Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.

This thesis covers the individual work of Michael Chin as part of the sponsored research project funded by the U.S. State Department in support of a computational design of a "Mobile Pit Verification System" (MPVS), a mobile “drive by” passive radiation detection system to be applied in special nuclear materials (SNM) storage facilities for validation and compliance purposes. The MPVS system is intended to enable a comprehensive, rapid verification and validation of stored nuclear weapon core physics packages containing SNM, or so-called “weapon pits,” in weapon materials and stockpile storage facilities. The MPVS platform is designed to move at a constant speed and accumulate a signal for each stored weapon pit container. The gamma detector was selected to be a 4 × 4 × 8 cubic inch CsI detector while the neutron detector array designed for the “Transport Simulation and Validation of a Synthetic Aperture SNM Detection System (“T-SADS”) project was used in conjunction with this work; T-SADS was a 3 year project funded by DOE-NNSA which was completed on May 2013. The computational design effort for this project was completed in April 2013, and leveraged novel computational radiation transport methods, algorithms, and SNM identification methods, including a synthetic aperture collection approach, and a new gamma ratio methodology for distinguishing between naturally occurring radiation materials and weapon class SNM materials. Both forward and adjoint transport methods were utilized to characterize the adjoint reaction rate as a function of inter-source spacing, collimation thickness, linear and angular field of view, source age, source type, source geometry, and mobile platform speed. The integrated count was then compared with background radiation and the associated probabilities of detection and false alarm were then computed. Publications resulting from this research were published in PHYSOR 2012, presented at the 53rd annual Proceedings of the INMM, and at the Mathematics & Computation 2013 Conference.

本論文名稱為「核子武器與國家安全」（以中華民國作個案研究），望文生義，主要 重點乃強調核子武器與國家安全之間的可能關聯。及核子武器所導致各種可能的利與 不利之因素，其中尤為強調嚇阻理論與國家安全的關聯性。同時，並以當前我國的國 家安全處境，作為個案的研究。嘗試分析。評估中華民國如果發展核子武器，對我國 的國家安全的增加，有多少助益，且可能會產生何種不利影響。 全文共分六章，十七節，第一章導論，說明研究的動機與方法。第二章以敘述軍事力 量在國際社會中所扮演的角色為主。第三章則介紹嚇阻理論，及嚇阻所必備的幾項因 素。第四章中華民國的核武選擇，從中共與我國對峙的情形，說明我國是否有發展核 武器的需要。第五章則是從嚇阻的觀點與國家戰略（利益）的角度，評估我國核武器 選擇的各種利弊。第六章結論。

En 1246, Charles d'Anjou, frère du roi de France Louis IX, par son mariage avec l'héritière de Provence, arrive à la tête du comté de Provence, encore terre d'empire. Il est mal accueilli par les Provençaux qui craignent de perdre leur relative indépendance au profit du royaume de France. Charles d'Anjou doit vaincre l'opposition armée des grandes cités de Provence et d'une partie de la noblesse. Après son succès, la paix s'instaure dans le comté. Les Angevins développent pour cela une idéologie reposant sur leur sentiment d'appartenance à une race sacrée remontant aux Carolingiens : ils sont à la tête d'un pays sacré. Ils s'appuient sur l’Église dont ils démontrent être de bon fils. Finalement, la paix s'établit de façon durable dans le comté. / By his marriage withe the heress of Provence, Charles d'Anjou, brother of Louis IX, arrives at the head of the County of Provence.It is unpopular withs his subjects. He must defeat an army revolt of the mains cities and part of the nobility. After his success, the Agevins use an ideological weapon: ths bealong to a sacred race and they govern a sacred land. They base this of the Church. They are good sons of Church. In the end, peace is esthablished permanently in the County of Provence.

The purpose of this study was to gain a greater understanding of potential challenges from a moral stress perspective that Swedish military leaders can face when implementing autonomous weapons systems. Two questions were asked to investigate this: what demands may arise and how can leaders be impacted? The study was conducted as a literature study and data from nine peer reviewed articles and a research report from the Swedish Defense Research Institute were analyzed via thematic analysis. The result seems to show that the lack of control, the lack of trust and difficulty in demanding responsibility from an autonomous weapon system creates moral leadership challenges. Without control over the autonomous weapon system, the consequences of its actions risk going against the leader's moral and this creates problems with how leadership can and should be conducted. The study also seems to show that autonomous weapon systems can lead to a moral impact on leaders, since autonomous weapon systems risk leading to increased distancing and risking contributing to increased violence. Given the moral leadership challenges and the moral influence made visible in this study, there seems to be a great risk of moral stress and even moral injury if autonomous weapon systems are used for actions that go against the leader's morality.

Since the end of World War II the United States has grown and maintained a stockpile of nuclear weapons in the interest of preserving world peace, and with the specific intent to provide unparalleled national security to its citizens. It was a commonly held view during this time that a large diverse stockpile was a fundamental key to national security. However, in today’s ever-changing environment, Los Alamos National Laboratory finds itself with an infrastructure unable to quickly adapt to new national security needs and threats. Burdened by the management of a Cold-War-era stockpile, nuclear operations at Los Alamos will benefit from a reduced stockpile initiative. Contrary to previously held beliefs, Los Alamos can be the prime beneficiary to such an approach, and use such a monumental shift in strategy to modernize infrastructure, revitalize critical staff, and effectively manage critical materials and facilities while simultaneously reducing waste and environmental impacts to better support national security needs. / text

This master thesis deals with the subject of mass graves as a result of war and violence; how, where and why they are created, what they represent and how they are used throughout the Scandinavian Iron Age and Middle Ages. To analyze and discuss these questions, I have used nine case studies as well as several literary sources such as Beowulf, Tacitus and Jordanes. To further increase the depth of this discussion and to help us understand the mass graves themselves, I have also included subject of warfare in the form of a walkthrough of violence and social psychology. Together, these pieces have helped me form the basis for an analysis and discussion of the three acts I have created: The Ingroup act of deposition, The Outgroup act of deposition and the Triumph act of deposition.

We develop solution methods for the air defense problem of a naval task group in this dissertation. We consider two interdependent problems. The first problem is the optimal allocation of a set of defensive missile systems of a naval task group to a set of attacking air targets. We call this problem the Missile Allocation Problem (MAP). The second problem called the Sector Allocation Problem (SAP) is the determination of a robust air defense formation for a naval task group by locating ships in predefined sectors on the surface. For MAP, we present three different mixed integer programming formulations. MAP by its nature requires real time solution. We propose efficient heuristic solution procedures that satisfy the demanding time requirement of MAP. We also develop mathematical programming models for SAP. Proposed branch and bound solution scheme for SAP yields highly satisfactory solutions. We characterize the interaction between MAP and SAP and develop an integrated solution approach.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. / Title from title screen (viewed Apr. 16, 2008). Cites June 2003 GAO report GAO-03-695, "Contractors provide vital services to deployed forces but are not adequately addressed in DoD plans." "June 2005." The original document contains color images. "ADA435597"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-96). Also issued in paper format.

Este trabalho objetiva desenvolver uma análise política da política externa brasileira, especificamente durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando a questão da adesão do Brasil ao Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares - o TNP - suas causas e conseqüências. O tema em questão foi escolhido por sua relevância, levando-se em conta o papel desempenhado pela política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento nacional. No entanto, o Brasil tem enfrentado, desde o começo da década de 1990, novos padrões de relações internacionais. Assim, a abordagem clássica da diplomacia, relacionada com a guerra e a paz, tem crescentemente dado lugar à economia. A opção por um projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento para o país, como resultado do fim da Guerra Fria, levou a mudanças profundas na política externa brasileira. Dessa maneira, a assinatura e ratificação do referido Tratado, entre os anos de 1997 e 1998, caracterizou uma histórica ruptura com a política externa do país nas suas dimensãoes políticas e de segurança.