior do campo que, a despeito disto, manteve a antiga lógica de recrutamento e seleção de sua elite dirigente, recrutada fundamentalmente entre os detentores de origens notáveis, dotados de capitais de relação social e política necessários para vencer o jogo.

Esta tese volta-se à análise crítica da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público brasileiro sob dois aspectos: de um lado, a sua independência em relação às esferas organizacionais dos poderes clássicos do Estado; e, de outro, os limites da independência funcional que visa a assegurar, para os seus membros, o livre desenvolvimento das funções institucionais. Sob o influxo do processo de reconhecimento universal dos direitos humanos a partir da Declaração de 1948, o valor da dignidade da pessoa humana representa o fundamento central do Estado Democrático de Direito da Constituição Federal de 1988, constituindo a fonte jurídica do vasto conjunto de direitos fundamentais dela constante. A proteção dos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana é indissociável de um regime político democrático, que não pode prescindir de um sistema eficaz de controle do exercício do poder político para a persecução de tal desiderato. Daí a importância da efetividade dos mecanismos de controle recíproco entre os órgãos estatais, no comando do princípio fundamental projetado por Montesquieu que, atualmente, não mais se reduz à formula tríplice de distribuição das funções legislativa, executiva e judicial. É nesse contexto que se pretende introduzir a análise da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público, à luz, especificamente, de determinadas funções que lhe foram atribuídas para o controle de decisões de outros órgãos estatais, sobretudo do Executivo, envolvendo a tutela dos direitos fundamentais de proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana. A hipótese é a da existência de aspectos organizacionais condicionando o funcionamento do Ministério Público em dissonância de sua plena afirmação como novo ator político; quais sejam: a) a ausência de limites precisos à garantia de independência funcional no desenvolvimento de suas atividades; b) um sistema autocrático de gestão orientando as decisões sobre todas as políticas institucionais; c) a manutenção dos vínculos que prendem a instituição ao Executivo do Estado, concebido como o ramo hegemônico do regime político brasileiro. O trabalho pretende investigar as causas das incorreções, correlacioná-las e apontar os seus equívocos, para a identificação dos pontos relevantes sujeitos a uma pronta alteração de cunho organizacional, de modo a serem reproduzidos no funcionamento do Ministério Público brasileiro os valores republicanos e democráticos que devem informar um regime político como Estado Democrático de Direito. / This thesis offers a critical analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office regarding two aspects: on one hand, its independence concerning the organizational spheres of the classical branches of the State; on the other hand, the limits of the functional independence that aims at securing free development of the institutional functions to the members of the Public Attorney\'s Office. Due to the process of universal acknowledgement of human rights since the Declaration of 1948, the value of a human being\'s dignity represents the central basis of the Democratic Rule of Law of the 1 988 Federal Constitution, establishing a legal source for the vast set of fundamental rights contained in it. The protection of the fundamental rights of a human being is intrinsic to a democratic political system, which cannot dispense with an efficient procedure to control the use of political power for pursuing such desideratum. Hence the importance of the efficiency of the mechanisms of checks and balances among state agencies, in carrying out the fundamental principle proposed by Montesquieu that is no longer limited nowadays to the triple distribution formula of legislative, executive and judiciary functions. It\'s in this context that the present work intends to introduce the analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Public Attorney\'s Office, specifically examining certain functions attributed to it for the control over decisions by other state agencies, particularly in the executive branch, that involve the safeguarding of the fundamental rights of protection of a human being\'s dignity. The hypothesis is the existence of organizational aspects stipulating the operation of the Public Attorney\'s Office in discordance with its full role as new political agent, such as: a) absence of precise limits to guarantee functional independence in the development of its activities; b) an autocratic ruling system guiding decisions on all institutional policies; c) maintenance of the bonds linking the institution to the executive branch, which is conceived as the hegemonic branch of Brazil\'s political system. This work intends to investigate the causes of those problems, correlate them and pinpoint mistakes, in order to identify the relevant points that would be subject to a swift alteration in terms of organization, so the republican, democratic values that ought to conduct a political regime as a Democratic Rule of Law may be reproduced in the operations of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marlene de Fatima Rosa.pdf: 636351 bytes, checksum: 9b3d3b1480a46d574e0d24295812e9d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present research paper has as an objective the investigation of the political power s legitimacy in the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. In his reflections Rousseau tries to understand the shaping of the political powers that took place in the West, recovering all of mankind s history in a hypothetical way to demonstrate how mankind s progress has contributed to put men in the condition of misery and servitude that they now live in. In his studies, the author expresses his way of interpreting the power that has been establishing and characterizing itself in the societies of his time. Rousseau shows that the construction of his thought towards the model of society was originated from many sources, from the observation of the political institutions of his time to the study of authors such as Grotius, Pufendorf, Hobbes, Montesquieu, Locke, Machiavelli and others. In his investigations, Rousseau innovates the kinds of political and social interpretation, indicating new perspectives to understand these areas. His analysis intends to show his understanding of man and society, having as a starting point, firstly, anapproach around the problem of inequality, and secondly, showing his notion towards the kinds of power that constituted themselves throughout mankind s history. Following this historical path, he presents these two characteristics and how they influenced each other.In other words, how the power constituted itself illegitimately through the existing inequalities since its constitution. Following his reflections, Rousseau describes how these illegitimate kinds of power can assume other setups and become legitimate through an administrative rule that allows the accomplishment of popular sovereignty. The comprehension of the legitimating elements of this new administrative rule is what we intend to investigate based on the arguments presented by Rousseau. / O presente trabalho de pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar a legitimidade do poder político em Rousseau. Em suas reflexões, Rousseau procura compreender a formação dos poderes políticos estabelecida no ocidente, retomando toda a história da humanidade de forma hipotética para demonstrar como o progresso da humanidade contribuiu para os homens atingirem a condição de miséria e servidão em que se encontram. Nesses estudos, nosso autor traz à tona em suas publicações a sua maneira de interpretar o poder que foi se estabelecendo e caracterizando as sociedades de seu tempo. Rousseau demonstra que a construção de seu pensamento em relação ao modelo de sociedade originou-se a partir de várias fontes, desde observação de instituições políticas de sua época e leituras de autores tratadistas como: Grotius, Pufendorf, Hobbes, Montesquieu, Locke, Maquiavel e outros. Ao fazer essas investigações, Rousseau inova as formas de interpretação política e social, apontando novas perspectivas para entendimento dessas esferas. Suas análises pretendem demonstrar seu entendimento sobre o homem e sobre a sociedade, tendo como ponto de partida, em primeiro lugar, uma abordagem em torno do problema da desigualdade; em segundo lugar, mostra a sua concepção sobre a origem das formas de poder que se constituíram ao longo da história da humanidade. Ao percorrer essa trajetória histórica, ele apresenta essas duas características e como elas se influenciaram mutuamente, ou seja, como o poder foi se constituindo ilegitimamente através das desigualdades existentes desde a sua constituição. Ao prosseguir suas reflexões, Rousseau descreve como essas formas de poder ilegítimas podem assumir outras configurações e se tornarem legítimas através de uma regra de administração que permita a realização da soberania popular. Esta compreensão dos elementos legitimadores dessa nova regra de administração é o que pretendemos investigar a partir dos argumentos apresentados por Rousseau.

Cette thèse de doctorat propose que les mouvements ou les soulèvements populaires puissent unir l'éthique et la politique de manière directe et pratique pour constituer un domaine à partir duquel on peut avancer une théorie normative répondant aux défis de l'injustice dans notre monde. Toute étude de ces mouvements doit prendre en compte un événement spécifique et son contexte et donc renoncer à la position de l’"observateur". J'ai donc choisi d'examiner les révolutions déclenchées dans le monde arabe au cours de la dernière décennie, en mettant l'accent sur la Place Tahrir en Egypte. Pour apprécier le caractère innovateur qu'offrent ces révolutions, il est nécessaire de commencer par démonter les fondements épistémiques profondément enracinés dans la théorie politique occidentale qui prennent en considération le succès des révolutions en se basant uniquement sur leurs résultats finaux, et en particulier leur effet éventuel sur le changement de régime. Ces mouvements populaires défient non seulement les études de démocratisation et leurs recommandations pour un changement provenant des structures du pouvoir, mais ils remettent aussi en question le domaine de la politique ainsi que ses principes fondamentaux. Cette confrontation se produit au moment où le peuple les s’aperçoivent de leur qualité d’agence et utilisent leur pouvoir politique de manière manifeste et concrète. Comme dans le cas de la place Tahrir, les citoyens créent un espace public ouvert aux désirs et intérêts de chacun, ainsi qu’à la solidarité et à la responsabilité collectives. Les conditions dans lesquelles ces mouvements organisent leur action politique collective - horizontalement, de manière non hiérarchique et sans intermédiaire de la part des représentants et des dirigeants – est une manière de résister à la menace que leur pouvoir soit manipulé pour des fins médiocres se rapportant au pouvoir de l'État. Cette forme d’organisation permet également la reconfiguration des interactions éthiques de la foule, clairement exposée sur la place Tahrir, produisant ce que j’appelle «l’éthique de companionship». Cette éthique peut être reformulée et mise en pratique d'une manière sensibilisée à soi-même et autrui, et d’une manière adaptée aux besoins spécifiques et aux injustices du monde qui nous entoure. Une « éthique de camaraderie » est donc réceptive et ouverte à la négociation et à la persuasion, et constitue avant tout un « art de vivre ensemble ». / This dissertation proposes that popular movements or uprisings can unite ethics and politics in a direct, practical manner and constitute an illuminating domain from which to advance normative theory that responds to the challenges of injustice in our world today. Any study of these movements ought to engage with a specific event and its context and renounce the position of ‘observer.’ Accordingly, I have chosen to examine the revolutions sparked in the Arab world over the past decade, particularly focusing on the account of Tahrir Square. In order to appreciate the novelty these revolutions offer, it is necessary to first dismantle the deeply entrenched epistemic grounds of Western political theory which consider revolutions only on the basis of their end results, particularly whether or not they effect regime change. These popular movements not only defy democratization studies and its prescription for change from above, they also fundamentally challenge the domain of politics and some of its basic tenets. This confrontation occurs the moment the people gain their agency and use their political power demonstrably and concretely. The domain of politics is further challenged when the people create, as they did in Tahrir Square, a public sphere that is receptive to individual desires and interests as well as collective solidarity and responsibility. The conditions under which these movements organize their collective political action – horizontally, non-hierarchically, and unmediated by representative and leaders – resist the threat of their power being instrumentalized to obtain middling results pertaining to state power. This form of organization also reconfigures the crowd’s ethical interactions, unmistakeably on display in Tahrir Square, producing what I call “ethics of companionship.” These ethics can be reformulated and practiced in manner attuned to both self and other, and adapted to the specific needs and injustices of the world around us. An ethics of companionship is responsive and open for negotiation and persuasion, and above all, it makes an art out of our living together.