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I början av 1990-talet debatterades värdegrundsbegreppet flitigt i Sverige. Orsaken var att den dåvarande borgerliga regeringen beslutade föreslå att den nya läroplanen för det offentliga skolväsendet skulle vila på demokratins grund och också innehålla en uttalad värdegrund. Syftet med denna studie är att ur ett idé- och ideologianalytiskt perspektiv beskriva hur värdegrundsbegreppet diskuterades i regering, riksdag och partier innan beslutet om en ny läroplan togs i Riksdagen 1993. Med hur menas vad de olika partierna fyllde begreppet med för innehåll. Forskningsfrågorna handlar således om att undersöka hur olika aktörer uppfattar innehållet och begreppet ”värdegrund” innan beslutet om den nya läroplanen antogs av Riksdagen. Min forskning i uppsatsen blir en begreppsutvecklande studie eftersom jag vill studera en existerande diskussion kring ett samhällsbegrepp. Som metod kommer jag att använda idé och ideologianalys. Med hjälp av detta verktyg kommer jag att söka reda på det som skrivits om begreppet, sortera de olika definitionerna för att vaska fram själva kärnan i begreppet respektive skillnader och sedan analysera hur partierna tolkar begreppen. Som material kommer läroplanspropositioner, motioner, utskottsbetänkande och riksdagsprotokoll från riksdagsdebatten att användas. I analysen framkommer att det finns en kärna av gemensam värdegrund och att den har en direkt koppling till portalparagraferna i grundlagen. / In the early 1990s the concept of values ​​was frequently debated in Sweden. The reason was that the conservative government reigning at the time decided to propose that the new curriculum for the public school system would be founded on a democratic base and also include values​​. The purpose of this study is to from an idea and ideology analysis perspective try to describe how the concept of values was discussed in the government, parliament and political parties before the decision on a new curriculum in the Swedish Parliament in 1993. With “how” means what content the various parties filled the concept with. The research questions are therefore necessary in examining how different actors perceive the content and concept of "values​​" prior to the time when the decision on the new curriculum was adopted by the Swedish Parliament. My research in this paper is a concept development study because I want to study an existing discussion of a social concept. The method I will use is the idea and ideology analysis. Using this tool, I will figure out what has been written about the concept, sort out the various definitions in order to pick out the very essence of the concept and differences, and then analyze how the parties read the concepts. As for the materials are curriculum proposal, motions, parliamentary committee report and protocol from parliamentary debate to be used. The conclusion of the analysis is that there is a core of common values ​​and that they are directly related to the Preamble of the Swedish Constitution.

This essay is a contribution to the process of reconstructing the meaning of a concept that has been long forsaken and somewhat forgotten. It examines the way in which the Swedish nobility perceived the politically active peasantry during the 1740s as an expression of the prevailing political culture of the period. The aim of this study is thus to understand a bygone world of thought that once existed in a very turbulent political culture. I focus on the words formed and articulated in the halls and rooms of the Swedish estates by which the thoughts, opinions and power of the Swedish government came to the fore. In doing so it is possible to say something about how the nobility, in their relationship with the peasantry, constructed an object which represented their perception of the Swedish peasant and what this meant. In other words the persona that the nobility attributed the peasants. The new political culture of the Age of Liberty (1719–1772) allowed the peasants to enforce a political offensive that gave raise to new ways of expressing themselves, new ways of performing and new ways of positioning themselves in relation the other estates. This also meant a change in how the other estates perceived and acted in relation to the peasantry. The peasant persona was mainly characterized by negative traits and qualities. He was foolish, unqualified and naïve in his quest for increased political rights. However, he was also regarded as humble, benevolent and as a dedicated man. He was a Swedish citizen, just as the members of the nobility, and therefore he had an inherent value because of his love for his homeland. This made it possible for the nobility and peasantry to protect themselves against intruders, to strive forward and to live in harmony with each other. / <p>Författaren har bytt namn till Jakob Starlander.</p>

The aim of this study is to examine how the political change in the migration policy has changed since the migration crisis in 2015. The premise to analyse this change will be how four political parties in Sweden; the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, the Liberals and the Center Party, have expressed their political opinion about migration policy in two different parliamentary debates. The method for this study is a qualitative text analysis and with the help of this method, key concepts have been identified. Additionally, relevant information has been selected from the parliamentary debates and have been included in this study.The results of this study have been analysed by previous research and theories in order to reach a conclusion. The study concludes that the migration policy in Sweden has gone from being generous to being more coarse. Further, it is revealed that the Swedish Democrats entry to the Swedish Parliament was an external stimuli which probably was an underlying factor to the change in migration policy in Sweden.

Since the 2018 elections Swedish political parties have been eager to enforce civic and language tests as prerequisite for citizenship. This turn in citizenship ideology is studied through problem representations which intend to solve the social segregation, alienation and the supposed poor language skills of immigrants residing in Sweden. By using Carol Bacchi’s approach to policy analysis, What’s the problem represented to be?, this thesis uncovers how the problem representations contain invisible for the naked eye instruments which appear to address the immigrants’ problems but in fact directly benefit the citizenship-holders.

This study investigates differences among Swedish members of parliament in approaches to public sector relocations. Both differences between the political parties as well as differences between the constituencies the members are representing are being studied. Previous research shows a wide variety of arguments and approaches to relocations in different European countries. Although, a similar study has not been done on neither individual members of parliament nor in a Swedish context before. Building on previous research, a quantitative content analysis is used to study frequency and types of argumentations in parliamentary motions from the years 2000 to 2020.  The study shows that the Social Democrats and the Centre Party have to the highest degree argumented for public sector relocations in the Swedish parliament. The most used argument in total is regional economic growth, but differences in other types of argumentations can be found between the parties. The study also shows that legislators representing constituencies outside Sweden’s three largest cities to a much higher degree have submitted motions in favor for further relocations. These constituencies primarily argue for service and accessibility, while the larger constituencies have a more tax efficiency-approach.

I den här masteruppsatsen frågar vi oss vilka faktorer som har betydelse för riksdagsmandatets representation. En stor del av den allmänna bilden är att svensk politik i huvudsak är nationellt partiorienterad och att basen för folkviljans förverkligande är åsiktsrepresentation. Tidigare forskning tycks också ge stöd åt detta antagande. Uppsatsen frågar sig om detta verkligen är fallet. I studien används en kvalitativ intervjumetod för att ta sig ann forskningsproblemet. För att närmare förstå frågan använder vi oss också av en bredd av respondenter som inkluderar inte enbart riksdagsledamöter utan även regionala partiföreträdare. Förhoppningen är att detta ska ge en tydligare bild av hur olika politiska företrädare förstår riksdagsuppdragets representation.Med hjälp av representationsteori som referens visar analysen att även den regionala nivån har betydelse för riksdagsuppdraget. Både riksdagsledamöter och regionala partiföreträdare öppnar upp för att, även om den nationella nivåns betydelse inte är oviktig behöver man också införliva den regionala nivån och erkänna den betydelse. Detta tar bland annat uttryck i att så länge den nationella partilinjen fortfarande formas finns en förväntan att riksdagsledamöter ska driva länsfrågor och detta är något som ledamöter även menar sig göra. Men när den gemensamma partilinjen har formats finns också en utbredd acceptans för att riksdagsledamöter måste hålla sig till denna.Här finns en grund för fortsatt diskussion och forskning om vad som är fundamentet för den parlamentariska representationen i Sverige. Vad folkviljan baseras på och hur denna representation förstås är en hörnsten i hur vi förstår svensk politik. Genom att öppna upp för att mer än en enskild faktor är av betydelse då man definierar riksdagsuppdraget är uppsatsens viktigaste bidrag följande; att enbart förstå och tolka riksdagsuppdraget in i den nationella partipolitikens ramar blir en alltför snäv förståelse. Istället behöver man väga in fler faktorer för att förstå hur folkviljan förverkligas och som denna uppsats visar är den regionala nivån ett viktigt exempel på detta. / In this master's thesis, we ask which factors are important for the understanding of the representation of the parliamentary mandate in Sweden. A large part of the general picture is that Swedish politics is mainly nationally party-oriented and that the basis for the realization of the will of the people is representation of opinion. Previous research also seems to support this assumption. The essay asks if this is really the case. The study uses a qualitative interview method to address the research problem. To better understand the issue, we also use a breadth of respondents that includes not only members of parliament (MPs) but also regional party representatives. The hope is that this will provide a clearer picture of how different political representatives understand the parliamentary representation.With the help of representation theory as a reference, the analysis shows that the regional level is also important for the representation of MPs. Both members of the Riksdag and regional party representatives are open to the fact that, although the importance of the national level is not unimportant, it is also necessary to incorporate the regional level and recognize its importance. This is expressed, among other things, in the fact that as long as the national party line is still being formed, there is an expectation that members of the Riksdag will pursue county issues, and this is something that MPs also claim’s to do. But when the central party line has been formed, there is also widespread acceptance that MPs must adhere to it.Here is a basis for further discussion and research on what is the foundation for parliamentary representation in Sweden. What the will of the people is based on and how this representation is understood is a cornerstone in how we understand Swedish politics. By opening to the fact that more than one individual factor is important when defining political representation, the thesis' most important contribution is the following; to only understand and interpret representation within the framework of national party politics becomes an overly narrow understanding. Instead, more factors need to be considered to understand how the will of the people is realized and as this essay shows, the regional level is an important example of this.

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The values politicians relate with public administration are likely to affect the way that they want the public administration to be organised. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine which values Swedish parliamentary parties relate with public administration and more particularly how they emphasise these values. The study is conducted as an analysis of theoretically relevant bills that the government party and the parliamentary parties have introduced to the Riksdag, and reports and statements of opinion from the parliamentary committees. The documents are from the Riksdag´s sessions from 2000/01 to 2005/06. After examining the documents the conclusion can be drawn that the value that is most emphasised during the period is legal security. This might mean that legal security will have more influence on the decisions taken about the organisation of Swedish public administration.

How does public authority maintain their legitimacy in society? According to theory of institutional adjustment they maintain their authority by adapting to different criteria and modern trends society. One most famous social trend in Sweden has for the last decades been NPM, which shortly means adjusting the organization by making it more like the private sectors companies. This could mean adjusting the entire organization or just taking small influences. Large institutions in the public sector are by mostly related to something rigid and unchanging, but the research declares that even large institutions adapt their structure to maintain legitimacy. This means they only partly change the formal administration to be presented to the public but remain the same in informal structures. Research also tells that some administrations partly change by adjusting the trends to their specific purpose and profession. Riksdagsförvaltningen is the public administration of the Swedish Parliament and is one of the largest institutions in Swedish public sector. The question of this thesis is how does Riksdagsförvaltningen as an institution with such closeness to the political structure of parliament adapt to modern trends or why not? Could the institutional adjustment be affected by its purpose and profession? In this thesis managers in Riksdagsförvaltningen have been interviewed for investigating this question in a qualitative content analysis. The conclusion is that Riksdagsförvaltningen may adjust their formal administration while the mentality and organizational culture of the institution remain the same. It also adapts specific trends to fit its purpose by remaining as a traditional bureaucracy and bringing in ideals from NPM. The closeness to the parliament creates a complicated situation to both pleasure the members of parliament and maintain the values of the administration.