Systems are becoming more complicated, complex, and interrelated. Designers have recognized the need to develop systems from a holistic perspective and design them as Systems-of-Systems (SoS). The design of the SoS, especially in the conceptual design phase, is generally characterized by significant uncertainty. As a result, it is possible for all three types of uncertainty (aleatory, epistemic, and error) and the associated factors of uncertainty (randomness, sampling, confusion, conflict, inaccuracy, ambiguity, vagueness, coarseness, and simplification) to affect the design process. While there are a number of existing SoS design methods, several gaps have been identified: the ability to modeling all of the factors of uncertainty at varying levels of knowledge; the ability to consider both the pernicious and propitious aspects of uncertainty; and, the ability to determine the value of reducing the uncertainty in the design process. While there are numerous uncertainty modeling theories, no one theory can effectively model every kind of uncertainty. This research presents a Hybrid Uncertainty Modeling Method (HUMM) that integrates techniques from the following theories: Probability Theory, Evidence Theory, Fuzzy Set Theory, and Info-Gap theory. The HUMM is capable of modeling all of the different factors of uncertainty and can model the uncertainty for multiple levels of knowledge. In the design process, there are both pernicious and propitious characteristics associated with the uncertainty. Existing design methods typically focus on developing robust designs that are insensitive to the associated uncertainty. These methods do not capitalize on the possibility of maximizing the potential benefit associated with the uncertainty. This research demonstrates how these deficiencies can be overcome by identifying the most robust and opportunistic design. In a design process it is possible that the most robust and opportunistic design will not be selected from the set of potential design alternatives due to the related uncertainty. This research presents a process called the Value of Reducing Uncertainty Method (VRUM) that can determine the value associated with reducing the uncertainty in the design problem before a final decision is made by utilizing two concepts: the Expected Value of Reducing Uncertainty (EVRU) and the Expected Cost to Reducing Uncertainty (ECRU).

This work presents a summary of experimental data and theoretical models that characterize the temperature-dependent behavior of key carrier-transport parameters in silicon down to cryogenic temperatures. In extreme environment applications such as space-based electronics, accurate models of carrier recombination, carrier mobility, and incomplete ionization of dopants form a necessary foundation for the development of reliable high-performance devices and circuits. Not only do these models have a wide impact on the simulated DC and AC performance of devices, but they also play a critical role in predicting the behavior of important phenomena such as single event upset in digital logic circuits. With this motivation, an overview is given of SRH recombination theory, addressing in particular the dependence of recombination lifetime on temperature and injection level. Carrier lifetime measurement methods are reviewed, and experiments to study carrier lifetimes in the substrate of a commercial SiGe BiCMOS process are presented. The experimental data is analyzed and leveraged in order to develop calibrated TCAD-relevant models. Similarly, an overview of low-temperature resistivity in silicon is presented. Modeling of resistivity over temperature is discussed, addressing the prevailing theoretical models for both carrier mobility and incomplete ionization of dopants. Experimental measurements of the temperature dependence of resistivity in both p-type and n-type silicon are presented, and calibrated TCAD-relevant models for carrier mobility and incomplete ionization are developed. Finally, the ability to integrate these calibrated models within commercial TCAD software is demonstrated. In addition, applications for these accurate temperature-dependent models are discussed, and future directions are outlined for research into cryogenic modeling of fundamental physical parameters.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisors: Mia Carter and Lisa Moore. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2006. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 246 p. : map. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-246).

The theory of fundamental rights is linked to multiple dimensions or generations that have, however, the same constitutional hierarchy. In the case of the right to strike, the central question is related to its application in relation to other individual rights related to citizens who depend on the implementation of the provision of such services as a guarantee of their fundamental rights. To do so, although the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 has assigned to the right to strike the immediate implementation, both generally and specifically, it is necessary to stipulate which are its limits in the face of possible abusive pipelines can be charged. This concern is shared by doctrine and jurisprudence, which provide solutions to solve the problem. The most important, however, in respect of constitutional actions trials concerning the assignment of application of law nº 7.783/89, which refers to strike in private initiative, to cases involving public servers. As a result, will be analyzed the consequences of decisions for future situations configured after October 2007, and will be considered the question on the scope of the effectiveness of debt is incurred in respect of the parties involved, or in respect of all related cases and what occurs, for example, through a binding summing-up. Will also be examined its inability to retreat for matters filed before its definition. Accordingly, with the intention to solve the problems that may be incurred by such decisions shall be wheeling proposals aimed at solving the problem involving essential services, particularly as regards the delimitation of those services which are, reasonable limitation but not the seal. In this case, will be assessed issues involving the health services and education, evaluating also the question of rejecting the strike to the armed forces and military police. As a proposal for a better use of the right to strike, will be considered acceptance of collective bargaining institute based formed by the international conventions on the subject that have not yet been ratified by Brazil. Bearing in mind to overcome such omission which the Brazilian legal system will be evaluated even admits, the possibilities of ratification of Conventions nº 87 and 151 of the ILO to make the public service strike, fuller, a right derived from the principle of syndical freedom and assisted by collective bargaining. / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A teoria dos direitos fundamentais relaciona-se a várias dimensões ou gerações, que possuem, no entanto, a mesma hierarquia constitucional. No caso do direito de greve, a questão central está relacionada à sua aplicação em relação a outros direitos individuais relacionados aos cidadãos que dependem da execução da prestação desses serviços como forma de garantia dos seus direitos fundamentais. Para tanto, apesar de que a Constituição de 1988 atribuiu ao direito de greve o caráter de aplicação imediata, tanto geral como especificamente, torna-se necessário especificar quais sejam os seus limites em face de possíveis condutas abusivas que possam ser praticadas no exercício deste direito. Esta preocupação é compartilhada pela doutrina e pela jurisprudência, que apresentam soluções à resolução do problema. As mais importantes, contudo, destacam-se em relação aos julgamentos de ações constitucionais referentes à atribuição da aplicação da Lei nº 7.783/89, que se refere à greve na iniciativa privada, aos casos envolvendo servidores públicos. Em decorrência disso, serão analisadas as consequências dessas decisões para as situações futuras, configuradas após outubro de 2007, bem como será apreciada a questão sobre o alcance da eficácia constitutiva desta decisão, em relação às partes envolvidas, ou em relação a todos os casos relacionados, à semelhança, do que ocorre, por exemplo, por meio da súmula vinculante. Também será examinada a sua impossibilidade de retroagir para as questões ajuizadas antes da sua definição. Nesse sentido, com a intenção de resolver os problemas que possam ser ocasionados pelos desdobramentos dessas decisões, serão apresentadas propostas destinadas à resolução do problema envolvendo os serviços essenciais, principalmente no que se refere à delimitação de quais sejam esses serviços, em que será cabível a limitação, porém não a vedação do exercício deste direito. Neste caso, serão apreciadas as questões envolvendo os serviços de saúde e educação, avaliando-se também a questão da proibição do exercício da greve para as forças armadas e a polícia militar. Como proposta de melhor aproveitamento do direito de greve, será analisada a possibilidade de aceitação do instituto da negociação coletiva, baseada no sistema formado pelas Convenções internacionais sobre o tema que ainda não foram ratificadas pelo Brasil. Tendo-se em vista a superação dessa omissão que o sistema jurídico brasileiro ainda admite, serão avaliadas as possibilidades de ratificação das Convenções nº 87 e 151 da OIT, no sentido de tornar a greve no serviço público um direito mais completo, derivado do princípio da liberdade sindical e auxiliado pelos instrumentos de negociação coletiva.

Suite à la reprise des hostilités consécutive à l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana, il y eut violation du cessez-le feu signé à Arusha le 04 aout 1993 entre le gouvernement rwandais et la rébellion du front patriotique rwandais, et une guerre civile éclata au Rwanda. Au cours de cette guerre civile, beaucoup de graves violations du droit international furent commises. Les différentes enquêtes des nations unies ayant constaté que ces violations pouvaient être qualifiées de génocide, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre, recommandèrent la création d’un tribunal pénal international pour en réprimer les auteurs. C’est ainsi que le conseil de sécurité des nations unies, ayant constaté que ces crimes ainsi que la crise humanitaire au Rwanda constituaient une menace à la paix, créa, lors de sa séance du 8 novembre 1994, le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Il lui assigna la mission de réprimer toutes les personnes impliquées dans ces crimes au Rwanda et dans les pays voisins en 1994, en vue de contribuer au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs africains ainsi qu’à la réconciliation nationale au Rwanda.La légalité, pour le conseil de sécurité, organe politique des nations unies, de créer une juridiction pénale dans le cadre du chapitre vii de la charte a été analysée. Quant à l’adéquation de cette mesure au contexte, la répression des auteurs des crimes devait contribuer au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, par la dissuasion et l’aspect pédagogique des jugements.Cependant, à la clôture des travaux du TPIR en 2014, le bureau du procureur n’avait poursuivi aucun membre du FPR malgré les rapports bien documentés l’impliquant dans les crimes commis. Aussi, aucune enquête n’a été organisée pour élucider les circonstances de l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais, reconnu par l’ONU comme le facteur déclencheur du génocide.Les travaux du TPIR ont connu des limites d’ordre juridique, basées d’une part, sur les textes fondamentaux ainsi que la stratégie des poursuites inappropriée de la part du bureau du procureur, et que d’autre part, sur l’ingérence des facteurs politiques qui a limité l’action du bureau du procureur. Ces facteurs ont rendu l’action du TPIR critiquable et considérée par certains observateurs comme une justice du vainqueur.Suite à cette répression partielle et sélective, le TPIR n’a assuré aucune contribution au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs. L’impunité accordée aux membres d’une partie au conflit rwandais a favorisé l’exportation de la violence armée en république démocratique du Congo, où les crimes graves ont été commis depuis 1996. Quant à la contribution à la réconciliation nationale, la répression partielle a plutôt servi à cristalliser les frustrations qui pourraient, à l’avenir, générer une autre crise politique plus importante que celle de 1994. En vue de réparer les erreurs du TPIR, il a été recommandé que la communauté internationale, à défaut d’étendre la compétence ratione temporis du TPIR, puisse créer un autre tribunal pénal international ad hoc pour réprimer les auteurs des crimes commis au Rwanda et au Congo, et dont l’impunité risque de pérenniser l’instabilité et la violence dans la région. / Following the resumption of hostilities after the air Strike on President Habyarimana's plane, there was a violation of the ceasefire signed in Arusha (Tanzania) on 4 August 1993 between the Rwandan government and the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front , and a war Civil war broke out in Rwanda. During this civil war, many serious violations of international law were committed. As the various United Nations investigations found that these violations could be characterized as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, they recommended the establishment of an international criminal court to punish the perpetrators. Thus, the United Nations Security Council, having found that these crimes and the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda constituted a threat to the peace, created, at its meeting on 8 November 1994, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). He assigned him the task of prosecute all those involved in these crimes in Rwanda and in neighboring countries in 1994, with a view to contribute to the maintenance of peace in the African Great Lakes region and to national reconciliation in Rwanda.The legality of the creation of a criminal jurisdiction under Chapter VII of the Charter for the United Nations Security Council was analyzed. As to the adequacy of this measure to the context, the punishment of perpetrators should contribute to the maintenance of peace and national reconciliation through deterrence and the pedagogical aspect of judgments.However, at the close of the ICTR's work in 2014, the Office of the Prosecutor had not prosecuted any member of the RPF despite well-documented reports involving the crimes committed. Accordingly, no investigation has been carried out to elucidate the circumstances of the attack on the Rwandan president's plane, which the UN recognized as the trigger for the genocide.The ICTR's work has had legal limitations, based on both basic texts and the inappropriate prosecution strategy of the Office of the Prosecutor, and on the interference of Political factors that limited the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. These factors have made the action of the ICTR criticized and regarded by some observers as a justice of the victor.As a result of this partial and selective repression, the ICTR has not made any contribution to the maintenance of peace in the Great Lakes region. Impunity granted to members of a party to the Rwandan conflict has favored the export of armed violence to the Democratic Republic of Congo, where serious crimes have been committed since 1996. As for the contribution to national reconciliation, partial repression Has served rather to crystallize the frustrations that could, in the future, generate another political crisis more important than that of 1994.In order to remedy the errors of the ICTR, it was recommended that the international community, without extending the jurisdiction of the ICTR ratione temporis, could create another ad hoc international criminal tribunal to punish the perpetrators of crimes committed in Rwanda and Congo, and whose impunity risks perpetuating instability and violence in the region.

No description available.

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-05T16:55:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO (2016 JUL 2016) Clélia Bonani.pdf: 1570056 bytes, checksum: 44c8d209da95e96d88e91b53b227b598 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-05T16:55:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO (2016 JUL 2016) Clélia Bonani.pdf: 1570056 bytes, checksum: 44c8d209da95e96d88e91b53b227b598 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-28 / Este estudo enfoca questões sobre os movimentos sindicais, resgatando em seu histórico seus principais acontecimentos. Pois retomar a trajetória histórica desses movimentos no Brasil é importante para compreender a sua relevância nas relações trabalhistas. Os movimentos sindicais influenciaram também a organização dos servidores técnico-administrativos em educação, em relação à busca pela conquista de seus direitos. Neste trabalho é mostrado o contexto atual do sindicalismo no setor público, a partir do movimento sindical SINTUFEPE – Sindicato dos Trabalhadores das Universidades Federais de Pernambuco, procurando identificar os principais aspectos envolvidos. Através de lutas, das manifestações dos funcionários públicos e movimentações que muitos direitos foram conquistados. Neste trabalho também é trazido à tona a problemática do direito de greve do servidor público, já reconhecido constitucionalmente, contudo, a inexistência ainda da regulamentação por lei específica, os servidores são submetidos à mesma lei que rege o direito de greve no setor privado. / This study focuses on questions about the trade union movement, rescuing in its historical and in its main events. Because resuming the historical trajectory of these movements in Brazil is essential to understand its relevance in labor relations. The union movements influenced have also influenced the organization of technical admnistrative servers from the education, in the search for the conquest of their rights. This work shows the current context of trade unionism in the public sector, from the trade union movement SINTUFEPE - Union of Workers of the Federal University of Pernambuco, trying to identify the main issues involved. Across fights, and manifestations from civil servants and their movements, that many rights were conquered. This work also brought up the issue of the right of the public servant to strike. Even thought it is already constitutionally recognized, the absence of a specific law, causes that public servants still be submitted to the same laws governing the right to strike in the private sector.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estudar a trajetória do Grupo de Osasco, grupo que reunia operários, estudantes e estudantes-operários. Para o desenvolvimento de nosso projeto utilizaremos fontes documentais provenientes de inquéritos policiais e material produzido pelas organizações revolucionárias (periódicos, manifestos, programas). Estes documentos são encontrados em arquivos como o Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e o Centro de Documentação e Memória da UNESP (CEDEM). Também trabalharemos com História Oral, com base em depoimentos colhidos com personalidades que estiveram diretamente envolvidas com os eventos analisados em minha pesquisa. O recorte cronológico abrangerá o período que vai de 1966, início das atividades políticas do Grupo de Osasco, até 1971, quando praticamente todos os seus membros estavam exilados, presos ou mortos. Em setembro de 1971 tomba a última grande liderança remanescente de Osasco, José Campos Barreto, juntamente com Carlos Lamarca, no sertão da Bahia. Ao longo da segunda metade da década de sessenta, o Grupo de Osasco foi o principal movimento de esquerda nesta cidade. Em meados de 1968 dominava o movimento estudantil local, reunido em torno do CEO; dominava o sindicato dos metalúrgicos, e expandia sua influência a outras categorias através da criação de comissões de fábrica, mecanismo de representação que articulava os trabalhadores pela base, a margem do sindicato. Possuíam um vereador e vários representantes seus nas secretárias municipais. Pouco antes do AI-5, este grupo estava organizando associações de bairro sob sua influência, e nessas associações ministravam cursos de marxismo para populares. Coube ao Grupo de Osasco a organização da greve de julho de 1968, que se somou a onda de manifestações anti-ditadura que sacudiram o país. A repressão pós greve de julho jogou praticamente todos os militantes do Grupo de Osasco na clandestinidade, e estes acabaram por se integrar a VPR e partiram para a luta armada. / This research aims to study the trajectory of the Group of Osasco, group bringing together workers, students and student-workers. For development of our project will use documentary sources from of police investigations and material produced by organizations revolutionary (journals, manifestos, programs). These documents are found in archives and the Archive of State of São Paulo and the Documentation Center and Memorial of UNESP (CEDEM) . Also work with oral history, based on testimonies gathered with personalities who were directly involved in the events analyzed in my research. The outline will cover the chronological period from 1966, beginning of political activities of the Group of Osasco, until 1971, when virtually all of its members were exiled, imprisoned or killed. In September 1971 falls the last great remaining leadership of Osasco, Joseph Campos Barreto, along with Carlos Lamarca, in the interior of Bahia. Throughout second half of the sixties, the Group was the main Osasco leftist movement in this city. In mid-1968 dominated the movement local student, gathered around the CEO; dominated the union metallurgical, and expanded its influence to other categories by creating workplace committees, representation mechanism which articulated the workers at the base, the margin of the union. They had a city councilman and several their representatives in the municipal secretaries. Shortly before the AI-5, this group was organizing neighborhood associations under its influence, and these ministered associations for popular courses on Marxism. It fell to Group Osasco organizing the strike in July 1968, which added to the wave anti-dictatorship protests that rocked the country. The repression of post strike July played virtually every militant group in Osasco underground, and these will eventually join the VPR and went to battle armed.