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This study looks at the relationship between the division of household tasks, satisfaction with the household division and the intention/potential intention to break-up in Sweden as a gender-egalitarian context with a high proportion of family dissolution. The framework of the study is relative deprivation theory. The data analyzed is extracted from the Generation and Gender Survey Wave 1 for Sweden. The sample size of the study is 2,170 persons including married and cohabiting heterosexuals with an age range of 20–49 years and the tool of analysis is logistic regression. We find that equal sharing of household tasks is common in Sweden however gender inequality has remained a concern. Our findings highlight that equality in the division of household tasks does not play an important role in family stability but perception of fairness regarding the division of household tasks is the important factor. Our findings also show that married persons and couples in which one of them is on parental leave have lower intention/potential intention of breakup.

Bakgrund: År 2016 röstade Storbritannien för ett utträde ur Europeiska unionen. Detta skapade en osäkerhet kring många olika frågor, inte minst hos företagen. Eftersom London är ett av de största finansiella centrumen i världen finns frågor hur de finansiella företagen kommer påverkas av Brexit, däribland företag inom FinTech-branschen.  Hur kommer de påverkas när Storbritannien nu har röstat för ett utträde ur Europeiska unionen? Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att belysa Brexits konsekvenser för internationella svenska företag och framtida förutsättningarna för svenska FinTech-företag i Storbritannien. Vidare syftar studien till att utreda vilka implikationer eller möjligheter Brexit har på svenska företag och FinTech i Stockholm. Metod: En kvalitativ metod har använts där flera intervjuer har genomförts. Vidare har fallstudie genomförts med en induktiv ansats för att kunna dra slutsatser utifrån de intervjuer som har genomförts.  Slutsats: Det finns risk att svenska FinTech-företag flyttar från Storbritannien till andra länder efter Brexit, dock kommer de flesta företag troligtvis att stanna kvar i Storbritannien. En av de viktigaste faktorerna som kan avgöra ifall företagen flyttar är osäkerhet samt hur avtal utformas mellan Storbritannien och EU. Om FinTech-företagen väljer att flytta är alternativen finansiella marknader inom EU, men också utanför EU där bland annat USA, Hong Kong och Singapore är alternativ. Tillslut är Stockholm inte den mest attraktiva marknaden för svenska FinTech-företag efter Brexit. Andra städer inom Europa är mer attraktiva för företagen där Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Paris samt till viss del Dublin och Berlin är bättre alternativ för dessa företag. / Background: The year 2016 Great Britain voted to exit the European Union. This caused uncertainty around many questions, which also included the companies. Moreover, since London is one of the biggest financial centres in the world there are questions about how the financial companies will be affected by Brexit, including FinTech companies. How will they be affected now when Great Britain voted for a Brexit?  Purpose: The purpose of this study is to highlight the consequences of Brexit for international Swedish companies and future prerequisites for Swedish FinTech companies in Great Britain. Furthermore, this study aims to investigate which implications or opportunities Brexit has on Swedish companies and FinTech in Stockholm.  Method: This is a qualitative case study where several interviews have been conducted with both organisations and companies. Furthermore, the study is inductive to be able to draw conclusions from the interviews. Conclusion: There is a risk that Swedish companies move from Great Britain to other countries because of Brexit, however, most companies will probably stay in Great Britain. One of the most important factors that can decide whether the companies move is uncertainty and how deals between Great Britain and European Union unfold. The alternatives if FinTech companies decide to move are financial markets within the EU, but also outside EU where USA, Hong Kong and Singapore are some alternatives. Finally, Stockholm is not the most attractive market for Swedish FinTech companies after Brexit. There are other cities within EU that are more attractive where Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Paris and to some extent Dublin and Berlin are better alternatives for these companies.

This essay stresses the questions regarding whether or not the Swedish implementation of the European Union’s directive 2003/88/EG should be considered sufficient enough to fulfil the purpose of the scope of the directive. The essay will also consider the gender equality perspective regarding how different solutions concerning the organization of working time within two different collective agreements can give workers more or less favourable opportunities, amongst men and women.  The study of the Swedish legislation in relation to the directive shows that the way the directive has been implemented into the Swedish judicial system must be interpreted so that it is compatible with the purpose set out by the European Union. Despite this, the study spots an issue. The issue regarding how the regulations in both the directive, but also throughout the Swedish law are enunciated. The way the regulations are phrased bring on questions considering how far the European Union should be allowed to go regarding their right to control the Member States when it comes to legislation within their own countries. This raise the question regarding the interpretation of the autonomy of the Member States. The study also shows that the regulations within the collective agreements does not, alone, indicate a difference regarding more or less favourable conditions for men or women. Despite this, the study did show a difference regarding how the collective agreements emphasize different characteristics of the regulations as the most important ones. Which collective agreement provides the most favourable conditions regarding the promotion of equal rights for men and women must therefore be answered by every single individual themselves. Based on how they define gender equality and how the characteristics of the different agreements promote those aspects of gender equality.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka minimilöners effekter på ungdomssysselsättning inom Europeiska unionen (EU). De åldrar som undersöks är ungdomar (15–24), vilket vidare delas in i tonåringar (15–19) och unga vuxna (20–24). Som metod används panelregressioner med fasta effekter för 17 EU-medlemsländer (inklusive Storbritannien) med lagstadgade minimilöner under perioden 2000 till 2018. Vi finner att minimilöner har signifikanta negativa effekter på ungdomssysselsättning inom EU och att dessa effekter är mer kraftfulla för tonåringar än för unga vuxna. Med hänsyn till resultatet drar vi slutsatsen att minimilöner inom EU bör handskas med försiktighet eftersom de kan leda till mindre sysselsättning bland ungdomar. / The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the effects of minimum wages on youth employment in the European Union (EU). The main study group is youths between 15-24 which is then further divided into teenagers (15–19) and young adults (20-24). We employ panel regression methods with fixed effects for 17 EU countries (including the UK) that have statutory minimum wages during the period 2000 to 2018. We find that minimum wages have significant negative employment effects for youths in the EU and that the effects are stronger for teenagers compared to young adults. We reach a conclusion that minimum wage policies in EU countries should be handled with caution as they can lead to lower youth employment.

Climate change is described as the greatest security challenge of our time. Climate-related events do not only run the risk of damaging the environment we depend on, but also risk undermining our political, economic and social systems.The European Union is an influential player and key actor in the fight against climate change and has in recent years adopted a number of ambitious initiatives. In December 2019, the European Union launched The European Green Deal, with the objective of making Europe a carbon-neutral continent by 2050. In June 2021, the first European Climate Law came into force, which incorporates the goal of a carbon-neutral continent by 2050 into European legislation. This thesis aims to examine to what extent the EU’s new climate policy is based on Green Growth Theory and what consequences this can have for security policy. The core of Green Growth Theory is the belief that economic growth is, or can be made, compatible with the ecology of our planet. However, the Green Growth Theory has been criticized by several researchers for lacking empirical evidence. This thesis finds that the EU’s climate policy is to a large part based on Green Growth Theory. Paradoxically, this causes both security and insecurity for the European Union. Economic and geopolitical security is sustained by continued economic growth creating competitiveness in the global arena. Nevertheless, environmental insecurity is triggered as the new climate policy is based on a theory that lacks empirical evidence, prioritizes economic growth and measures success in measures that disregard a sizeable part of the total emissions.

Ever since its inception, the EU’s main goal has always been to spread its values of democracy and freedom. The EU’s success in spreading these values has been great until recently when some of the member states have gone through an autocratization. The clearest case of this is Hungary, which can no longer be seen as a democracy, due to its autocratization. Seeing as the EU has certain demands in democracy for countries that want to join the EU, it is strange that they let Hungary continue to be a part of the EU.  This paper will examine what the EU has done to hinder Hungary’s autocratization through its normative power. The results show that the EU has penalised Hungary in terms of sanctions and an article-7 procedure. Though, the EU is far away from throwing Hungary out of the EU, mostly because it is near impossible for the EU to exclude Hungary from the EU. The only way that Hungary can leave the EU is by their own choice.

Inom samhällskunskapen i svensk skola ställer sig EU-undervisningen till synes vid sidolinjen. De studier som har gjorts på området visar på att det är ett ämne som få elever eller lärare är särskilt entusiastiska kring. Vidare tyder forskningen på att den undervisning som bedrivs om ämnet sällan är särskilt djupgående. Istället ligger fokus på att ge en mer övergripande och elementär undervisningen om unionen, avgränsat från kunskaper om demokrati och medborgarskap. Syftet med denna litteraturstudie är att undersöka hur upplevelsebaserat lärande kan användas inom EU-undervisning. Den primära frågan uppsatsen ämnar besvara är hur simuleringars potentiella inkludering i EU-undervisning kan se ut och vilka för- och nackdelar denna form av undervisning kan associeras med. Genom analys av tidigare forskning om EU-undervisning och simuleringar har en rad slutsatser kunnat dras. Litteraturstudien visar bland annat att simuleringar kan lämpa sig i undervisningen men att det beror på vad undervisningen ska ha för lärandemål. Simuleringar har bland annat önskvärda effekter såsom ökad motivation och engagemang hos eleverna och en ökad förståelse för det politiska systemet. Simuleringar konkretiserar och förenklar även studieobjektet till en hanterbar nivå vilket tillåter eleverna att enklare hantera ett annars komplext politiskt system.

The introduction of the European union’s pillar of social rights has marked a new chapter in EU social policy. The social policy of the union has been seen to affect the national welfare state of its members causing convergence between member states. Given that welfare politics is a salient issue of the electorate, this thesis aims at finding out what type of welfare regime is most prevalent in EU social pillar policy in order to identify the direction the EU is pushing its member states. By using a content analysis to examine policy initiatives within the scope of the social pillar through the lens of the theoretical framework of Esping-Andersen’s three worlds of welfare regimes, this thesis identifies a considerable prevalence of a social democratic welfare regime. Especially given the sizeable occurrence of universalism and defamiliarization in the analysed material. This shows that policy convergence between the member states will entail a considerable role of the state, universal welfare services and promoting female participation in the labour market.

In the EU proposal for a regulation laying down harmonised rules on artificial intelligence (AIA), article 5.1.a forbids the use of AI systems deploying subliminal techniques. As the meaning of the term subliminal techniques lacks a definition in the proposal, the intended meaning of the phrase requires interpretation to clarify the scope of this prohibition. Using a method based on the legal reasoning of the European Court of Justice, the meaning of the expression subliminal techniques is interpreted based on arguments from a grammatical, contextual, teleological and historical standpoint. After reviewing EU documents concerning the proposal as well as the current versions of AIA, it becomes clear that the intended meaning of subliminal techniques is broader than the ordinary meaning of this phrase. Although subliminal stimuli are generally described as stimuli that are beyond human perception, the presence of a binary threshold of perception is not fully supported by brain imaging research. From the descriptions of subliminal techniques in documents regarding AIA, as well as in formulations present in different versions of the proposal, there is support for interpreting the legislators intent as adhering to this non-binary view of subliminal techniques. Instead of strictly focusing on a perceptual threshold the determination of whether an AI deployed technique is regarded as a subliminal technique focuses on whether the technique in some sense targets human perception, as well as the degree to which this technique infringes on human autonomy.