Marges en déclin sociodémographique dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers d’inner city sesituent aujourd’hui au coeur de la stratégie de développement de Londres. Ils constituent désormais un espacesoupape où se négocient les conséquences sociales et spatiales de la globalisation dans la capitale britannique.Le modèle politique et urbain de la régénération qui préside à ce changement se stabilise à la fin de ladécennie 1980 dans un consensus entrepreneurial, compétitif et partenarial. Cependant, sa territorialisation dans les anciens quartiers d’inner city est discrète et inachevée et fait place à de nombreux reliquats de l'intervention de la puissance publique, loin de l’image d’un retrait univoque de l’État. L'agenda néotravailliste des années 2000 modifie ce modèle en y introduisant des normes de durabilité, de reconnaissance des minorités et un impératif participatif. À Londres, cette évolution se traduit par la mise en place d’une politique territoriale spécifique, les zones d’opportunité, dont le but est initialement d’arrimer le développement des inner cities à celui des marchés immobiliers péricentraux. Nous montrons qu’en l’absence de mécanisme de redistribution suffisamment contraignant, cette politique a conduit dans les faits à une accélération de la privatisation du parc de logements publics et à une généralisation des formes de gentrification clé-en-main (new-built gentrification). La coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates au pouvoir depuis 2010 a partiellement maintenu les dispositifs participatifs dans les programmes de régénération. Cependant, nous montrons comment le contexte d’austérité a conduit dans certains cas à une forme de privatisation du fonctionnement même de la démocratie urbaine locale. Le modèle de la régénération, ses impasses et ses injustices, est désormais contesté dans plusieurs sphères politiques, mais les protestations sont fragmentées et peinent à se généraliser en raison même de la géographie spécifique de la régénération, par projet. / The inner city was at the margin and in decline for most of the second half of the 20th century. Today it is an essential part in London's development strategy. It works as a relief valve for the social and spatial pressure induced by globalisation in the capital city of the United Kingdom. Regeneration policies are the political and spatial model driving this transformation. From the late 1980s the regeneration consensus revolved around three principles: it had to be funded by property-led entrepreneurial investments, distributed by competitions between territories and governed by public-private partnerships, thus realising the neoliberalisation of space.However, the delivery of regeneration projects in old inner city areas is discontinuous and incomplete. Itmakes space for numerous state interventions which show that we are far from a complete withdrawal of thestate. In the 2000s, New Labour policies append new norms to the regeneration model: the notions ofdurability, acknowledgement of minority rights, and the imperative to become more participative. In Londonthis has led to the creation of the "opportunity areas" policy, which has attempted to propel the development of the inner city by the boom of the property markets on the edge of the city centre. In the absence of stronger coercing distributive mechanisms, we show that this policy has in fact led to the faster privatisation of public housing and extended the range of "new-built gentrification". The Conservative – Liberal Democrat Coalition have dismantled many of the regeneration participative regimes. In some cases, austerity policies have triggered the privatisation of core functions in local urban democracy. This model, with its shortcomings and injustice, is criticized in the public sphere but protests remain fragmented and are struggling to become established, because of the very geography of project-based regeneration.

Cette thèse se propose d’analyser la ville contemporaine à partir des cas de Caen et Rennes et du prisme récréatif nocturne, dans une perspective morphogénétique, polémologique et dimensionnelle. Au travers de méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives spatialisées et temporalisées, ce sont les mobilisations des « sortants », « commerçants », « cohabitants » et institutions pour l’appropriation de l’espace-temps hypercentral nocturne qui ont fait l’objet d’analyses. Une première partie donne à voir l’importance de l’usage récréatif au sein des hypercentres de Caen et Rennes la nuit. Attribut central de la jeunesse, les sorties récréatives – plus que « festives » – sont dûment polarisées par une offre commerciale dédiée hypercentrale dense. Autour et à proximité parfois immédiate, sont amenés à cohabiter pour bonne part ces jeunes sortants une fois rentrés chez eux, mais aussi d’autres populations beaucoup plus insérées socialement. Ainsi, une « situation tensionnelle » entre usages reproductifs récréatif et biologique se dessine au sein des hypercentres durant le temps de la nuit. Une seconde partie insiste sur la manière dont certains sortants et commerçants se mobilisent au travers de l’usage récréatif nocturne, les uns dans la manière de se sociabiliser entre pairs au sein de bars et discothèques dûment sélectionnées, les seconds du fait de leur souci à attirer les premiers au sein de leurs établissements, mais aussi à les gérer. Ponctuellement, ces mobilisations quotidiennes cèdent le pas à des mobilisations politiques collectives, dès lors que l’appropriation récréative nocturne de certaines rues et place chez les sortants d’une part, la continuité de l’activité commerciale chez les commerçants de l’autre, sont menacées. Une troisième partie s’intéresse aux mobilisations des cohabitants autour de cet usage récréatif nocturne. Une fois la division sociale des hypercentres établie, différents caractères ont été mis en évidence pour expliquer l’inégal ressenti notamment sonore de cet usage, caractères aussi bien acoustiques et liés à l’exposition, que sociologiques. Sans doute davantage que ces deux premiers facteurs, il apparaît que l’appréciation des sorties récréatives nocturnes avoisinantes a fortement à voir avec l’évolution au sein des cycles de vie, l’ancienneté et la propriété allant notamment de pair avec l’expression d’une plus forte gêne. Cette dimension cognitive se double d’un volet actionnel : si ceux qui entretiennent un rapport encore intime avec lesdites sorties se limitent à s’adapter à leur marquage sonore ou à confronter leur bruiteur, le recours aux institutions et l’action collective semblent le propre de ceux qui s’en distancient. Enfin, une ultime partie s’intéresse à la manière dont les institutions gouvernent ces différentes mobilisations « ordinaires ». Si les années 2000 ont été marquées à Rennes et même à Caen par la répression policière et administrative des commerçants et surtout des sortants, si le détour des décennies 2000/2010 l’a notamment été par la contractualisation avec les premiers et la « sanitarisation » surtout communicationnelle des seconds, un changement semble se dessiner ces dernières années. Dans un contexte de restrictions budgétaires étatiques mais aussi municipales croissantes, les commerçants semblent de plus en plus considérés par les institutions tels des auxiliaires d’ordre et de santé publics, utiles pour gouverner à moindre coût la déviance des sortants, plutôt que comme les catalyseurs de cette dernière. Relativement peu suivis par les institutions, les cohabitants mobilisés font parfois même l’objet de dispositifs spécifiques conduisant à leur neutralisation. Se dessine le passage progressif de l’économie fordiste où la nuit servait à reproduire la force de travail diurne à une économie post-fordiste 24h/24, où la nuit devient un vecteur permettant de satisfaire aux besoins eux aussi reproductifs et nocturnes, mais récréatifs, du capitalisme devenu aussi cognitif. / Through the examples of Caen and Rennes (France) and the night-time recreational prism, this PHD aims at analysing contemporary city, in a morphogenetic, polemological and dimensional way. Through both spatialised and temporalised qualitative (interviews, speech analysis, press review, archives ans institutional documents) and quantitative (especially statistical approach of censuses and questionnaires) methods, we focus on the mobilisations of night owls, bar owners, residents and institutions who try to appropriate city-center at night. In a first section, the importance of recreational use in the city centers of Caen and Rennes is depicted. As a central attribute of young persons, recreational (more than festive in fact) customs are polarised by a central and abundant commercial offer. Around and sometimes very closely, residents, who are mostly young night owls once they have come back home, but also populations who are much more socially integrated (professionaly, parentally and residentially), have to live with those customs. Therefore, a tension appears between both récrational and biological reproductive uses of city centers at night. A second section highlights the fact that both night owls and bars owners are mobilised through recreational use, the firsts by socialising one another in bars and night clubs which are duly selected ; the seconds by polarising but also managing the firsts. Sometimes, these daily mobilisations become both political and collective ones, the moment recreational and nocturnal appropriation of streets on one hand, commercial activity on the other hand, are threatened. The third section develops the link between recreational and nocturnal customs and residential mobilisations. The social division of urban centers once established, several characteristics have been highlighted so that to explain sound perceptions, such as acoustic and exposure ones, but also sociological ones. Perhaps more than the fists, the latest explains the differents ways of perceiving recreational and nocturnal sounds, the evolution throughout « cycles of life » – that is to say professional insertion and above all experience and property – being most important. This cognitive division goes with an actional one : on one hand, those who are still linked with recreational and nocturnal customs mainly get used to the noise or confront those who are responsible for their sound annoyance (mostly neighbours) ; on the other hand, those who are gradually distancing themselves from these customs do not hesitate to resort to institutions or even to engage in collective action. Eventually, a fourth section deals with the way institutions govern the night owls, the bar owners and the residents who are mobilised. After the administrative and police repression of the night owls but also the bar owners during the 2000’s in Rennes and even in Caen, after the contractualisation with the latests and the health handling of the firsts around 2010, a rupture have occurred these last few years. With increasing budgetary restrictions, bar owners seem to be considered today by the institutions more as order and health auxiliaries useful so as to restrain night owls’ deviance than as persons responsible for it. Seldom listened by institutions, residents who are mobilised are also being neutralised throughout dedicated devices. On the whole, this research shows the transition from fordist economy which considers night time as a mean to reproduce diurnal workforce to post-fordist one, in which 24/7 city has also to fulfil cognitive capitalism needs.

The agricultural sector plays a crucial role in securing a more sustainable livelihood for the world's growing population. An expanded cultivation of multifunctional and environmentally smart crops like industrial hemp (Cannabis sativa L.) can thus be part of the solution in meeting the increasingly high demands of sustainable development. However, earlier research indicates that the global cultivation of industrial hemp is hindered, and that hemp is an underutilized resource relative to its potential benefits. During the 20th century hemp cultivation was banned in large parts of the world. Sweden lifted the ban in 2003, later than most other European countries. In 2017, Swedish hemp cultivation was by far one of the smallest in the European Union. This study thus aims to analyze the position of industrial hemp in Sweden – by using the theoretical framework of political ecology – to investigate which social and societal structures and processes that dictates the access to and the control of industrial hemp in Sweden today. A historical analysis of power relations as well as ideological and cultural contexts – with significance for the cultivation of hemp – is done to make the relationship between Cannabis sativa L. and Swedish society appear more clearly. The material for the analysis has been collected through a literature search and qualitative method using in-depth interviews with Swedish authorities and a national hemp association. The study discusses the relationship between hemp and human society, which is found to be characterized by a complex interconnectedness.  Furthermore, the study shows that Swedish industrial hemp production is negatively affected by, among other things, cultivation bans, strict regulations, government controls, drug conservatism, and group as well as state conformity. Through a more progressive policy, industrial hemp is expected to become a positive contributing factor to reduced greenhouse gas emissions and to a growing fossil-free bio-based industry.

L’aéroport est un objet géographique protéiforme, caractérisé par son « obsolescence accélérée » (BANHAM, 1962). Depuis les années 1990, son ultime mutation s’articule autour d’un processus de diversification fonctionnelle engendré par l’injection d’activités nouvelles, parfois éloignées du transport aérien, dans l’objectif d’accroître les profits et la rentabilité de l’infrastructure dans un contexte de privatisation généralisée. Cette évolution concerne les plus grands hubs mondiaux, notamment Paris-CDG, quatrième aéroport du monde selon le trafic passagers international. Cette tendance, qui a donné naissance au concept opérationnel d’airport city, tel qu’il est désigné par les observateurs et opérateurs anglo-saxons, attise doublement la curiosité géographique. En premier lieu, parce qu’elle interroge la fonction première de l’infrastructure de transport qu’est l’aéroport, qui devient alors un objet spatial non identifié qu’il convient de redéfinir. En second lieu, parce que cette désignation d’airport city, traduite par les opérateurs francophones par ville aéroportuaire, interroge la ville et surtout ce qui fait la ville dans ses dimensions matérielle et idéelle, c’est-à-dire l’urbanité et la citadinité. Suffit-il d’injecter des fonctions urbaines dans un espace pour en faire de la ville ? La ville aéroportuaire n’est-elle qu’une ville fonctionnelle ? En s’efforçant d’évaluer la pertinence géographique de la notion d’airport city, cette thèse impose de faire de l’urbanité et de la citadinité des concepts opératoires afin de les confronter au terrain aéroportuaire. Elle s’efforce également de replacer l’aéroport au centre de l’étude géographique en proposant un ajustement de l’échelle d’observation à l’ensemble de la zone aéroportuaire, évitant ainsi la synecdoque particularisante réduisant l’aéroport au terminal. Dans l’évaluation de la citadinité, elle a également pour objectif de saisir les spatialités de l’ensemble de la société aéroportuaire (passagers, employés, accompagnants, SDF, etc.). / Airports are protean geographical objects characterized by their « accelerated obsolescence » (BANHAM, 1962). Since the 1990s, their final transformation has been structured around a process of functional diversification engendered by new activities, which are sometimes very different from air transport, in order to increase the infrastructures’ profits and profitability in a context of widespread privatization. The world’s largest hub airports are concerned by this evolution, especially the Paris-Charles-de-Gaulle airport, the world’s fourth busiest airport by international passenger traffic. This trend, which has given birth to the operational concept of airport city, as the Anglo-Saxon operators and observers call it, stirs up the geographical curiosity in two ways. Firstly, it questions the primary function of airports, which become unidentified spatial objects that need to be redefined. Secondly, the concept of airport city questions the city itself. Indeed, what makes a city a city on a material (urbanity) and conceptual (“citadinity”) level? Can a space with urban functions be considered as a city? Is the airport city only a functional city? By assessing the geographical relevance of the concept of airport city, this thesis aims at making the concepts of urbanity and “citadinity” operational concepts, so as to compare them with the airport ground. By adjusting the observation scale to the whole airport area, it also replaces the airport at the centre of the geographical study. Thus, the airport is not simply viewed as a terminal. Finally, this thesis aims at understanding the whole airport society’s spatiality (passengers, employees, accompanying people, homeless people…) by assessing the concept of “citadinity".

<p dir="ltr">This dissertation is a Black feminist qualitative inquiry of the interconnections between Black women, literary activity, community, activism, and restoration and healing. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Black Women’s Literary Renaissance and the Black feminist movement converged to create one of the richest periods in Black women’s history. Black women came together in community, through the text, and through various literary spaces–often despite or even because of their differences–to build an archive that articulates a multivocal Black women’s standpoint which many believed to be monotonously singular. During this period, for example, Black women writer-activists wrote more novels, plays, and poetry in these two decades than in any period prior while also establishing new literary traditions. These traditions included the recovery of previously published yet out of print Black women writers, the development of the Black Women Anthology era, the creation of Black women writer-activist collectives, the founding of bookstores, as well as the development of Black Women’s Studies and Black feminist literary criticism in the academy. In the dissertation, these traditions are intrinsically tied to the articulation and definition of the theoretical concept of literary kinship. Conceptually, relationally, and materially literary kinship is the connection generated by the intergenerational literary activity between Black women and girls. In the dissertation, I use literary activity in slightly different ways including to denote community-engaged oral practices, publication, relationships defined around literary sites, and the practice of reading. Literary kinship provides access to community based on and derived from a connection to the literary that is often marked by intergenerational activity. I argue that Black women writer-activists during the period of the BWLR articulate and define literary kinship as a practice of communal restoration and healing for individuals and the collective.</p><p dir="ltr">Literary kinship is explored in four interrelated, yet distinct ways in the dissertation. In chapter two, literary kinship is located in and operationalized through Black women’s literary kinship “networks” founded during the Black Women’s Literary Renaissance. In chapter three, the focus is on the Black Women’s Anthology era that begins in 1970 and becomes a pipeline for the development of the interdisciplinary field of Black Women’s Studies in the 1980s. The fourth and fifth chapters shift the impact of the Black Women’s Literary Renaissance to the 21st century and examines how literary kinship is rearticulated or re-visioned a generation later. The fourth chapter, in this vein, uses autoethnography and literary analysis to illuminate the interconnections between Black girlhood, geography, and my concept of literary kinship. The chapter explores my experience of literary kinship at the kitchen table, in public libraries, and in secondary and higher education as transformative opportunities that fostered my love for reading, engaging in literary community, and developing reading as a restorative and healing practice. In the final chapter, the rapid reemergence of Black women booksellers and their bookstores in the last five years (2018-2023) become integral to a contemporary rearticulation of literary kinship.</p><p dir="ltr">The Black Women’s Literary Renaissance is a significant period of literary output by Black women writer-activists that has had intergenerational impact in the lives of Black women. During the Renaissance, Black women writer-activists were catalysts for critical and necessary literary interventions, strategies, and methods that supported their sociopolitical activism, the development of a rich Black feminist and literary archive, and that manifested community functional practices of restoration and healing. Black women’s articulation, definition, and utilization of literary kinship in the 20th and 21st centuries has supported their literary labors as activists, as intellectuals, and as community members, and is therefore a practice of community restoration and healing.</p>