<p>The values politicians relate with public administration are likely to affect the way that they want the public administration to be organised. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine which values Swedish parliamentary parties relate with public administration and more particularly how they emphasise these values.</p><p>The study is conducted as an analysis of theoretically relevant bills that the government party and the parliamentary parties have introduced to the Riksdag, and reports and statements of opinion from the parliamentary committees. The documents are from the Riksdag´s sessions from 2000/01 to 2005/06. After examining the documents the conclusion can be drawn that the value that is most emphasised during the period is legal security. This might mean that legal security will have more influence on the decisions taken about the organisation of Swedish public administration.</p>

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka synen på kvinnors rätt till utbildning och kvinnans plats i samhället i samband med riksdagsdebatten om läroverksreformen 1927. Genom denna reform skulle det bli ytterliggare förbättringar, mer lika vilkor för båda könen i vår utbildningshistoria. Utvecklingen av denna reform ledde till att kvinnor skulle få tillträde till de statliga läroverken och därmed kunde avlägga en högre utbildningsexamen. Genom denna undersökning vill jag lyfta fram de olika åsikterna om kvinnors rätt till utbildning på politisk nivå under mellankrigstiden i Sverige, för att vi som blivande lärare ska få en förståelse för andra länders situation idag när det gäller utbildning för flickor och pojkar.</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka synen på kvinnors rätt till utbildning och kvinnans plats i samhället i samband med riksdagsdebatten om läroverksreformen 1927. Genom denna reform skulle det bli ytterliggare förbättringar, mer lika vilkor för båda könen i vår utbildningshistoria. Utvecklingen av denna reform ledde till att kvinnor skulle få tillträde till de statliga läroverken och därmed kunde avlägga en högre utbildningsexamen. Genom denna undersökning vill jag lyfta fram de olika åsikterna om kvinnors rätt till utbildning på politisk nivå under mellankrigstiden i Sverige, för att vi som blivande lärare ska få en förståelse för andra länders situation idag när det gäller utbildning för flickor och pojkar.

Title: Lobbying in the Swedish parliament - a qualitative study about experiences and attitudes of lobbying among the members of the Swedish parliament, from a communication perspective. Author: Bodil Hassel and Kristofer Persson Tutor: Emma Svensson Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to study lobbying towards members of the Swedish parliament. We aim to study their point of view: what experiences and attitudes they have towards the phenomenon. Key questions to be answered are: What experiences and attitudes do the members of the Swedish parliamentary Committee on Environment and Agriculture have towards lobbying? What skills does a successful lobbyist possess, according to the members of the committee? How do the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen lobby? Method/Material: The material used in this study consists of interviews with nine respondents of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture in the Swedish parliament. Additionally, two informant interviews with the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen were made. The questions for the interviews were based on a theoretical framework based on policies of lobbying. Main results: The main results demonstrate that all members of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture have a positive attitude towards lobbying. The results further show that a professional lobbyist of choice by the members of parliament is a three-stage rocket consisting of 1) proper preparation, 2) the right way to make contact, and 3) maintenance of the relation. Number of pages: 62 Course: Media and Communication studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Period: Fall 2013

Sweden has a divided pattern in terms of voting patterns from region to region in terms of the urban/rural divide in the 2006-14 three-time election cycle. The country’s mid-sized municipalities outside of the three major metropolitan areas show a general likelihood to vote for the left-leaning red-green coalition than to vote for the centre-right “alliance” in the urban areas. On the contrary, the alliance had a general advantage on the countryside or in minor locations in said municipalities. Out of the 31 municipalities studied, regional variations are significant. Northern municipalities, while left-leaning in both demographic groups, saw a general trend of the red-green parties winning more relative votes outside of the urban centres. This went heavily against the rest of the country’s tendencies, while southern Sweden also saw many towns vote for the alliance over the red-greens, especially in 2010. The study confirmed that towns and rural areas are moving further apart, especially when considering the influence of the social conservative and nationalist Sweden Democrats on the rural areas. The Social Democratic party has instead become ever more dependent on urban voters during the eight years of opposition to the alliance between ’06 and ’14. The other main party of Sweden, namely the Moderates was slightly stronger in towns than rural areas in ’06, before shifting in a slightly more rural-dependent direction in the forthcoming elections. The scope of the study covered all eight parliamentary parties elected into the Swedish Riksdag in 2014. The findings did indicate tendencies for several of them in the electoral research being done around that election. Areas with lower trust in the political system, lower political personal interest, sense of direction of the country going in the wrong direction and low trust ratings for the European Union were linked with rural areas, where the Sweden Democrats gained strong support as an anti-establishment party. Interestingly, in spite of a larger number of the Swedish electorate self-identifying as to the right rather than to the left, the strong divide of right-leaning voters between the alliance parties and the Sweden Democrats contributed to a minority left-leaning government led by the Social Democrats being able to take office after the 2014 election. This study has helped identify and confirm regional and demographical differences between parties and has correlated well with previous findings.

Riksdagen beskrivs ibland som Sveriges demokratiska och politiska hjärta. Alla medborgare ska kunna delta i den demokratiska diskussionen. Personer med hörselnedsättning och dövhet fick denna rättighet år 2000. Denna studie har undersökt teckenspråkstolkningen av en partiledardebatt i Sverigesriksdag. Fokus i studien har varit teckenspråkstolkars så kallade copingstrategier, dvs. språkliga och tolktekniska strategier i tolkningen som används för att säkerställa tolkningens kvalitet. Studien utgår från en kvalitativ, diskursanalytisk ansats. Materialet består av en tre timmar och 35 minuter lång filmad partiledardebatt samt en semistrukturerad intervju med en teckenspråkstolk med lång erfarenhet från tolkning i riksdagen. I materialet har sju olika copingstrategier identifierats: processtid, bokstavering, adekvata utelämningar, adekvata tillägg, samarbete med teamtolken, parafrasering och konstruerat agerande. Förhoppningen är att genom systematisk beskrivning och analys synliggöra teckenspråkstolkning som profession, och hur denna i sin tur bidrar till tillgänglighet och inkludering i den svenska demokratin. / Sometimes the Swedish Parliament is described as the heart of the Swedish democracy and politics. Every Swedish citizen has the right to participate in the political discussion. People with a disabled hearing and deaf people got this right in 2000. This essay has examined the sign language interpretation of a party leader debate in the Swedish Parliament. The main focus of this essay has been the sign language interpreters’ usage of coping strategies, in other words, techniques of interpretation and linguistic strategies, which secure the quality of the interpretation. The study is based on a discourse analytical perspective with a qualitative approach. The results are based on a three hours and 35 minutes lasting, video-recorded debate between the leaders of the different parties of the Swedish Parliament, and on a semi-structured interview with a sign language interpreter with a long experience as an interpreter in the Swedish Parliament. Seven different coping strategies could be identified and analyzed: lag time, spelling, adequate omissions, adequate additions, cooperation with the team interpreter, paraphrasing, constructed acting. Hopefully, this systematic description and analysis can help to spread some light on the profession of sign language interpretation, and how it contributes to accessibility and inclusion into the Swedish democracy.

Using two reports from the The Riksdag’s Social Affairs Committee, this essay has examined and analyzed discourses that are expressed in how the Riksdag describes the social services. The material has been analyzed using critical discourse analysis and Foucalts terms Power/knowledge to see what can be said about how the social services are described and constructed.   The dicourses I could identify in the material was a legal discourse where the social service is defined based on legislation where the words used to describe the goal of the social services is not being discussed. Knowledge-based discourse where the social service is mainly described in terms of a flawed organization and where the solution is more knowledge, a discourse I chose to call unity where a consensus is manifested regarding the social services and finally the formalized discourse where there is indications of a discursive change towards a higher level of formalized language-use that affects how the Riksdag constructs the social services.     This essay also discusses the importance of examining how the Riksdag constructs the social services through the use of language and that how they use the language affects how the social services is understood which impacts the social work. Lastly I argue that an examination of how power/knowledge is expressed is needed to, among other things, make it possible to introduce alternative and new discourses. / Den här uppsatsen har genom två betänkanden från riksdagens socialutskott undersökt och analyserat de diskurser som kommer till uttryck i hur riksdagen framställer socialtjänsten. Genom kritisk diskursanalys och Foucaults begrepp makt/kunskap har materialet analyserats för att se vad Foucaults begrepp kan säga oss om hur socialtjänsten framställs.     Diskurser jag kunde identifiera i materialet var en juridisk diskurs där socialtjänsten definieras utifrån lagstiftning där betydelsen av begrepp som beskriver socialtjänsten inte diskuteras. En kunskapsdiskurs där socialtjänsten främst beskrivs i termer av en organisation som brister och vars lösning är mer kunskap, en diskurs jag valt att kalla enighetsdiskursen där det manifesteras en enighet och där konflikter inte synliggörs, och till sist formaliseringsdiskursen som indikerar en diskursiv förändring mot ett mer formaliserat språkbruk kring bland annat socialtjänsten som påverkar hur riksdagen yttrar sig angående socialtjänsten.     Vidare diskuteras vikten av att rikta fokus mot hur riksdagen använder språk för att konstruera socialtjänsten och hur det påverkar förståelsen av socialtjänsten samt hur det i sin tur påverkar det sociala arbetet. Dessutom menar jag att processer kring hur makt/kunskap utövas behöver synliggöras, bland annat för att möjliggöra introduktionen av nya och alternativa diskurser.

The consequences due to sea level rise are many, and will affect the environment and societies all around the world. There is uncertainty about how much and how quickly the sea will rise. Despite the uncertainties, society must be adapted to a changing climate. The climate change adaptation work is relatively new in Sweden, and there are still uncertainties about how this work should be carried out, and by whom. This thesis examines to what degree the Swedish parliament parties’ view on how to plan and adapt to sea level rise differ. The study is based on interviews with representatives from a majority of the political parties in the Swedish parliament. The results show that the interviewed representatives all agree that climate change and sea level rise are important issues to work with. The result also shows that the different parties have managed to agree on what they want to achieve, but not how or when it is best to implement adaptation measures towards sea level rise and other climate change-related effects. / Konsekvenserna av havsnivåhöjningar är många och kommer att påverka miljön och samhällen över hela jorden. Det råder osäkerheter om hur mycket och hur snabbt haven kommer höjas. Trots osäkerheterna så måste samhället anpassas till ett förändrat klimat. Klimatanpassningsarbetet är relativt nytt i Sverige och det råder fortfarande oklarheter om hur detta ska genomföras och av vem.   Uppsatsen undersöker i vilken utsträckning de svenska riksdagspartiernas åsikter angående planeringen och anpassningar till havsnivåhöjningen skiljer sig. Studien bygger på intervjuer med representanter från en majoritet av de politiska partierna i riksdagen. Resultaten visar på att de intervjuade representanterna alla håller med om att klimatanpassning är viktigt att arbeta med. Resultaten visar även på att de olika partierna har lyckats enas om vad man vill uppnå, men dock inte på vilket sätt man ska gå till väga eller när det är bäst att implementera åtgärder mot havsnivåhöjning och andra klimatförändringsrelaterade effekter.

<p>The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters. </p><p>In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.</p>

The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters. In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.